Vol. 730 No. 5
1 Deputy Seán Ó Fearghaíl asked the Tánaiste and Minister for Foreign Affairs his views on whether the commitment to provide 0.7% of GNP in overseas aid by 2015 is feasible in view of the revised growth forecasts for the economy here. [8985/11]
First, I congratulate Deputy Ó Fearghaíl on his appointment as Fianna Fáil spokesperson on foreign affairs. We worked together very closely in the Joint Committee on Health and Children.
The Government's aid programme has always had broad cross-party and public support. It reflects our values as a people, and is central to Ireland's foreign policy. The aid programme has built on years of effort by courageous individual Irish people. It is now recognised internationally for its focus on the fight against global poverty and hunger and for its leadership in making aid more effective, especially in the poorest countries in Africa.
The Government is strongly committed to Ireland's development programme and to Ireland's role internationally in helping to achieve the millennium development goals. Our programme for Government states clearly our commitment to the 0.7% GNP target, and to seeking to achieve it by 2015. This is in line with the long-standing UN target for official development assistance and with the commitment of the European Union.
It is clear that, in current circumstances, this will be a challenging target to meet. However, the Government was elected to face up to the challenges of rebuilding our society and our economy and of restoring economic growth and our international reputation. I believe we can do this without undermining our work to improve the lives of some of the world's poorest people.
The Irish people have always shown great generosity to those less fortunate than ourselves. In the current economic crisis, with pressure on domestic budgets and on international aid budgets, it is all the more important that our development programme, which is managed by Irish Aid in the Department of Foreign Affairs, focuses rigorously on delivering results for the poorest people. Over the coming year, we will review the 2006 White Paper on Irish Aid in order to ensure that Ireland can make the strongest possible collective contribution to the fight against global poverty and hunger.
As Minister of State responsible for development, I intend to visit a number of our programme countries in Africa over the coming months to see the difference Ireland's work is making to the lives of poor families and communities and to assess how we can strengthen our contribution, especially in the area of hunger and undernutrition.
Ba mhaith liom comhgairdeachas a dhéanamh leis an Tánaiste agus leis na hAirí Stáit, na Teachtaí Jan O'Sullivan agus Lucinda Creighton, as ucht a gceapacháin. Tá mé ag súil le bheith ag comh-oibriú leo go héifeachtach san am atá romhainn.
I thank the Minister of State for her reply. She has my full support and the full support of the Fianna Fáil Party in doing everything she can to maintain Ireland's overseas aid programme, against the background of our own extremely difficult budgetary situation. I readily acknowledge the scale of the challenge that confronts herself and the Minister in that regard. The Leas-Cheann Comhairle had the privilege of serving effectively in this area for a number of years, when the State was in a position to be more flaithiúlach than we are at present, regrettably.
It is significant that we are considering this issue in the week when the Trócaire Lenten campaign nears an end, with its focus this year on development projects in Honduras. Last year, this single campaign raised almost €11 million, which is a huge achievement. Will the Minister of State join me in commending the outstanding input of Irish non-governmental agencies to the development aid process through their individual fund-raising efforts?
Forecasts for economic growth have been revised downward by the Central Bank to 0.9% growth in GDP this year and to 2.2% growth in GDP in 2012. Can the Minister of State clarify if this is significantly lower than the growth predictions on which the Irish Aid commitment in the programme for Government was based?
The programme for Government states that we will review the 2006 White Paper on overseas development aid. Can the Minister of State elaborate on what is intended in that review?
I thank Deputy Ó Fearghaíl and I acknowledge the Leas-Cheann Comhairle's contribution and that of my predecessor as Minister of State.
I agree with the Deputy regarding NGOs, and particularly Trócaire. I have already met them and Dóchas, which represents the various NGOs. They have done excellent work and continue to do so. Approximately 20% of the Irish Aid budget goes through NGOs to their work in various countries.
