Aindrias Moynihan
Ceist:151. Deputy Aindrias Moynihan asked the Tánaiste and Minister for Foreign Affairs what measures are being taken to ensure exit from Gaza for Irish citizens; and if he will make a statement on the matter. [50213/23]
Ceisteanna Eile - Other Questions
Questions Nos. 149 and 150 taken with Written Answers.
Middle East
Marian Harkin
Ceist:152. Deputy Marian Harkin asked the Tánaiste and Minister for Foreign Affairs what efforts his Department is making to ensure the safe passage of Irish citizens from Gaza; and if he will make a statement on the matter. [49932/23]
Alan Farrell
Ceist:195. Deputy Alan Farrell asked the Tánaiste and Minister for Foreign Affairs his Department's efforts to ensure that Irish citizens in Gaza can leave the area; and if he will make a statement on the matter. [49604/23]
Chris Andrews
Ceist:238. Deputy Chris Andrews asked the Tánaiste and Minister for Foreign Affairs the effort he is making to secure the safe passage of Irish citizens out of the Gaza Strip; and if he will make a statement on the matter. [50169/23]
I appreciate that the Tánaiste has answered some of these questions already. My question relates to Irish citizens getting out of Gaza and also the Israeli hostages. What progress has been made in that regard? The question has been taken over a little bit by events but I am anxious to hear his reply anyway.
I propose to take Questions Nos. 151, 152, 195 and 238 together.
Ensuring the safe exit from Gaza of all Irish citizens who wish to leave, and their accompanying dependants, has been a priority of the Government and my Department since the outbreak of the current crisis. For the past seven weeks, officials at Ireland's embassies in Cairo and Tel Aviv, our representative office in Ramallah and our consulate directorate in Ireland have been in daily contact with Irish citizens in Gaza to provide them with consular assistance and support. As soon as a clear process was put in place by the relevant authorities for the exit of foreign and dual nationals from Gaza, my Department and I worked tirelessly to facilitate the necessary clearance by the relevant authorities for Irish citizens together with dependent family members accompanying them.
I spoke by phone with foreign ministers from across the region and I visited the region particularly to meet the foreign ministers of Israel and Egypt. The Israeli authorities are the authority with influence in terms of the clearing list. I want to pay tribute to the ambassadors in Tel Aviv, Cairo and Ramallah for the work they have done. The first group of 23 Irish citizens came out on 15 November, during my visit. To date, we have secured the exit of 56 Irish citizens and accompanying dependants from Gaza. I met a group of them last Friday and asked them to share their experiences with me. I learned of the horrors they experienced in the context of the war.
Our embassy in Cairo has been present on the ground at the Rafah crossing to receive Irish citizens as they enter Egypt, and to facilitate their onward travel to Ireland. A multi-agency response, co-ordinated by the Department of Housing, Local Government and Heritage, has been put in place to manage the arrival, reception and support of citizens and dependants in Ireland.
As I said, I met a group last Friday. I was deeply moved by their stories. I am conscious of the devastating losses many of them have suffered. One citizen lost his wife, mother and brother. We managed to get his two children out. It is a very sad situation. We always have to be conscious of that. There were others present who still have family in Gaza. We continue to pursue those cases with the Israeli and Egyptian authorities. A small number of Irish citizens remain in Gaza. We will work consistently with the authorities in those cases. In my previous reply, I outlined the consular responsibilities. Both authorities made it very clear from the beginning that it would only be Irish citizens and their immediate dependants who would be allowed to leave. We have some Irish visa holders in Gaza. We will facilitate these people if we can persuade authorities to allow them to exit Gaza. In collaboration with the Department of Justice, we have provided dependants with emergency documentation to facilitate their exit from Gaza also. We will continue to work to see if we can get others on the list and get them out of Gaza. We have to work with the Israeli and Egyptian authorities. They have their systems and processes and that is the nature of how we engage on the matter.
