Dáil Éireann díospóireacht -
Wednesday, 19 Dec 2007

Vol. 644 No. 4

European Council: Statements.

The Taoiseach

Before I speak on the European Council, with your permission, a Cheann Comhairle, I wish you, the Leas-Cheann Comhairle and your staff a happy Christmas. Long-standing Members of the House are aware that the House only functions due to the dedication, commitment and hard work of the many people who work behind the scenes. This is our only opportunity in the year to thank them for that. On behalf of Members on the Government benches, Members of the House and the leaders of other parties, I thank everybody who works with the Ceann Comhairle and the Leas-Cheann Comhairle, and the people who work in the Houses of the Oireachtas, including the ushers, restaurant staff and the gardaí and Army personnel who are based here. We very much appreciate their courtesy, kindness and help throughout the year and the long hours they work. I wish our colleagues in the Press Gallery every seasonal joy. They do a good job reporting proceedings in the House and I hope they, their families and friends have a good Christmas.

Most of all, I wish all Members of this House — Deputy Kenny and his party, Deputy Gilmore and his party, Deputy Ó Caoláin and his party, the Independent Members and all my colleagues — and Members of the Upper House a very happy and peaceful Christmas. I hope they enjoy a good break. Everybody has worked hard in their respective positions in 2007 so I hope they get a rest over the Christmas. It is a time for family and friends.

Deputy Enda Kenny

I concur with the Taoiseach's sentiments. We have had difficulties and arguments in the House over the past few months, but the nature of politics is confrontational. We have a job to do, or try to do, as has the Taoiseach. I wish the Taoiseach, his family, the members of his party and all their families the season's compliments and good health and fortune for 2008. I extend the same wishes to Deputy Gilmore and congratulate him on settling into his role as Leader of the Labour Party. I also extend them to Deputy Ó Caoláin, whose party's numbers are reduced this year, and congratulate him on his recovery to good health. In that context, I hope Deputy Tony Gregory, who is ill at present, will make a full recovery. I wish everybody who serves this House, including the gardaí, ushers and staff who work in the kitchens and elsewhere, well.

I save my words about the Ceann Comhairle for last. I compliment him on the way he has blossomed into his role.

Deputy Joe Costello

A rose by any other name.

Deputy Enda Kenny

Like the orchid that was created for the Taoiseach, he has grown into his role. As a Deputy of long service, since the first time he sat in the Chair, from which he emerged faster than Carl Lewis ever left the blocks, he has shown an ability to understand the frustrations and difficulties experienced by Members. I wish him well in his endeavours in the area of Dáil reform so that we can make this House and its politics more relevant to the people of this country long after everybody who is currently serving has departed. The platforms we build now will have to cater for the generations that follow. Ba mhaith mo bhuíochas a ghlacadh leat, a Cheann Comhairle, agus guím rath Dé ar do chuid oibre. Nollaig shona do gach éinne ó gach páirtí — Baill den Fhreasúra agus Baill den Rialtas — agus iad siúd atá ag obair sa Teach.

Deputy Eamon Gilmore

I return the season's compliments to the Taoiseach and the members of the Government parties. The nature of what we do in this Chamber is, as Deputy Kenny pointed out, political combat. As Don Corleone famously said, it is not personal, it is just business.

Deputy Enda Kenny

The Deputy said that like a good fella.

Deputy Eamon Gilmore

I wish the Taoiseach and the Government a very happy and peaceful Christmas. I extend the season's greetings to Deputy Kenny and the Fine Gael Party, Deputy Ó Caoláin and the Sinn Féin Party, and the Independent Deputies. I join Deputy Kenny in sending to Deputy Gregory our good wishes and hopes of a speedy recovery.

I wish the Ceann Comhairle and the Leas-Cheann Comhairle the best for Christmas. I agree with Deputy Kenny that we are entering the Christmas recess without rancour. There is a sense of goodwill around the House which I do not doubt is due to the calming influence of the Ceann Comhairle on our proceedings. Long may that continue.

I especially express my appreciation to the staff of the Houses. I wish them a happy Christmas. We are able to do our work because of the dedication, courtesy, friendship and help shown by staff at all levels, including senior officials who help and administer the House, the restaurant staff, ushers and members of the Garda and the Defence Forces. I also wish a happy Christmas to the members of the press who cover our work. Given the long rest ahead of us, I do not doubt we will return at the end of January recovered and ready for battle.

Deputy Caoimhghín Ó Caoláin

I join colleagues in extending the greetings of the season to all Members of the Dáil and the Seanad. I extend Christmas greetings to the Taoiseach, his colleagues in Government, the component parties and Independent members of the Government.

I extend the season's greetings to Deputy Kenny and the Fine Gael Party. I hope I did not note any glee on the part of Deputy Kenny in mentioning that we have depleted numbers on this occasion. It is something with which I and my colleagues are coping remarkably well and I am confident it is only a temporary inconvenience. I extend greetings of the season to Deputy Gilmore and the members of the Labour Party and to the Independent Deputies. I join in the good wishes to Deputy Tony Gregory and wish him a speedy return to full health.

I also extend greetings of this special season to the Superintendent, Paul Conway, the Clerk of the Dáil, Kieran Coughlan, and their respective staffs at all levels throughout this institution. I concur with the remarks about the great assistance and support given by all who serve within this institution. It is the unsung aspect of what happens on this site for those of us who are in the public eye and those who are not. The latter make a huge contribution. It is appropriate, then, that I extend my greetings not only to elected Members but to the support staff of the elected Members of all parties, who are the basis of much of the work done for which we are only the public wrapping.

I extend good wishes to the members of the press. Although they are not in the Press Gallery at present, I am sure they are listening. To those who give Sinn Féin fair play, to those who mention us occasionally and to those who ignore us habitually, I extend good wishes and hope they will all employ fair play in 2008. Nollaig shona dhíobh uilig.

An Ceann Comhairle

On my behalf and on behalf of the Leas-Cheann Comhairle I extend best wishes for Christmas and the new year to the Taoiseach and Deputies Kenny, Gilmore and Ó Caoláin. I thank them sincerely for their co-operation throughout the year. I also take this opportunity to extend our best wishes to our parliamentary colleagues. I am aware of how hard Members of this House work, when the House is sitting and when it is not. I hope they get the opportunity to enjoy Christmas with their families and, in that context, I extend my best wishes to all who are dear to them.