With regard to reaching the 0.7% target for overseas aid, the amount that has been set aside this year is the amount it is intended to spend this year. We do not know what national wealth will be in the years ahead. While we are constantly striving towards the 0.7% target, we will not know the actual amounts until we see the outcome in respect of growth. In 2010, Ireland contributed €675 million to official aid, most of it coming through Irish Aid.
I have begun the process of reviewing the 2006 White Paper. We intend to consult widely, particularly among NGOs but also among the people of Ireland. The process will take a number of months because we want genuinely to consult the people. We expect to have completed the review process within about a year. I believe it will take that time for all of the consultations.
2 Deputy Pádraig Mac Lochlainn asked the Tánaiste and Minister for Foreign Affairs his plans for the adoption of Ireland’s national action plan for implementation of UNSCR 1325 completed on behalf of the previous Government and civil society by Dr. Nata Duvvury; and the system of monitoring and evaluation he will adopt to ensure that Ireland’s national action plan is comprehensively implemented. [8885/11]
I join the Minister of State, Deputy Jan O'Sullivan, in complimenting Deputy Ó Fearghaíl on his appointment.
The conflict resolution unit within my Department is taking the lead role in the development of Ireland's national action plan on United Nations Security Council Resolution 1325 on women, peace and security. The resolution calls for an increase in the participation of women in peacemaking and peace building processes; the protection of women and girls in armed conflict; and the incorporation of a gender perspective into peacekeeping and peace building processes.
Since February 2010, an extensive consultation process has taken place between representatives of Departments, the Defence Forces, An Garda Síochána, civil society and academia. An independent chair and drafter were appointed to this process in late 2010 and the final phase of consultation ended on 18 February this year, with the submission of a draft national action plan, prepared by Dr. Nata Duvvury. We are very grateful for the work done by Dr. Duvvury, which will be the basis for the plan in its final form.
My officials are currently collating observations received from other Departments on the draft prepared by Dr. Duvvury and it is my intention to submit the final version of the national action plan for approval by Government in the near future.
Regarding the proposed system for monitoring and evaluation of the national action plan, my expectation is that a monitoring group will be formed to oversee progress on the implementation of Ireland's national action plan on United Nations Security Council Resolution 1325. This monitoring group would have a similar composition to the consultative group established to advise on the development of the national action plan and would also work with the appropriate Oireachtas committee to ensure involvement by parliamentarians. The chair of the group would be independent and come from outside the Government system.
As the Minister is aware, there has been a significant consultation process, headed by the former president of the Irish Congress of Trade Unions, Ms Inez McCormack, who is very respected in the sphere of human rights and conflict resolution. It is a very important process that underscores Ireland's commitment to international human rights. One of the things of which we are most proud is the appointment of former President, Mary Robinson, as High Commissioner for Human Rights.
The programme was to have been launched on International Women's Day on 8 March last. With the collapse of the Government some time was lost in that process. Is there a definite timeframe for commencement? The Minister has outlined some of the oversight and regulation roles. I would like to have a clearer sense of when it will be commenced and an assurance that it will not be long-fingered.
As Deputy Mac Lochlainn said, there has been a considerable consultation process regarding the national action plan and considerable resources have been devoted to the process within the Department of Foreign Affairs and other Departments.
In 2009, some €485,000 from the Department's stability fund funded a cross-learning initiative and consultation with women affected by conflict. This is in addition to funding of €220,000 allocated to support international organisations, including UNIFAM, for their work on global indicators. These resources were made available in addition to the considerable human and financial resources already devoted to resolution-related activities across Government. The final figure for expenditure on activities related to UNSCR 1325 for 2010 is €412,000 approximately.
A process has been under way since the draft was submitted on 18 February 2011. Following the appointment of the new Government on 9 March 2011, which post-dated International Women's Day on 8 March, the conflict resolution unit of my Department carried out a thorough examination of the document prior to internal circulation on 23 March 2011. Following receipt of observations, the revised draft was circulated to other Departments with a request for observations by 15 April 2011. As I stated earlier, my officials are currently collating the observations received and I intend to submit the final version of the national action plan for approval by the Government in the near future.