I warmly welcome the release of the Irish-Israeli child, Emily Hand, who was kidnapped and held hostage by Hamas. Her release and the escape of Irish citizens from Gaza into Egypt represents a triumph for diplomacy. The Tánaiste visited Israel, Egypt and the occupied Palestinian territories. As he has said, our embassies in Cairo and Tel Aviv, our representative in Ramallah, and the officials from the Department of Foreign Affairs worked day and night to bring about this result. We owe them sincere thanks for the work they have done. Diplomacy works.
What are the prospects for a further extension of the truce to allow the release of all the Israeli hostages and to allow for further essential humanitarian aid to get into Gaza? What are the prospects for an extended ceasefire in the hope of stopping the proposed bombardment of southern Gaza in the coming days by Israel?
I thank the Tánaiste. He has answered the question that we have posed several times today. Like Deputy Haughey, I warmly welcome the release of Emily Hand and the information we have been given about the Irish citizens who have been able to leave Gaza. Will the Tánaiste clarify how many Irish citizens remain in Gaza and how many of those wish to leave, if any? I am not sure of the precise numbers. Of those who have left, have all their dependants been able to travel with them?
Like Deputy Haughey, I want to commend the unceasing work of the Department of Foreign Affairs. In my small experience at European level, whenever the Department of Foreign Affairs was called on to assist Irish citizens, the efforts were second to none. That should never be lost in all of this. Many other countries looked upon Irish citizens and the value placed on them with-----
Thank you, Deputy. We are way over time.
I thank the Tánaiste for his response. I compliment the Department of Foreign Affairs and the consular and diplomatic staff for the work they have done in securing the release of Emily Hand and the safe passage of other citizens. Like Deputy Harkin, I am very interested to know how many Irish citizens remain in Gaza and how many of those wish to leave. I note that the Tánaiste mentioned the death of one Irish citizen who had not been on the radar, so to speak, of the embassy in Cairo. Have there been other Irish deaths as a result of the attack on Gaza by Israel?
I feel that everybody in this House is united in the desire to see an extension of the ceasefire. This is really important. I also want to acknowledge the work the Department is doing to secure the release of hostages. What efforts are being made at European level to ensure an extension of the ceasefire?
I thank the Deputies for their comments. I will certainly convey their compliments to the ambassadors in Tel Aviv, Cairo and Ramallah, who are still working hard and have worked very hard, and also to our team in headquarters, who co-ordinated it all and have maintained almost daily contact with our citizens.
As I said earlier regarding the release of Emily Hand as a hostage, I think it is a story that has been personal for all of us. We heard from Tom about the trauma she has suffered. As I said earlier, the individual cases tell us a wider truth: no child should be kidnapped, no child's home should be violated, no child's home should be bombed and no child should have to suffer the horror of living in a war zone. That is why we are pushing very hard for a humanitarian ceasefire. Two children, including a nine-year-old, were killed in the West Bank overnight. It is unacceptable.
Our position is that it would be unconscionable for this war to resume. As I said earlier, I was reading a report in The New York Times today about the level and scale of the action, which is unprecedented. It just has to be brought to an end.
There is a small number of our citizens remaining. The number remaining is fluid because, believe it or not, some people come forward very late. Only in the last week, one citizen has come forward who had not identified themselves for the last seven weeks. It is a small number, below ten, and there are some dependents and visa holders. We will work with the authorities. Some have not been allowed out and we are seeking to facilitate their exit.
I want to extend the question by asking about the remarks in recent days by the Israeli President and Foreign Minister in respect of the current crisis and Ireland's position. They are difficult to understand. Is it not the case that what we have looked for is a humanitarian ceasefire, adherence to international humanitarian law and respect for fundamental human rights by state and non-state actors? We have highlighted the humanitarian crisis unfolding in Gaza and the number of civilian casualties, including many children. We have rightly called for the release of all the hostages held by Hamas and other militant groups. Is Ireland also advocating for a renewed political process to bring about peace and security in the region?