I extend the same sentiments to the Clerk of the Dáil and all the staff, without exception, of the House of the Oireachtas. We do not often get an opportunity to acknowledge how much they do so I thank each and every one of them for their unfailing courtesy and the professional commitment they have shown throughout the year. I sincerely thank the members of the media and the political correspondents who report for newspapers, radio and television. They have an important role to play in the interest of democracy by informing the wider public on the Parliament and how it works. I acknowledge the hard work of the security forces in the House in ensuring everything runs smoothly.

I do not know whether I have proven the old Irish adage "Tús maith, leath na hoibre", but I am grateful to Deputies for their kind sentiments. Guím Nollaig shona agus athbhliain faoi mhaise oraibh go léir.

The Taoiseach

Before turning to the European Council, I wish to inform the House that I attended the formal ceremony to sign the reform treaty in Lisbon on 13 December. I was accompanied by the Minister for Foreign Affairs, Deputy Dermot Ahern, and the Minister of State with responsibility for European affairs, Deputy Roche. The Minister and I signed the treaty on behalf of Ireland.

The signing of the treaty is an important stage in ensuring that our Union focuses on the real challenges confronting us. The treaty is designed to equip the Union to manage 21st century challenges which are increasingly global in nature, such as globalisation, climate change, energy supply and cross-border crime. At the same time, it rationalises the EU's institutional framework so that it functions in a fair, efficient and effective manner. It also brings into force the Charter of Fundamental Rights to reflect the Union's values and underpin the rights of individuals across the Union. The intention is for the treaty to be ratified by all member states so that it can enter into force on 1 January 2009.

Consequently, as Members are aware, the treaty will be put to the people in a referendum next year.

I wish to repeat my welcome for the Opposition's willingness to work together with the Government towards the treaty's ratification. In that vein, I look forward to discussing the referendum with the leaders of the Opposition shortly. I know that the Minister for Foreign Affairs, Deputy Dermot Ahern, and the Minister of State at the Department of Foreign Affairs, Deputy Dick Roche, have already met some of them in this regard.

I attended the European Council in Brussels on 14 December, again accompanied by the Minister for Foreign Affairs, Deputy Dermot Ahern, and the Minister of State at the Department of Foreign Affairs, Deputy Dick Roche. On this occasion, the Council was also joined for a short period by representatives of the social partners to discuss the social agenda and social partnership at EU level. As is normal, we had an exchange of views with the President of the European Parliament, Hans-Gert Pöttering who stressed the importance of the EU reform treaty for Europe. President Pöttering is of the view that the European Parliament is a big winner in the EU reform treaty, principally because of the extension of co-decision.

We received a presentation from the Commission President, José Manuel Barroso, on the issue of migration, following the recent publication of the Commission's communication on immigration, Towards a Common Migration Policy. This is primarily concerned with migration from outside the European Union. While most of the recent immigration to Ireland has been from within the European Union following the enlargement from 15 member states to 27, the Government also is highly interested in the question of migration from further afield.

In his intervention, President Barroso stressed the need for member states to work together to deal with migration flows, which are likely to increase in coming years and which are of significant concern to citizens. He stated that migration can contribute to offsetting some of the consequences of Europe's population aging and stressed the need for consistency between policy areas such as employment, social security, social housing and housing policy in general. His general message on migration was that the issues are too important to be neglected. The Council welcomed the historic enlargement of the Schengen area to include nine new member states. From Friday, internal borders, with the exception of air travel, will be lifted for the nine new members. Moreover, the air borders will be lifted at the end of March.

The Council adopted a lengthy series of conclusions on freedom, security and justice, economic, social and environmental issues, as well as external relations. We noted developments on migration, strengthening police and judicial co-operation and improving civil law co-operation. The Council welcomed the recent presentation by the Commission of its Single Market review. A well functioning Single Market is hugely important to an open economy such as Ireland's. The Commission's review has identified a number of possible initiatives to improve the functioning of the market. Much of the work arising from the review will be addressed in greater detail in the lead-up to the European Council next spring.

The Council also welcomed the Commission's report on the renewed Lisbon strategy for growth and jobs. The Lisbon strategy now is generally accepted to be delivering more effectively as the European economies do better. The next phase of the Lisbon strategy also is likely to be discussed in more detail in spring.

Within the general area of competitiveness, the Council noted two developments that merit particular mention in the House. After difficult negotiations, agreement has been reached on the Galileo project, which is intended to deliver a global satellite navigation infrastructure by 2013. The Council welcomed the setting up of the European Institute of Innovation and Technology, which should improve our return on research expenditure.

While the European Council was meeting in Brussels, the extremely important negotiations in Bali were in progress. Appropriately, the Council took the opportunity of underlining again the urgent need for a global, comprehensive and effective post-Kyoto agreement by 2009. Since then, agreement has been reached at Bali. The agreement has been welcomed by the Minister for the Environment, Heritage and Local Government, Deputy John Gormley, as a major step towards an international deal on tackling climate change. I also welcome the agreement reached and in particular the recognition that all countries must play a role in tackling climate change. Climate change is an immense challenge for the world and I am pleased that Europe has been leading the efforts to secure a global agreement.

Together with climate change, globalisation is throwing up some of the most important challenges and opportunities of this century. The Council adopted a declaration on globalisation that highlighted the need for the Union to work for an equitable and sustainable framework for the distribution of the benefits of globalisation. The declaration emphasised a number of important themes, including the delivery of the Lisbon strategy, fulfilling the Union's commitments on climate change and energy, improved operation of the financial markets, trade liberalisation and intellectual property protection, taking responsibility for global security and stability, migration policy and development, which includes Europe's commitments under the millennium development goals.

Overall, the declaration takes a balanced and positive approach to globalisation, which is welcome. One is confronted too often with the negative consequences of globalisation without acknowledgement of the many potential benefits and opportunities that arise, such as job creation and foreign direct investment.

On this occasion, the Council devoted a large proportion of its time to consideration of external relations issues. While there was some discussion of Iran, most of the focus was on Kosovo and consequently, also on Serbia. At Ireland's initiative, the Council also highlighted the issue of Burma where the situation continues to be very serious. There is a continuing need to remind the Burmese military regime that the international community is engaged actively on this issue.

As for Kosovo, we discussed the report from the Contact Group troika on the conclusion and failure of the Kosovo status talks. The European Council thanked the troika for its efforts and regretted that the parties had not been able to find agreement on a common way forward. The issue will now revert to the UN, where it will be discussed by the UN Security Council, beginning on 19 December. The Council considered the position to be adopted by the EU and underlined the need to move forward towards a Kosovo settlement, which is required for regional stability.