I have a brief supplementary question. I am broadly satisfied with the Minister's response. I remind the House that the Minister's colleague, Deputy Howlin, speaking at the joint consortium annual event in November 2010, said that Ireland's national action plan should include a strong monitoring plan that is implemented effectively and ambitiously. He said it should be particularly one that includes oversight by the Oireachtas and allows for "Opposition Members to hold the Government to account on this matter". He also highlighted that "an adequate budget and sufficient resources were needed to take on its massive political task". This is the commitment made by a now senior Minister and member of the Tánaiste's party. He maintained it was the remit of the Opposition to hold the Government to account. I am sure many respected non-governmental organisations monitor these situations to try to ensure that countries across the world honour their international commitments.
The development of the national action plan has been a collaborative process between civil society and Government. I very much appreciate the role played by the joint consortium in acting as champions in Ireland for Resolution 1325. For any national action plan to succeed, it will have to represent a balance between the high ambition we all have towards implementing the resolution and the resources which are available. I believe the proposed monitoring and evaluation structure in the national action plan, which I outlined in general terms in my earlier response, builds on the proposals made by civil society and will guarantee this strong implementation and ownership across the government system. Once the Oireachtas committees have been established, there will be an opportunity for Members to question and participate in the evaluation of the plan.
3 Deputy Richard Boyd Barrett asked the Tánaiste and Minister for Foreign Affairs his views regarding repression of the pro-democracy movement in Bahrain; and if he will make a statement on the matter. [9013/11]
I am extremely concerned about the situation in Bahrain following a violent clampdown against protestors demanding political reforms in February and March and continued repression against those advocating reform. Security forces from Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates, under the auspices of the Gulf Cooperation Council, have been deployed in Bahrain at the request of the Bahrain Government since 14 March. A three month state of emergency was declared on 15 March.
I am particularly worried about the unprovoked and disproportionate use of violence, including close-range lethal shootings of peaceful protestors and the detention of unarmed protestors. I am also alarmed by reports of repression and attacks by the Bahraini armed forces against medical staff and institutions, such as Salmaniya Hospital, the main public hospital in Manama, during and after the recent protests.
The EU Foreign Affairs Council which I attended on 12 April, discussed the situation in Bahrain and adopted strong conclusions, which I fully support, reiterating our serious concern at the current situation and at the arrest of persons exercising their legitimate right to freedom of expression. Ireland and its EU partners are urging an immediate investigation into recent events and the release of detained peaceful protestors. We further call on the authorities and protestors in Bahrain to act with restraint and to begin an inclusive dialogue aimed at agreeing necessary political and economic reforms. Such dialogue and reform is crucial if Bahrain is to emerge from its current difficulties.
While I welcome the fact the Tánaiste is concerned, we need to be honest. Concern will not be sufficient for the people of Bahrain and neither are investigations sufficient. A ruthless repression of pro-democracy protesters is taking place there. In recent days, hundreds of the people who organised the pro-democracy protest, who were calling for nothing more than democracy——
The Deputy must ask a question.
——have been arrested and detained without trial. The daughter of one of these people is on hunger strike in protest. It is a brutal situation. Saudi Arabia has been involved in supporting this regime. I suggest we need more than expressions of concern from the European Union. Ireland should challenge at European level and also with our US friends the unbelievable inconsistency of sending bombers to deal with one brutal dictatorship in Libya while doing nothing more than expressing concern and talking about investigations when it comes to the suppression of a democracy movement in Bahrain. Is the inconsistency in this matter something to do with the fact that Ireland, the European Union in general and the western powers in general, have major trade links with Bahrain, Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates and in the case of the bigger European powers and the US are arming these regimes to the teeth? This is why they want to do nothing to support actively the pro-democracy movements in Bahrain nor do they wish to take any serious action to restrain the authorities from crushing a pro-democracy movement.