I fully support the Tánaiste's statement and the wishes of the Dáil to see the humanitarian ceasefire extended, with the aim of making it permanent. I too want to extend the question a little to the issue of the EU-Israel trade agreement. I put down a question and I got a response from the Department of Enterprise, Trade and Employment, which tells me that this agreement between Israel and the EU does not apply to territory occupied by Israel in 1967. In other words, this is not within its remit. However, if we look very carefully at the deal itself, it states that Israel must have respect for human rights and democratic principles in both its internal and international policy. It is very clear that the trade deal requires this. While, of course, we need a qualified majority, is there any way that Ireland can start that discussion?
I thank the Tánaiste for his response. I want to take the opportunity to make very clear my support for the Government's position in regard to the extension of the ceasefire and an outright cessation of hostile activities by the Israel Defence Forces, and a permanent solution to this ongoing intergenerational conflict. I will make it very clear, in my own communications with the Israeli ambassador in Ireland, that the response to barbarism is not more barbarism. Unfortunately, that is what has transpired over the last seven weeks. I am shocked and appalled at the response by the Israeli Government to the Irish position, which is fair-minded and interested primarily and solely in peace and the preservation of life. We are not interested in taking sides beyond that. I want to put that on record and make it absolutely clear.
I agree with the Tánaiste that a return to the slaughter in Gaza would be unconscionable. I know many people have concerns about the European Union's approach to the situation in the Gaza Strip. We saw the best of the EU in the response to the brutal crimes inflicted on Ukraine but we have seen the opposite approach to Israel, and that cannot be denied. Some 6,000 children have been slaughtered and the EU has not in any way shown a similar approach to that taken to Ukraine. Is there any hope that the EU will take a stand against Israel's aggression towards Palestine in the same way that it is taken a strong stance against Russia?
In response to Deputy Haughey, we are very much working with other like-minded European Union member states to push for a roadmap to a two-state solution. We can never again allow this to happen and we can never again go back to a situation where, essentially, the Palestinian-Israeli conflict is put on the backburner. There has to be very proactive international diplomatic and political effort and pressure on all sides to get to a resolution of this. With regard to other comments that have been made, that means the end of settlements in the West Bank. Even the announcements overnight by Israeli Government Ministers in respect of very significant resources being allocated to fast-track civilian responses and to supply arms and weapons are shocking. I am appalled by that. It has to stop. We have to create a credible roadmap to a two-state solution and that cannot happen if there is continued aggressive and violent settlement activity in the West Bank. I have been there and have spoken to victims of this, and as this is going on in Gaza, it is also going on in the West Bank. That is not acceptable and is counter to any potential peaceful roadmap into the future.
Deputy Harkin mentioned QMV and Deputy Andrews also raised this point. There is a divided position within Europe and history plays a big role in this. Germany has a view because of the Shoah, and Austria likewise. Ireland has a very clear position on the two-state solution, as Deputy Haughey said. Deputy Farrell pointed out that we want the violence to end, and we are in favour of international humanitarian law being applied and UN resolutions being adhered to. Fundamentally, that is our position and it is very straightforward. This is a country that has experienced conflict resolution. We experienced a terrible war, which should never have happened, and we experienced terrible civilian loss during that war. Therefore, we are very focused on what we want here. On the other side, the European Union has quadrupled humanitarian aid to the Palestinians to €100 million as a result of this conflict.
There is a need for a European Union-Palestine trade association agreement and a much stronger, structured relationship between the Palestinian Authority and the European Union. Rather than trying to work with all of the issues around QMV, the conditionality of the clauses of the Israel-EU agreement should be worked on to make sure they have been fulfilled and adhered to. I see another track developing - we have been pushing this with Belgium and others - to have a stronger, structured relationship between the Palestinian Authority and the European Union almost to the level of a trade association agreement and encompassing all of the aid and support that we give.