There was strong emphasis on the importance of a unified European Union approach and for the European Union to make clear its willingness to take the lead internationally in helping to manage and resolve this European problem, including by means of the planned European Security and Defence Policy, ESDP, rule of law mission and a contribution to an international civilian office as part of the future international presence in Kosovo. Ireland is ready to play its part and remains committed to playing an active and positive role, including through its substantial commitment to the KFOR military presence, as well as participation by the Garda in the planned ESDP mission.

The European Council agreed to establish a reflection group to reflect on the future of the EU over the period 15 to 20 years ahead, that is, from 2020 to 2030. The group will not deal with institutional issues or cut across the EU reform treaty in any way. The Government believes the group can make a useful contribution to ensuring the turning of our minds to emerging challenges and opportunities in good time and in that sense ensure that we prepare earlier for them. Under the Presidency's guidance, the Council agreed to nominate former Spanish Prime Minister, Felipe Gonzalez, to chair the group and nominated two vice-chairs, namely, the former Latvian President Vike-Freiberga and Jorma Ollila, the chairman of Nokia.

The Government has suggested Mr. Pat Cox as someone who is excellently suited to the work of the group. While it is likely to be some time before the group's membership is finalised, I of course would be pleased were he to feature among the eventual members. The remaining membership of the group is not expected to be finalised until well into 2008 and it will report by the end of 2010.

The Council conducted its business efficiently. There is a very clear sense now that the signature of the EU reform treaty will allow Europe to move on from a long internal discussion to concentrate on meeting the real and developing challenges in a fast changing world, including migration, international crime and trafficking, climate change, energy security, international trade, development issues and issues of peace and stability.

As the European Council concluded last Friday, ratification of the EU reform treaty will put an end to institutional reform for the foreseeable future. The focus now in that regard will be for each member state to get on with the process of ratification according to its domestic procedures. I note that Hungary has already ratified the treaty. In Ireland, an extensive information campaign on the detail and implications of the treaty will be rolled out in the coming months. I look forward to engaging with the public when they are given the opportunity to consider the EU reform treaty next year. Its approval will be in the interests of the public, Ireland and Europe.

Deputy Enda Kenny

I wish to share my time with Deputies Timmins and Durkan.

An Ceann Comhairle

Is that agreed? Agreed.

Deputy Enda Kenny

This single greatest challenge facing Ireland next year is that in many ways, the future of 500 million people will depend on a decision by the Irish people. From my perspective, it is absolutely imperative that those Members who support this treaty will ensure that the people are given the best level of information that they understand in order that they can make that decision. I wish well in his endeavours the Minister of State at the Department of Foreign Affairs, Deputy Dick Roche. Fine Gael will support strongly the EU reform treaty and will campaign publicly on it.

I note that Hungary has ratified the treaty. I met Prime Minister Tusk of Poland, who has brought a completely changed attitude towards the European Union since his election. He made it very clear at the European People's Party group meeting that in future Poland will be in the progressive mould for the development of Europe. I recognise that the signing of the treaty last week in Lisbon is a very important milestone and I regret that Prime Minister Brown was not on time. At the EPP meeting, somebody asked what had happened to British punctuality. Perhaps it suffers from globalisation but I am not sure. In any event, the lack of punctuality only reinforces the view that Britain only wants to be a sideline member of a Union that will be so important in the times ahead.

International relations regarding Kosovo will be absolutely critical. It is important to be wise about these matters and doing nothing is not wise. We must wait to see whether proceeding as proposed is wise but it appears from my reflections on dealing with interested parties that the Serbs will under no circumstances accept a diktat like the one proposed. Nobody wants to see Serbia annexed to Russia. The leadership of the European Union must make it perfectly clear that EU assistance for the Serbian people in the event of a declaration of independence for Kosovo will be mainstreamed rapidly. Otherwise other countries in the region will regard the development as a precedent for similar declarations. If the Helsinki Accord is breached and borders are changed without consent, it will cause quite a problem.

It is necessary to consider the circumstances in which we will find ourselves in the coming years. The European Council has reflected on certain issues in this regard and four of them are fundamental. Competitiveness in the global economy is one. China and India are likely to account for 50% of the world's GDP by 2060. This is an enormous proportion. The two countries accounted for the same proportion in 1820. When one considers the scale of the challenge that faces all other countries in the face of this phenomenal rise, Europe, with its 500 million people, must get its act together. This means moving to the forefront of technological development.

Demography and immigration are the next serious problems. The world has a birth rate of 21 per 1,000 of the population and the United States has a rate of 14 per 1,000. In Europe there are ten per 1,000. Increasing the European rate from ten per 1,000 to 11 per 1,000 will at least stabilise the European population. If we do not do so, we will face very serious levels of immigration. EPP leaders are stating no country on its own could withstand the pressure if the population of Africa doubled in the next 25 years and 10% of the young males decided to emigrate. There needs to be a well-thought out European response that is fair on individual nations and immigrants.

The issues of terrorism and security also arise. Terrorists are now being recruited through cyber-mobilisation. The Government is conscious of this and I hope it will deal with it.

Energy and the environment comprise another issue that must be borne in mind. I commend the Government on creating an Oireachtas Committee on Climate Change and Energy Security. It is important and we could lead by example in this regard. The Chairman of the committee, Deputy Barrett, stated every Department should be able to set out its programme of work for playing our part in reducing carbon dioxide emissions. This is fundamental to demonstrating that one can lead from the front and that, as a small country, we have a genuine opportunity to make a real impact.

The reform treaty has now been signed and it behoves us to have it ratified by the public. For our part, we will contribute in any way we can to ensuring the people are given as much information as possible to allow them to make their decision, which I hope will be positive.

Deputy Billy Timmins

It is important to remember the origins of the reform treaty. The process began some years ago with the Convention on the Future of Europe. Deputies Roche, Bruton and Gormley participated and the proceedings lasted a long time. The convention took on board the views of many people before it formulated its proposal for the EU constitution, which ultimately evolved into the reform treaty. Like Deputy Kenny, I welcome the reform treaty's ratification by Hungary.

It is good that Ireland is to have a referendum. There will certainly be considerable focus on us. The former Latvian President, Dr. Vaira Vike-Freiberga, was speaking at the National Forum on Europe last week and mentioned how Latvia has adopted a very pragmatic approach. The treaty is not having a negative impact in that country and is regarded as necessary to making the institutions of the European Union more efficient.

One downside of the welcome referendum in Ireland is that there will be a very strong "No" campaign by people who always begin by advocating openness and truthfulness and talking about deals behind closed doors but then proceed to circulate misinformation left, right and centre. I find it slightly amusing that they always use the preamble that Ireland has not done too badly out of Europe but that the forthcoming treaty is the one that will finish it off. The same rhetoric is trotted out each time. It is stated we lost our sovereignty in 1973, and again after the Maastricht and Nice treaties, and that we are now to lose it again. It is quite amazing how they air these views, often unchallenged by sections of the media. As well as analysing what the proponents of the treaty stand for, it is important to analyse what those against it stand for and their various supporting arguments over recent years.