There is nothing inconsistent either in respect of Ireland's position or the EU position on Bahrain. Ireland's position regarding Bahrain is that we are absolutely clear in our desire for an end to the repression. The clampdown on peaceful protest and the way in which it has been treated is unacceptable. The principles of democracy, the rule of law and the application of human rights are universal principles and there is no inconsistency nor any different approach as to how they are applied from one country to another.
In a manner similar to the political upheaval which has occurred in other countries in the region, the protests in Bahrain arise from basic demands for political reforms, including a new constitution, an elected government, more equitable distribution of the country's wealth and the release of all political prisoners. I reiterate my concern about the repressive targeting by the Bahrain Government of, in particular, medical staff and institutions. There have been widespread reports, including by such respected bodies as Médecins Sans Frontières, of the takeover by the Bahraini security forces of medical centres and hospitals, of the arrest and detention of medical personnel such as doctors, nurses and ambulance drivers, the violent prevention of medical personnel attending to injured protesters and many other incidents. These were the subject of discussion at the Foreign Affairs Council on 12 April and I expect they will be discussed again at the next meeting.
What are we going to do about it? What concrete actions are we going to call on them to take? I do not believe bombing is the way forward in Libya, but I thought it was absolutely right for sanctions to be imposed on the Gadaffi regime for what it was doing to the pro-democracy movement in that country. Why are we not calling clearly for sanctions to be imposed against Bahrain and against the regime in Saudi Arabia, which is actively involved in crushing the democracy movement in Bahrain? I believe we are involved in joint economic commissions with countries like Saudi Arabia. Our export trade with Bahrain is worth €27 million per annum. We import some services and merchandise into this country from Bahrain. Therefore, we have the muscle to do something. The EU certainly has the muscle to impose sanctions against Bahrain and demand an end to this repression. Why are we not making such clear and unequivocal calls?
The concerns that Ireland and other EU member states have expressed about the situation in Bahrain have clout for the reasons that have been mentioned. As I have said, this matter was discussed at the meeting of the Foreign Affairs Council in April. I expect it will be discussed again at the next meeting of the Foreign Affairs Council. If there is no response to the calls that have been made by Ireland, other member states and the EU as a whole, and if the repression continues in the way I have described, obviously the Foreign Affairs Council will have to consider other measures.
4 Deputy Seán Ó Fearghaíl asked the Tánaiste and Minister for Foreign Affairs if he is supportive of Turkey’s application to the EU; and if he will make a statement on the matter. [8986/11]
Ireland is supportive of Turkey's candidacy for EU membership and its accession when it fulfils all the established criteria and conditions of membership. Our overall approach to EU enlargement is positive. The broadening of the Union helps to promote stability, security and prosperity across the Continent. In some cases, the process of preparing for membership can stimulate and bolster economic and political reforms. Respect for the values set out in the treaties, rigorous conditionality and the need to take account of the capacity of the EU to integrate new members have to be factored into the process. Accession is the result of negotiation. The eventual outcome and timeframe in respect of any application cannot be predicted. These factors shape the Government's supportive approach to Turkey's candidacy.
Potential gains to the Single Market and to trade may accrue from the accession of a country of Turkey's size. Given that its economy grew by 9% last year, Turkey is a significant economic and political player. The Union's reach and influence in the Middle East and central Asia could be enhanced through Turkish accession. The pace of progress on Turkey's application has been slow. A number of obstacles to progress continue to exist. Just 13 of the 35 negotiating chapters have been opened. The current Hungarian Council Presidency is making a significant effort to have the chapter on competition opened before the end of June. A significant constraint on progress is Turkey's continued failure to implement the Ankara Protocol, under which it would open ports and airports to traffic from Cyprus, and to normalise relations with Cyprus. This issue is tied up with the unresolved Cyprus problem. We support the UN-sponsored negotiations that are attempting to establish a fair, comprehensive and viable settlement. The reforms within Turkey that are required under the accession process are proceeding, albeit more slowly of late in part due to upcoming parliamentary elections. The accession negotiations continue to provide a strong incentive for Turkey to pursue reforms, strengthen democracy and human rights and further modernise the country.