Foreign Conflicts
Pádraig O'Sullivan
Ceist:153. Deputy Pádraig O'Sullivan asked the Tánaiste and Minister for Foreign Affairs if he will provide an update regarding his engagements with EU Foreign Affairs Ministers in relation to the urgent need for a humanitarian ceasefire in Gaza; and if he will make a statement on the matter. [50163/23]
Chris Andrews
Ceist:156. Deputy Chris Andrews asked the Tánaiste and Minister for Foreign Affairs the effort he is making to secure a ceasefire in Israel’s ongoing offensive in Gaza; and if he will make a statement on the matter. [50156/23]
Ruairí Ó Murchú
Ceist:157. Deputy Ruairí Ó Murchú asked the Tánaiste and Minister for Foreign Affairs the recent engagements he has had with US government representatives regarding the Israeli bombardment of Gaza; to what extent these discussions were about a roadmap to ceasefire in which US support would be crucial; and if he will make a statement on the matter. [49936/23]
Brendan Griffin
Ceist:178. Deputy Brendan Griffin asked the Tánaiste and Minister for Foreign Affairs how Ireland can help achieve an end to the current wave of violence between Israelis and Palestinians; and if he will make a statement on the matter. [50272/23]
Mark Ward
Ceist:184. Deputy Mark Ward asked the Tánaiste and Minister for Foreign Affairs the measures he and his Department are taking to bring about a call for a ceasefire in Palestine from other European states; the interactions he and the Department have had with their EU and Israeli counterparts to achieve this; and if he will make a statement on the matter. [50207/23]
Alan Dillon
Ceist:215. Deputy Alan Dillon asked the Tánaiste and Minister for Foreign Affairs if he could provide an update on the current situation in Gaza; and the actions the Irish Government is taking at both EU and UN levels to contribute to a resolution of the ongoing issues in the region. [50222/23]
I ask the Tánaiste to provide an update regarding his engagement with EU Foreign Affairs Ministers in regard to the urgent need for a humanitarian ceasefire in Gaza.
I propose to take Questions Nos. 153, 156, 157, 178, 184 and 215 together.
I thank the Deputy for raising the question. I have been engaging intensively with EU, regional and international partners since the beginning of this crisis in Israel and the occupied Palestinian territory. During all of these engagements, I have conveyed the same message: there is an urgent need for a sustainable humanitarian ceasefire and a significant scale-up of humanitarian access and supplies into Gaza.
Immediately following the attack by Hamas, I attended an extraordinary meeting of EU Foreign Ministers on 10 October to discuss the ongoing violence on the ground in Israel and the occupied Palestinian territory. I underlined the importance of principled and collective action by the EU and its member states and the need for the EU to act for the protection of civilians and adherence to international law.
In subsequent meetings of the EU Foreign Affairs Council during October and November, I emphasised that a purely military approach was unworkable and called on my counterparts to urge for a humanitarian ceasefire. I shared my serious concerns with my EU counterparts about the situation in Gaza. I stressed the need for the EU response to evolve as the situation evolves. On 1 November, I spoke bilaterally to the EU High Representative and discussed the deteriorating humanitarian situation in Gaza.
I travelled to the region from 14 to 16 November. During this visit I met Israeli Foreign Minister Cohen, to whom I reiterated Ireland’s unequivocal condemnation of the Hamas terror attack on 7 October, expressed my grave concern about the humanitarian situation in Gaza and reiterated my call for an immediate humanitarian ceasefire. I also met the President of Israel, Isaac Herzog, during which I stressed the urgent need to dramatically increase the supply of humanitarian aid into Gaza. During this visit I also met with my Palestinian and Egyptian counterparts and the prime minister of Palestine. I will continue to advocate for a clear position from the EU, which emphasises the need for a sustainable humanitarian ceasefire and remains alive to the evolving situation.