I agree with most commentators that the reform treaty document is very bulky. It is divided into several parts. The Preamble and Article 1 deal with the changes to the Treaty on European Union and Article 2 deals with changes to the treaty establishing the European Community. These are accompanied by final provisions, protocols and the declarations. I was going to bring the document to the Chamber but it was almost too heavy to carry. Had I known Deputy Durkan was coming, I would have got him to carry it down. He is a strong man from the west of Ireland and has picked potatoes and all that goes with it.

It is very important that the document be user-friendly. The Government is considering addressing this. We have covered many of the provisions of the reform treaty, including the concept of the President of the European Council and the troika of countries operating together for the various defined periods. Continuity is certainly needed. The difficulty with the European Presidency is that each country that has held it has had its own agenda. Very often they made changes and veered in a certain direction. There will now be a little more continuity.

One area that will probably cause difficulty is the establishment of a High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy. Declaration 13 deals with this issue. It is important to read it into the record because the opponents of the treaty will try to dress it up in acrid colours:

The Conference underlines that the provisions in the Treaty on European Union covering the Common Foreign and Security Policy, including the creation of the office of High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy and the establishment of an External Action Service, do not affect the responsibilities of the Member States, as they currently exist, for the formulation and conduct of their foreign policy nor of their national representation in third countries and international organisations.

The Conference also recalls that the provisions governing the Common Security and Defence Policy do not prejudice the specific character of the security and defence policy of the Member States.

It stresses that the EU and its Member States will remain bound by the provisions of the Charter of the United Nations and, in particular, by the primary responsibility of the Security Council and of its Members for the maintenance of international peace and security.

This sets out the position on the issue very clearly. There is also a role for national parliaments in this regard. The scrutiny period recommended in the proposed constitution was for six weeks, but the reform treaty has extended this to eight weeks, which is welcome. If the national parliament votes on an issue, a quarter of all members is needed for freedom, security and justice issues and a third is needed for other issues to refer the issue back to the EU, which must give a reasoned opinion if it decides that it will not change its policy. For the first time ever, there is a correct procedure laid out on how a country may opt out of the EU if it so wishes. Double majority voting will also make things clearer.

I am sure that members of the Government are familiar with the recent EU barometer, which stated that 57% of the population distrusts the Government, whereas only 23% distrusts the Union, which is an interesting statistic. Support for the EU is at a high at 74% and there is recognition by 87% that we have benefitted from Europe in the past. However, there is a concern among six out of ten people that their voice is not heard in Europe. That is not strictly true, but the perception is out there. It is based on the gap between Europe and the public, and is something we must work on. That is why the Forum on Europe was set up, as well as the European affairs committee. The forum is doing a very extensive tour of the country to bring the message of what the reform treaty is about in a non-partisan manner. I encourage people to try to visit that forum.

The Minister of State, Deputy Roche, alluded this week to the tendency of everyone in this country to blame Brussels. The national Parliament blames Brussels, while local authorities blame the Government. We are always blaming somebody, but the buck stops somewhere. We can always say "No".

Deputy Kenny spoke about Kosovo. By the time the Dáil returns in the new year, I feel this issue will have evolved. There will almost certainly be a declaration of independence. The north-western section of Kosovo, which is dominated by Serbians, may look to secede to Serbia. We must be very conscious of the desire of Serbia not to see an independent Kosovo, notwithstanding the fact that the situation cannot stay as it is. There is the potential——

Acting Chairman (Deputy Seamus Kirk)

Does the Deputy intend to share time with Deputy Durkan?

Deputy Billy Timmins

I do. What have I left?

Acting Chairman

You have just about one minute.

Deputy Billy Timmins

I will conclude with that.

Deputy Bernard J. Durkan

I welcome the signing of the agreement. I hope that we, as an integral part of the EU, can give our imprimatur when the referendum is called. I hope that the naysayers will not get a disproportionate amount of time and accommodation from everybody. There seems to be a notion developing that everybody who says “No” should get more time and have greater credence attributed to them. I hope that will not be the case.

Deputy Timmins referred to the notion of blaming Europe for everything that goes wrong. When negotiating in the Council or in the Commission, we are in charge of our destiny. There is no sense in blaming everybody else. We go in there open handed, with no restrictions. We can negotiate as it suits ourselves, albeit with the agreement of the rest. To opt out from that is to do no justice to ourselves or to anybody else. I am sick and tired of listening to people complaining about the treachery of the fisheries policy and the agricultural policy. That is a matter for ourselves and we can adjust it ourselves. We go into negotiations and we are responsible for them.

As Chairman of the Joint Committee on European Affairs, I and my colleagues will be making a constructive effort in the course of the referendum that will take place and we hope that it will be a vehicle whereby the Minister, his officials and the country benefit from the debate that follows.

Deputy Joe Costello

I welcome the opportunity to speak on the EU Council meeting in Brussels. It was quite a busy weekend, as the EU institutions came together on 12 December to proclaim the Charter of Fundamental Rights. That is a very important body of rights and is incorporated in the reform treaty. It is unfortunate that Britain has chosen to opt out from the legally binding charter, but it is extremely important that we have opted in and that it is part of what we will be voting for in the referendum. This was followed by the signing of the treaty on 13 December and the Council meeting on 14 December.

The reform treaty was the major issue addressed by the Heads of Government in Lisbon and in Brussels. My party will be strongly supporting the referendum that will take place in 2008. We will certainly be doing our best for a "Yes" vote on the treaty. It was good to see in the European poll in today's newspapers that at least 87% of people in Ireland are well disposed to Europe and that they feel that Ireland has benefitted from the EU. Nevertheless, there was a sizeable minority who felt that Ireland had very little say in decisions being made in Brussels. That is the major downside of the equation. It seems to be a stubborn issue that in spite of all the talk of eliminating the democratic deficit and making Europe more accountable, establishing the Forum on Europe, the Joint Committee on EU Scrutiny and the Joint Committee on European Affairs, the citizens of this country are still not convinced that Europe is close to them. That is the challenge that could become an issue at the heart of the referendum debate. How do we convince people that not only can they see benefits, but they are also participants in the manner in which these benefits come about and that they have a major say in decision making? The treaty has considerable provisions that will advance that situation.