I thank the Minister for his reply. Does he agree that the EU has enjoyed a long and close relationship with Turkey? The question of Turkey's accession to the EU is a controversial one, to say the least. It has been particularly protracted. The Minister referred to the lack of progress with the 35-chapter acquis. It seems that the negotiations will continue for another decade, at least. Is the Minister concerned about the lack of unity among our EU partners on this matter? The British Prime Minister, Mr. Cameron, has promised to fight for Turkish membership of the Union. Chancellor Merkel has opposed full membership. Mr. Berlusconi has advocated the acceleration of Turkey’s application. President Sarkozy opposes the accession of Turkey because he does not think Turkey belongs in Europe at all. Most of the landmass of Turkey is in Asia Minor and just 3% of it is in Europe. Fianna Fáil supports Turkey’s accession subject to its compliance with the various conditions, including the implementation of the Ankara Protocol. In addition, I suggest we should conduct an effective analysis of the impact of Turkish membership of the EU on this country’s labour market.
For the reasons I have mentioned, Ireland clearly supports Turkey's application for membership of the EU. The question of Turkey's accession to the Union will depend on its ability to meet the conditions for accession to membership. As Deputy Ó Fearghaíl is aware, such conditions relate inter alia to politics, human rights and compliance with international agreements. The process of accession is at an early stage. I do not think it is simply a question of some countries agreeing with it and others not agreeing with it. At this stage, it is a question of compliance with the conditions that attach to EU membership. To date, discussions have been completed in respect of just one of the 35 chapters. It is likely that the discussions and negotiations on Turkey’s accession will take some time. We will have to wait to see the pace of those negotiations following the parliamentary elections in Turkey.
I am aware that the Minister of State, Deputy Creighton, has expressed strong reservations about the prospect of Turkey joining the EU. Can the Minister indicate whether the Minister of State's views, which may be understandable in the circumstances, reflect his own views and those of the Government as a whole? Can he comment on the current significance of the trade relationships that exist between Ireland and Turkey?
As I have said, the Irish position and the Government's position on Turkey's candidacy is that we support it. Certain conditions have to be met before any country can accede to the EU. Those conditions have to be fully met, clearly, as there cannot be a kind of partial meeting of the conditions. The process by which they are negotiated is at an early stage.
5 Deputy Pádraig Mac Lochlainn asked the Tánaiste and Minister for Foreign Affairs his plans to visit the Palestinian region of Gaza to observe the effects of recent bomb attacks and the on-going siege on the lives of civilians in the region. [8886/11]
I have not yet made plans to visit Israel, Palestine or Gaza, but I intend to see the conditions there for myself in due course. Ireland has been active on this issue. I will continue to work to maintain a focus on it at EU level. There are three broad areas of concern with regard to Gaza, the first of which is the ongoing Israeli blockade. This has eased a little since last year, with some increase in materials allowed in and a small beginning in allowing some exports. Essentially, just a fraction of the needs of the territory are being allowed in or out. Much more needs to be done and more quickly.
Second, I have been deeply concerned by the worrying rise in violent exchanges across the Gaza border in recent weeks. These have included not only Israeli attacks into Gaza, in which 17 people are believed to have been killed, including civilians, but also continuing indiscriminate rocket and mortar attacks by Hamas and other militants against civilian targets in Israel, including a deliberate attack by an anti-tank missile on a school bus in Israel, which injured a 16 year old boy who died last Sunday. While some measure of calm has returned in recent days, a complete ceasefire seems as far away as ever.
Third, there is the exclusion from Gaza of the Palestinian Authority and its control by Hamas and other militant groups which pursue military acts of deviance that bring only disaster for all sides. The need to end divisions and promote reconciliation among all Palestinians remains an important requirement if there is to be progress towards a comprehensive two-state solution.