Ireland's actions have also reflected our strong commitment to multilateralism. On Monday of this week, I attended the Regional Forum of the Union for the Mediterranean in Barcelona alongside EU and regional partners. The focus of this year’s forum was the conflict in Gaza. I underlined the need for the current truce, which has seen the release of hostages, including Emily Hand, to be extended, as well as the need to focus on a credible pathway to peace in the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. I also took the opportunity to meet with a number of my counterparts, including the Lebanese, Saudi, Turkish, Belgian, Slovenian and Luxembourg foreign ministers.
At the United Nations Security Council open debate on 24 October, Ireland called for an immediate humanitarian ceasefire and welcomed the initial supply of aid stressing that far more was needed. Ireland supported the Jordanian-led United Nations General Assembly Resolution on 27 October, which called for a humanitarian truce leading to a cessation of hostilities. This resolution addresses steps that must be implemented with the utmost urgency in order to protect civilian lives and increase the provision of humanitarian aid.
Since the start of this crisis, in my engagements with partners that have influence in the region, I have conveyed the message that urgent de-escalation is needed and that humanitarian access and supplies into Gaza must be prioritised. I have spoken with my Iranian counterpart and urged him in the strongest terms to bring his influence to bear in avoiding regional escalation and in insisting on the immediate and unconditional release of hostages. I have also engaged with the Lebanese defence minister as well as my Jordanian, Qatari and Emirati counterparts.
I welcome the role that other partners have been playing through diplomatic efforts to avoid a regional escalation. I welcome the intensive efforts of the United States, including visits by Secretary of State Anthony Blinken to the region to engage with regional partners. In addition, I commend the efforts of the United States, Qatar and Egypt in securing the recent truce agreement. Their work highlights the value, and the necessity, of effective diplomacy.
It is also important that our efforts aimed at addressing the immediate crisis also lay the foundation for a pathway towards a sustainable peace in the long term. I will continue to underline this point in my ongoing engagement with EU, regional and international partners.
It is fair to say that most fair-minded people in this Chamber are appalled by the terrible suffering and the inhumane conditions experienced by all the citizens of Gaza and beyond in the current conflict. I have listened to the Tánaiste over the past few weeks emphasise the importance of diplomacy and this has been demonstrated over the past number of weeks. From an EU perspective, it is always difficult to get 27 member states to agree a common policy platform but the one thing Europe needs to remain is united against terrorism but also united for peace. I note that the Tánaiste spoke about different countries' historical perspectives on the current conflict and how this has influenced and shaped their policy. I know it sounds a bit funny to be talking about a two-state solution when we are really emphasising a ceasefire but could the Tánaiste share where other countries in the EU are regarding a two-state solution?
I agree with the Tánaiste's comments on the West Bank. The West Bank is clearly of huge concern. It is not in the public eye as much because, understandably, people are focused on what is happening - the slaughter in the Gaza Strip. I understand that this morning at rush hour, two gunmen jumped out of a car in Jerusalem, opened fire and killed three people. I think the Tánaiste referenced that. Three civilians were killed and many others were wounded. Yesterday in the West Bank, two Palestinian children were murdered, one of whom was just nine years of age. It is painfully clear that it is innocent Palestinian and Israeli children who are paying the price for the crimes of Hamas and the Israeli Government. A ceasefire is really important but it does not seem as though the EU really believes in a ceasefire and a settlement when you contrast its actions against Russia and its actions against Israel.
There is a considerable amount of agreement. We are all very glad there is a temporary ceasefire. The problem is that it is temporary. It is a reprieve from what has been a brutal slaughter of Palestinians by the Israelis. We need to make sure everything that can be done regarding extending this is done. Hopefully, it will be extended beyond a permanent ceasefire and will involve a negotiated settlement with all the difficulties that exist.