The Lisbon treaty provides the EU with a stable and lasting institutional framework, so that the Union will be able to concentrate fully on addressing the concrete challenges ahead, including globalisation and climate change. These are the major issues of the day and the Heads of Government were strong in their espousal of the position on globalisation. A fine document was produced on climate change, humanitarian aid and so on. We will be thrashing out all of these issues over the next few months.

The Taoiseach also said he would be inviting the German Chancellor, Ms Angela Merkel to Ireland during the course of the referendum and that she had already accepted the invitation. He also said he would be inviting the French President, Mr. Nicolas Sarkozy, to come to Ireland. We have already heard on the grapevine that Mr. Le Pen is likely to come here as well. An organisation has been established on the "No" side called Libertas, which will fight the treaty. In a recent press conference, members of this organisation stated that the Minister for Foreign Affairs had signed a blank cheque when signing the reform treaty. These are the types of situations that will arise and the conflicting forces on either side. It would be useful to get a clear idea as quickly as possible on when the referendum will take place, whether it will be accompanied by a referendum on children, when the enabling legislation is likely to come before the House, when the referendum commission is likely to be established and when documentation is likely to be distributed throughout the country. This information should be made publicly available as quickly as possible.

One of the major areas addressed by the European Council was that of freedom, security and justice, and I was impressed by the issues raised. The European Council welcomed the enlargement of the Schengen area to include the new member states and the abolition of the border controls. It also welcomed the establishment of the annual European day against the death penalty on 10 October. That is welcome, considering we had problems with Poland, which have been eliminated. It will be auspicious to have an annual death penalty abolition day. The major area addressed under this heading was the emphasis on the importance of developing as quickly as possible a comprehensive European migration policy and a common immigration policy by 2008 and the need for progress on a common European asylum system for implementation in 2010. These issues are of major concern to Ireland, as well as to all the other countries in Europe.

Yesterday I received some replies to parliamentary questions on asylum seekers from the Minister for Justice, Equality and Law Reform. On the day we signed the European reform treaty 6,636 asylum seekers were in direct provision accommodation in Ireland receiving a miserable €19.10 per week stipend and waiting for their applications to be processed. Some 2,990 of those, 45% of the total, have been asylum seekers for a minimum of 12 months. The application procedures are too long and cumbersome in Ireland. It is hoped that with an EU-wide approach the information will be more available and streamlined and that we can speed up the process of dealing with the cases. If we adopt an EU-wide approach and a common European asylum system, we must be careful to conform to the international conventions and law and ensure the system is not reduced to being a response to the pressing needs of the most hard-pressed member states. We have seen some of that in the recent past.

Ireland needs to establish the link between migration, immigration and asylum seeking and overseas development policies. That area should be emphasised. It is disturbing that the Irish Government distanced itself from proposals on sanctions against employers of illegally staying Third World nationals. I would have thought we would be to the forefront of pursuing anybody who breaks the law by employing people whom they are not entitled to employ. We should be prepared to go ahead with the European position on this issue, but we have not been.

My main concern is on the opt-out clauses. In today's The Irish Times Mr. Jamie Smyth wrote that the opt-out ruling will erode Irish influence on EU justice and border laws. That affects the entire Schengen area, as presented in the decision by the European Court of Justice when the British Government in particular, without opting into the full Schengen system, sought to have a say in the establishment of standards and the drafting of regulations on security features and biometrics in passports. Because we are not party to the Schengen Agreement, will we find ourselves without a role, or with only a discretionary role in any of the legislative proposals on border control, police co-operation and cross-border crime, including all the important police and judicial activity on that?

We need urgent clarification on this from the Government. New asylum seeking and migration policies were decided with great alacrity on 14 December by the Heads of State and will become part of a uniform European approach, which will ensure some badly needed cohesion on the issue. Will we be in difficulties in terms of input because we are not sure if we will be part of the end product of the proposals that will be drawn up? Will input into the drafting process be denied to us? This is a major issue that needs clarification as quickly as possible.

Many concerns were expressed that Eurojust and Europol are not operating effectively. Heads of State felt Europol should be established on a more effective basis by the middle of 2008. It has always been my concern that while we pay lip service to police co-operation and all the police forces do, in practice it is not as effective as it should be. We have put in place the European arrest warrant to enable a more holistic approach to dealing with criminals crossing borders. However, we do not exercise the powers we have. Until we exercise those powers regarding other countries and have Europe-wide co-operation in doing so, I am not sure we will make much progress in dealing with the major issues that affect us, namely, guns and drugs that are imported and exported in Europe.

On the economic, social and environmental issues, again the European Council spoke about progress on the Lisbon strategy for growth and jobs and the new three-year cycle. However, in practice Europe seems to have been lagging the Lisbon Agenda across the board compared with the new superpowers, China and India, and the United States. In the key areas of job creation and research and development, Europe is behind, as is Ireland. We have not met our targets. While Ireland's assessment report is generally good on a number of issues related to education, research and innovation, we are far behind in these key areas that are central to building the economies of the future.

Issues such as agency workers must be sorted. We have taken a poor position on that, denying rights to which agency workers should be entitled, and therefore we cannot get a European directive on the issue. Tax harmonisation must be clarified. Some good work has been done by the Minister for Agriculture, Fisheries and Food on Brazilian beef and Europe is taking up a position, which it should have done before. The UN Millennium Declaration on globalisation, to my mind, is a fine holistic document. It gives a very good overview on how globaiisation can have a human face in terms of progress and as regards retaining the social and human agenda, all the time. I hope we have the reform treaty before us in the not too distant future and that there will be a "Yes" vote.

Deputy Aengus Ó Snodaigh

Tá mé an-bhuíoch as ucht deis a bheith agam labhairt ar na ráitis maidir leis an gComhairle Eorpach. Ar dtús báire by mhaith liom a rá nár aontaigh mé leis an dTaoiseach nuair a dúirt sé gur fháiltigh sé go raibh an Freasúra chun obair le chéile chun an conradh seo a glacadh. Mar cuid den Freasúra, níl muidne i bhfábhar an conradh seo, ní bheidh muid ag obair leis an Rialtas agus táimid chun cur ina gcoinne go tréan. An tseachtain seo caite ag an gComhairle Eorpach san bPortaingéal, shínigh cinnirí ón Aontas Eorpach an chonradh Lisbóin. Níl aon pioc difriúil idir é seo agus an bhunreacht a dhiúltaigh pobail na Fraince agus na hÍsiltíre dhá bliain ó shin. Ba chóir go mbeimid ag meabhrú arís agus arís eile ar an "gcon-trick" siúd laistigh den Chomhairle Eorpach agus an gComisiún atá a tharraingt ar phobal na hÉireann agus ar phobal an Aontais Eorpaigh.