I was due to travel to Gaza with a group of international parliamentarians about one week ago to observe the situation on the ground. The visit was cancelled because the safety of the visiting parliamentarians could not be guaranteed. This says everything one needs to know about the gravity of the outrageous position in Gaza which is essentially an open air prison as a result of the actions of the Israeli state. Time and again, Israel has ignored resolutions passed by the UN General Assembly and Security Council over the years. The world sees the speedy actions taken in Libya and, as Deputy Boyd Barrett noted, to some degree people understand the actions being taken in that country, albeit not their extent. It is outrageous that the international community has not made any interventions against Israel.
The Minister referred to the death of a young teenager, Daniel Viflic, who died as a result of a missile fired from Gaza. Two days earlier, Nidal Qdeih died along with her mother, Najah, when an Israeli missile struck their home. In recent times, 50 people have lost their lives in Gaza and more than 170 have been killed by Israelis since Operation Cast Lead. As the Minister will know, approximately 1,400 Palestinians were killed during that outrageous offensive by the Israeli state.
The situation in Gaza must be a top priority for the Minister. I urge him to travel immediately to Gaza and follow in the footsteps of his party's previous spokesperson on foreign affairs, Michael D. Higgins, and his ministerial predecessor, Deputy Martin. It is imperative that he take a stand on this issue and travel to Gaza immediately to see for himself the circumstances on the ground and the impact of outrageous, illegal Israeli activity in the region, which the world has ignored.
As I stated, it is my intention to visit the region as soon as I can arrange a visit in my timetable to see the situation on the ground. The matter is very much a priority for the Government's approach to foreign affairs and foreign policy. I have made clear to my colleagues at the European Union Foreign Affairs Council that Ireland wishes this issue to be pursued more actively and wants the European Union to take a more active interest in it. As the Deputy noted, the fact that this has been an ongoing, long-standing problem should not be a reason to leave it to one side. The position in Gaza is serious. The blockade which has been placed on Gaza should not continue and we have repeatedly called for its removal.
We want to see an end to the continuing exchange of hostilities between Hamas and Israel and the killings, loss of life and injury that is occurring. I assure the Deputy that this matter is a high priority for me and the Government and we will do everything we possibly can to make our contribution to try to bring a resolution to the conflict.
I reiterate my appeal to the Minister to make arrangements to visit Gaza as soon as possible. Notwithstanding any other initiatives he must make in the region, I call on him to ensure they include visiting Gaza to observe the impact of the blockade. I also call on him to condemn the ongoing actions of the Israeli state. The ongoing aggressive development of settlements is illegal and offensive and runs contrary to all international resolutions and instructions. It is important that the Minister condemns the Israeli state.
The Minister mentioned the death of a 16 year old who was killed by a Hamas missile. All of us want a peaceful resolution to the conflict but in terms of scale the Israeli state has killed 50 people recently and 170 people since the end of Operation Cast Lead which resulted in the deaths of more than 1,300 people over a number of weeks. It is not good enough to call for an end to hostilities. It is important to take a stand by telling the Israeli state its behaviour is reprehensible and must be condemned by Ireland, Irish people and the international community. I urge the Minister to condemn the ongoing actions of the Israeli state in Gaza.
The State is absolutely opposed to Israel's use of aerial weapons in attacks on Gaza. These inevitably lead, as they have done, to uninvolved civilians being injured or killed. We have also been critical of Israel for not taking political initiatives to try to end the cycle of violence by reaching a comprehensive peace. We must recognise, however, that firing is taking place in both directions. While Hamas and others in Gaza continue to fire rockets and mortars at what are clearly civilian targets, Israel will inevitably defend itself. Clearly, this cannot be done indiscriminately or disproportionately. I do not have any hesitation in condemning attacks in whatever direction which kill civilians. As I stated, the blockade that has been imposed is absolutely unacceptable and it is an issue to which I am giving priority.