The interaction with the Americans is vital. The US has provided not only weapons but cover for what Israel has done. The US has either supported Israel wholesale or has been unable to control the Israeli regime. The Tánaiste spoke about the West Bank. We know what the regime is like there. We lost an opportunity when Yitzhak Rabin was killed by Yigal Amir. Unfortunately, this is the regime with the politics of Yigal Amir. I will deal with the EU afterwards but we need to make sure the US goes back to what it did with the Oslo Accords with then President Bill Clinton.
I commend the Tánaiste for the work he has done on this issue. He has represented the country on this matter with distinction, particularly since 7 October. His recent visit to the Middle East helped. The situation is very difficult. I condemn the depravity we have seen from Hamas and the Israeli response, which involves the indiscriminate killing of so many thousands of people, particularly children, over the past number of weeks. The approach taken by the Tánaiste and the approach he is advocating at European level is the right approach. It is the only way we are going to get a lasting peace in the region. Since this question was tabled, thankfully, we have seen a ceasefire. It is temporary and we need to continue the work to ensure it becomes permanent. It is a very dark stain on humanity that requires all of our attention.
I thank the Deputies for their kind comments and appreciate their supportive comments. In response to Deputy Pádraig O'Sullivan, EU member states are supportive of a two-state solution. The issue is how we follow through on it and give heft and a sense of urgency to bringing it about. Part of that will be pressure on the Israeli Government to move on what is happening in the West Bank. It was very clear from my visit there before this conflict erupted when I went to Jordan and spoke to refugees and spoke to a Bedouin family in Ramallah that had been displaced by settlers. I spoke to a young child whose school had been attacked by the settlers and the threats and intimidation were simply unacceptable. The level of support given by the Israeli Government to these settlers is also unacceptable. The Israeli Government would say to me that only a small minority is engaging in the aggression and violence but that is certainly not the perception on the ground in the West Bank. If we are to have a contiguous viable two-state solution, international pressure to stop what is going on in the West Bank is urgently required.
I welcome the comments of President Joe Biden in respect of the idea of travel bans on some of the settlers. It is the beginning of sanctions in relation to aggressive and violent settlement activity that has been happening in the West Bank for quite some time, particularly in Area C. We are talking about a very small territory here, and it is not viable that one would have independent pockets of Palestinian population because that constitutes a Palestinian state. It has to be a contiguous Palestinian state. All of this was worked out, as has been said, in previous agreements such as the Oslo Accords.
I am satisfied that the United States is doing everything it can to restrain Israel in the context of its activities. US Secretary of State Blinken is again in the region pushing hard for an extension to the truce but we need to keep pushing to make sure that it is a permanent ceasefire because, as every Deputy in the House has pointed out, the bombardment of Gaza is killing innocent children. It is killing innocent families and civilians. Given the scale and the type of weaponry and bombs being deployed, there can be no doubt but that the consequences of that is the killing of innocent people. The International Criminal Court is there. It is on the ground investigating. There is an urgent need for a permanent ceasefire.
Israel has a right to deal with Hamas because Hamas proved beyond a shadow of a doubt that the security concerns being articulated by Israel are very real in terms of the slaughter that happened in the various kibbutzim following the Hamas attack on 7 October. Ultimately, there may have to be some international dimension to providing for that security into the future in the event of a credible roadmap returning.
In answer the original question from Deputy Pádraig O'Sullivan, internationally, there is a sense now that this cannot be let go again and that there has to be a sustained focus on trying to chart a way out of this horror some credible pathway to peace. That is what all of us are focused on to make the best contribution that we can. In response to Deputy Griffin, that is the approach that we are determined to take to avoid any further bloodshed. For instance, we need humanitarian aid on scale into Gaza now. Even prior to the conflict, it would not suffice. Therefore, we need much more. The only way one can do that is by a truce.
The Tánaiste is correct. As an observer to what is going on from the outside, I suppose many countries have shifted in their attitudes and their outlook in regards to the conflict over the past few weeks.