Is trua gur in Éirinn amháin a mbeidh reifreann agus is léiriú é sin ar an eagla atá ag cinnirí na dtíortha eile san Aontas Eorpach roimh an dteist daonlathach. Ba chóir go mbeadh sé seo curtha os comhair an phobail, gur féidir le pobail na tíortha eile ráiteas eigin a dhéanamh — go nglacfaidh siad leis, nó nach nglacfaidh.

The Lisbon treaty is not in Ireland's interests. It involves a massive transfer of power to the EU. It significantly accelerates the militarisation of the EU and advances an economic agenda based on the race to the bottom for wages and workers' rights. No amount of bluster from the Government benches will disguise the enormity of what is at stake when the people cast their votes next year in the referendum.

Proponents of the Lisbon treaty are already relying on tired old tactics, scaremongering on how other EU states will react if we reject this undemocratic treaty. They have failed so far to engage in serious debate. The public squabbling between the Minister for Education and Science, Deputy Mary Hanafin, and the Minister of State at the Department of Foreign Affairs, Deputy Dick Roche, this week about water charges shows how little they understand about the consequences of the decisions taken at EU level. It shows how little they understand about the consequences of previous treaties, to which they encouraged, or berated, as in the case of the Nice treaty, the public to sign up in the past. It is not good enough for the Government to be yes-men and women and to allow other EU leaders to dictate what happens in this country. That is what is happening with this treaty.

I notice the Taoiseach has invited the German Chancellor and the President of the European Commission to give him a dig-out on the referendum. I should like the Taoiseach to give a message to the Presidents, Prime Ministers and Chancellors who signed up to this treaty to the effect that if they want to be involved in referendums, they should organise one in their individual jurisdictions. If not, they should let the Irish people get on with their debate and decide for themselves as a sovereign people. The need for Ireland to have its place at the EU table is obvious. Many benefits have come about from membership of the EU. Sinn Féin has supported EU measures that are in Ireland's interests, such as agriculture, the environment and equality. We welcome, as we did in the past, EU support for the peace process and for the development of infrastructure on this island.

However, everything has not been good and the relationship has not always benefited the Irish people. The debate during the past week illustrates this to some extent, with the obligation on schools to allocate scarce resources to the payment of water bills, and this is not good. The sacking of Irish Ferries workers was not good, the inability of the Government to deal with the problem of Brazilian beef not good, neither was the shutting down of the Irish sugar beet industry. The privatisation of Telecom Éireann and Aer Lingus was not good. The proposal to liberalise the postal service is not good, the engagement of Irish troops in EU battle groups is not good and the proposed economic partnership agreements with developing countries are not good. Fortunately, African leaders told their EU counterparts as much, during the recent EU-Africa summit. The financial incentives to EU companies to relocate to low-wage low-cost economies outside the Common Market is not good, and is definitely of no use to the Irish economy for the future.

Tá an liathróid in ár gcúirt san gcás seo agus má ligeann muidne don chonradh Lisbóin rith, beidh níos mó de na fadhbanna atá léirithe agam ag teacht amach anseo. Tá na hathruithe is substaintiúla do na hinstitiúidí agus na bealaíreachtúla agus bealaí gnó den Aontas Eorpach laistigh de chonradh Lisbóin. Tá an aistriú is mó do cumhachtaí na baill stáit ins an gComhairle Eorpach go dtí seo ann chomh maith, agus by chóir go mbeimid ag cur ina choinne dá réir.

Despite claims of making the EU more democratic and more efficient, the Lisbon treaty will move political power further away from ordinary citizens, offering only cosmetic increases in powers to parliaments in member states and to the European Parliament. One of the most dramatic consequences will be that the EU will become a single legal entity for the first time. This means that it will be able to act in the international arena in the same way as a state. It will be entitled to a seat at the United Nations, to incorporate existing international treaties and statutes into its law, to negotiate treaties and trade agreements directly with other states, to form a diplomatic corps, appoint a public prosecutor and, through the new posts of president of the EU and high representative for foreign affairs and security policy, to speak on the international stage on behalf of all 27 member states.

As an Irish republican who supports neutrality and Ireland's long history of peacekeeping on the international stage, I fundamentally oppose such a move. The State should not be dragged into the resource wars of the 21st century. I do not see how a single entity, a high representative of foreign affairs and security policy, can represent imperialistic militaristic interests and the interests of a neutral State such as ours. It cannot and will not.

Ní féidir an dá thrá a fhreastal agus ar a laghad, léirigh Fine Gael go bhfuil siadsan sásta seasamh suas agus a léiriú go bhfuil siad ag fáil réidh leis an neodracht. Níl an Rialtas seo sásta é sin a rá lom amach, agus ba chóir go mbeadh sé de misneach acu é sin a rá agus a thabhairt le fios don phobal nuair a mbíonn daoine ag caitheamh a gcuid vótaí.

As I said, the Lisbon treaty involves a substantial transfer of powers from member states to the Union, but it is worth noting that not a single power has been returned to member states. To make matters worse, the composition of the European Commission will change, removing member states' automatic entitlement to a seat at the Commission table and changing the procedures that will see their voting powers halved. The Lisbon treaty gives 105 new competencies to the European Union and a further 58 areas which will move from consensus decision-making at the European Council to majority voting. Among the areas where the EU will have control are immigration, Structural Funds, judicial and police co-operation, economic policy, guidelines for eurozone members and initiatives of the new Foreign Minister. Major concerns are raised about the scale and range of this proposed transfer of power.

In order to make a comparison, let us examine previous treaties. The Treaty of Nice included a loss of veto in 46 areas, in the Amsterdam treaty it was 24 areas, the Maastricht treaty had 30 areas and the Single European Act had 12 areas. The original Treaty of Rome, the EU's foundation treaty, only contained a transfer in 38 areas. Possibly more significant and troubling than the large-scale transfer of powers is the inclusion of eight passerelle clauses in the Lisbon treaty. These clauses represent one of the most undemocratic elements of the treaty and will allow for decision making in the council to be altered from unanimity to qualified majority voting in matters such as common foreign and security policy and judicial co-operation in criminal matters without recourse to parliaments and referenda.

The referendum next year could be our last chance to vote on the direction of the European Union. This is extremely worrying considering the European Commission does not hide its ambition to control matters relating to corporation tax and many other issues. Powers contained in both the Nice and Lisbon treaties could assist it to do so and the weakening of our influence as a result of this treaty would make it even more difficult for any future Government to resist it, if it wished to do so.

So far, the Government has failed miserably in any attempt to ensure Ireland's interests are best represented in Europe, as can be seen by the debacle of schools' water charges. Perhaps President Barroso would like to campaign on the issues mentioned when he comes here to tell us we should vote in favour of the treaty.

While parliaments in member states are to be given new powers, these are extremely limited and insignificant in comparison with the powers transferred to the European Council and Commission. The European Parliament will not have the power to initiate legislation nor to amend it. Instead what is proposed is what is deceptively called co-decision. This is a cumbersome and lengthy procedure of bargaining between the European Parliament, the Commission and the Council and is unlikely to have any serious impact.

The first way for parliaments and member states to intervene is through the yellow card procedure. In this case, one third of parliaments in member states must reject the proposal to get the Commission to reconsider its position. However, the Commission does not have to take this advice. It can take whatever decision it wants.

The second procedure is even more complicated and will require a majority of parliaments in the member states to object to a legislative proposal on the grounds that it contravenes the principle of subsidiarity. This will only succeed if it also has the backing of the European Parliament and the European Council.

In reality, these are cosmetic gestures which will have little or no impact on the development of the European Union and they have the potential to be a bureaucratic mess. All of this copperfastens the dominance of the largest states and removes our ability to democratically reject laws which are not in our interest.

Side by side with this in the treaty is the outworking of the EU's military ambition. The desire of the EU leaders to be global players acting in concert with NATO is clearly set out in the treaty. The treaty also requires member states to progressively improve military capabilities. This will have a financial cost at a time when our public services are crying out for investment. Do we really want our tax revenue to be compulsorily spent in such a manner?

The erosion of neutrality and militarisation of foreign and defence policies is clear for all to see through the use of Shannon Airport by US troops on their way to occupy Iraq as well as through the ill-conceived French-inspired EU mission to prop up the regime of one of its clients in a former French colony. The Government position is clear. It did not even get an article in the treaty explicitly recognising the rights of neutral states. Creidim go bhfuil an bhuairt céanna ar thromlach an phobail faoi na nithe atá luaite agam. Creidim chomh maith nach bhfuil fios na gcúrsaí ag na páirtithe a chreideann gur féidir leo an conradh seo a bhrú ar an ghnáth pobal.

Irish beef farmers know only too well why their sector is under pressure. The people in the west and south know it was the privatisation of Aer Lingus which caused the withdrawal of Shannon services. Irish Ferry workers know why they lost their jobs. This time the debate will not be about the past. It will be about the impact of the EU on people's livelihoods, their mortgages and the safety of their children in an increasingly militarised world. The people of this country need to do what is in the interest of the country. I believe this will mean the rejection of the Lisbon treaty.

Acting Chairman (Deputy Seamus Kirk)

That concludes the statements. We have provision for up to 20 minutes questions and answers.

Deputy Joe Costello

I refer back to the issues I raised in terms of the justice and home affairs matters, namely, Schengen and common European migration, immigration and asylum policies. Has the Minister had an opportunity to assess the decision of the European Court of Justice on the Schengen regulation which was struck down? This was with regard to a British position which was supported by Ireland. What are its implications for the future formulation of policy on border controls and a common asylum policy? Will Ireland be able to influence the outcome of an upcoming major decision of the Council on migration and asylum? Have the Minister for Foreign Affairs and the Minister of State with responsibility for European affairs received a legal opinion on the implications of this?

Will the extra powers being devolved to domestic parliaments with regard to co-decision making mean they will have extra time for scrutiny and extra powers to seek to amend, refer back or reject Commission proposals? Rejection by one third of parliaments under one procedure or 50% under another will be required. While these powers are important in providing an extra democratic dimension to the domestic parliaments of member states, they do not seem to contain an in-built mechanism for implementation. How will the member states relate to each other and communicate? If Ireland is not happy with proposed legislation——

Acting Chairman

I remind Deputy Costello we have only 20 minutes.

Deputy Joe Costello

——and we find it infringes subsidiarity and proportionality requirements, how will we communicate with other like-minded countries and formulate a response within a short period?

Minister for Foreign Affairs (Deputy Dermot Ahern)

The judgment referred to was delivered only yesterday and it will take time to have it analysed. Under the reform treaty, we have the capability of opting in and it is our desire to do so as often as possible. From an initial analysis of the judgment, the reform treaty may well strengthen our position in terms of our ability to opt in.

We would only be excluded at the behest of all the other member states and it would be highly unusual for states to gang up on Ireland or the United Kingdom. While the judgment needs to be examined, the Government's initial view is that it is yet another reason to vote in favour of the reform treaty as it copperfastens our discretion on whether we participate. We decided it was preferable to be able to opt in or out of measures as we saw fit due to the significant differences between the common law judicial system operating in criminal law in Ireland and the UK and the continental system which operates in most other member states.

The Deputy is correct that national parliaments will have significant additional input as they must receive EU proposals at the same time as such proposals are circulated to member state governments. This will provide them with an opportunity to have sight of proposals at a much earlier date than heretofore and will allow them to exert greater influence in terms of the type of opinions they will be able to give on specific proposals made by the European Commission.

The yellow card procedure is an important new dimension in that it gives national parliaments a greater opportunity to offer strong views on proposals. The democratic landscape has shifted dramatically. The President of the European Parliament is on record as stating that the competence of national parliaments and the European Parliament, which was virtually nil when he was first elected many years ago, has significantly improved. The reform treaty gives national parliaments much greater input in terms of giving their views on Commission proposals.

Acting Chairman

I ask Deputies to be brief when putting questions and Ministers to be brief when answering them.

Deputy Billy Timmins

Is the Minister in a position to indicate a date for the referendum? Will it be held on the same day as the referendum on the constitutional amendment on children? When can we expect to have sight of the heads of the Bill? When will the referendum commission be established? Has the Minister received legal evidence on the implications for Irish troops should Kosovo make a unilateral declaration of independence?

Deputy Dermot Ahern

A date has not been set for the referendum. The Government will establish a referendum commission shortly after the legislation is published. The Government approved the drafting of the legislation at yesterday's Cabinet meeting. It has not yet been decided whether to hold the referendum on the same day as the referendum on the constitutional amendment on children. The Taoiseach has repeatedly stated that he has an open mind on this issue. Much will depend on the work of the Joint Committee on the Constitutional Amendment on Children.

While a decision has not yet been made on the future of Kosovo, people see which way the wind is blowing. The Government will be required to make a decision on recognition or non-recognition if Kosovo declares independence and is studying intently the legal basis upon which KFOR might continue. Ireland is also involved in a new ESDP mission with Garda participation. The Taoiseach and I have both indicated that we are willing, in principle, to continue to sustain Kosovo, which is a tinderbox. In the months ahead and depending on what might take place at political level, it will be important that the international community maintains its presence. We await a solid legal opinion from the Attorney General. We have a number of weeks to obtain it.

Deputy Aengus Ó Snodaigh

The Taoiseach stated that ratification of the reform treaty would put an end to institutional reform for the foreseeable future. Prior to that, he referred to the establishment of a reflection group which, it appears, will be akin to a rolling EU convention. I would like to know more about the intentions and purpose of this group in light of the statement that the reform treaty will be the be all and end all of major institutional change at EU level. What will be the composition and remit of the reflection group? Apart from the individuals to whom the Taoiseach referred, who else will be involved in the group?

The Taoiseach also referred to a Council decision on the Galileo project on satellite navigation. What are the costs of the project and what will be Ireland's financial contribution to it? What will the system involve? I understood there were sufficient satellites, even if these are under the control of the United States and other countries.

The Lisbon treaty states that all member states must improve their military capabilities. Has an analysis been done on the additional costs this will entail for member states or the European Union as a whole?

Deputy Dermot Ahern

I thank the Deputy for his questions. The horizon of the reflection group is from 2020 to 2030. It is not designed to examine the institutional framework of the European Union or the financial perspectives but to examine what type of challenges face the European Union as a whole. These include issues such as sustainable development, climate change, energy security and how to address some of the transnational problems that will confront us in the years ahead. This is the purpose of the reflection group.

The Deputy referred to the Taoiseach's statement that there would be no further institutional change for the foreseeable future. This view forms part of the conclusions of all member states which agreed that the reform treaty will, as its title suggests, reform the institutions in a manner that takes into account the increase in the number of member states to 27. We have had this debate previously. Some people argue that the European Union is not as cohesive as they would like. This is primarily due to the need to strike a balance between member states' national interests and the interests of the Union as a whole. The fact is that in Europe we have had the experience of having no wars on this continent for the longest period in history. That is probably one of the strongest views as to why we should continue to be part of the EU and be a good member of it.

The Deputy asked about the membership of the reflection group. Three persons were chosen, one for the chair and two for the vice chair. It was agreed that the rest of the membership will be decided in conjunction with the member states in the second half of the year. There is no rush on this — it is to report to Council in July 2010. As the horizon is from 2020 to 2030, there is plenty of time for them to start the deliberations. It is a good exercise but it will not change anything we do dramatically. One of its functions is to look at the key challenges that affect us on a cross-border basis.

In regard to military capabilities, I heard what the Deputy said in regard to Chad. While some of us would have somewhat similar views on the issue of colonisation, the fact is we are where we are. It is incumbent on us as a developed nation to be part of an international effort to help those people survive. Having visited Chad over one month ago, where I saw the sheer difficulties under which people live because of war, which is not of their making, it is important for us, on a humanitarian basis, to protect them. We should be part of an international effort to make it possible for those people to survive.

Having spent a number of years at the EU table, it is vitally important, whether it is a natural or a man made disaster, that we as a group respond and respond well. That is why Ireland, thankfully, is leading the position on Chad. In regard to cost, I do not have the figures available but I suggest the Deputy tables a question to the line Minister on that issue. He will be able to provide some information in regard to other member states also, based on their discussions at EU level.

Deputy Aengus Ó Snodaigh

I had asked if we had contributed to the Galileo navigation programme.

Deputy Dermot Ahern

The total cost is €2.3 billion. Ireland's contribution is about €50 million.

Deputy Joe Costello

At the Council meeting, it became clear that Ireland was the only country to have a referendum. Was there any discussion among the Heads of States as to whether it would be desirable to have any incursion from Heads of States or parliamentary groupings or whatever into Ireland in the course of the referendum? The Taoiseach is reported to have invited Angela Merkel and, perhaps, Nicolas Sarkozy. Can the Minister give us some flavour of the views on whether Ireland is likely to become a conflict arena on this referendum or whether we will be left to our own devices to make our own decision?

The two critical areas are Kosovo and Chad in relation to external affairs. I am inclined to agree with Deputy Timmins that Kosovo could quickly move towards independence and that the EU would be seen to support that on the basis of the decision it took at the Council meeting. That will give rise to a straightforward conflict with Serbia and Russia and we must consider the broader implications. In regard to Chad, may we have some clarification as to whether the mission is going ahead in January? It would appear the logistical problems have been resolved, but that they could only be resolved by going outside the EU. It seems the EU does not have the logistical ability to conduct missions on which it makes decisions. Did the EU discuss that matter or did the Heads of State discuss it in terms of their ability to carry out missions on which it makes decisions? I am in favour of the Chad mission.

Deputy Dermot Ahern

I thank the Deputy. In regard to the referendum — Deputy Ó Snodaigh said there should be an EU wide referendum — to be honest, my party and the Government would be very much against a Europe wide referendum because, in effect, that would mean that a small country like Ireland might have one view and the wider view would prevail. In effect, it would be detrimental to the interests of small nations.

Deputy Costello asked about EU leaders coming to Ireland. Obviously a number of them are conscious of the fact that this is the only country holding a referendum. Many expressed surprise as to why we are having a referendum on the basis that Denmark made a decision which, in its parliament, got unanimous agreement even from some people who would normally be anti-EU agreements. There was not in any shape or form a substantial transfer of sovereignty to the EU and, therefore, they did not require a referendum. We had to explain to them the constitutional and legal constraints in regard to the necessity to have a referendum. It has been the strong view of the Government, of which I have been a member for a number of years, that any time we did have an issue like this we should always err on the side of caution and put it to the people. The Attorney General has already confirmed that there is a necessity for a referendum, based on the Crotty decision.

The Taoiseach invited Angela Merkel to come to Ireland. It is her turn to come to Ireland and she has expressed a desire to come. I believe it will be a bilateral meeting as it has more to do with our relationship on that basis with Germany, but her views on the treaty may well be part of that if she comes before the referendum takes place.

In regard to Kosovo, we are coming close to the end game. The Troika which held meetings for approximately 120 days could not square two diametrically opposed views between Serbia and Kosovo. I was in Kosovo four or five weeks ago. The Kosovars are firmly of the view that they will get independence in some shape or form. We have to deal with the reality of that and manage it as best we can in order to protect the citizens and ensure there is no conflagration, as there was not too long ago, but also on the basis of handing out to a country such as Serbia and Bosnia-Herzgovinia, and a number of others countries in that region because this is a regional problem, the prospect of entry into the EU in the long term. In other words, this has to be dealt with under the umbrella of the European perspective and that is the only way this issue will be sorted.