At the Union for the Mediterranean meeting that was attended by High Representative, Mr. Josep Borrell, and the Tánaiste attended, it was agreed that, ultimately, a two-state solution will be the resolution to the conflict that is there and will follow on, and there will have to be a roadmap in place, as the Tánaiste has articulated. It is important to stress that whomever governs Palestine into the future, be it the Palestinian Authority or, as the Tánaiste alluded to, if it is done involving, possibly, an international dimension, there is a need for significant humanitarian investment. Improving trade, as the Tánaiste also articulated, is something that will, I hope, lead to a lasting peace. In the context of the meeting last week, there was one significant absentee, namely, Israel. It would have been helpful if the Israelis had been present.
I agree with much of what the Tánaiste said in his analysis of the situation in the West Bank. Clearly, the illegal settlements are a huge block to any sort of development of any peace process or two-state solution.
The Tánaiste mentioned humanitarian aid on numerous occasions. Of course, I welcome that. It is really important. The difficulty is that when Israel destroys that humanitarian aid that has been allocated to Palestinians, blows it up or wrecks it, there are no consequences for Israel doing that. The illegal settlements are an ongoing issue. There are no consequences for the development of those settlements. When will we see moves that will facilitate a balanced solution to bring about peace?
The killing of children in the West Bank and the fact that there have been budgetary moves by the Israelis to provide new moneys for new settlements tell us where this particular regime sands. The Tánaiste said it - there is international pressure on and particularly from America, but also from the European Union.
I attended a COSAC conference in Madrid recently. I would not be too impressed with statements from parties across Europe, some of which would be progressive on many issues. People make comments about anti-terrorist operations against Hamas in a way that it is as if 6,000 Palestinian children had not already been killed. I am not taking away from the difficulties involved in delivering at European level, but we know there is a small group of countries that have similar notions to ourselves in the context of humanitarianism.
I welcome what the Tánaiste said about a structured agreement with the Palestinians. We need to look at the Israel-EU Association Agreement. We may need to make moves ourself if we cannot get people to move but it will be good if the Tánaiste can get into the interactions with those countries that are similar to ourself in wanting to see something that will deliver a roadmap.
I agree with Deputy Pádraig O'Sullivan it was regrettable that Israel was not present at the Union for Mediterranean regional forum last Monday. I picked up a determined approach from the Arab states that were available and other states in terms of the need for a credible pathway to peace. Egypt and Jordan's foreign ministers in particular have been active on this and put a lot of effort into a rational analysis of what is transpiring. For them, the principles are clear. There can be no displacement of Palestinians in Gaza and no attempt to say that we would move the problem into Sinai or elsewhere. For those countries, it is existential. Jordan has 2.5 million Palestinians already as refugees.
Do we agree with that?
Yes. I have said that repeatedly. That is a European Union position. There cannot be displacement of Palestinians. There cannot be reoccupation of Gaza by Israel. Europe agrees with that principle. The High Representative, Mr. Borrell, has made that point, but we believe there should be a Palestinian Authority in Gaza delivering services to Gazans, from medical health to education. That should be led by Palestinians. For obvious reasons in terms of what has transpired, Europe does not agree that it should be a Hamas-controlled authority. Then there has to be some dimension around security and how best to provide for that into the future so that everybody can act into the future with some degree of security. That also means really fundamental change in what is happening in the West Bank regarding settlements. To say the least, the nature of the current composition of the Israeli Government has created a lot of challenges to all of this.
EU Meetings
Jackie Cahill
Ceist:154. Deputy Jackie Cahill asked the Tánaiste and Minister for Foreign Affairs for a report on his attendance at the EU Foreign Affairs Council in Kyiv; and if he will make a statement on the matter. [50241/23]
While we discuss the Middle East and the ongoing conflict there, I ask the Tánaiste for a report on his attendance at the recent EU Foreign Affairs Council in Kyiv.
The Foreign Affairs Council meeting held in Kyiv was a crucial moment in this war and was a resolute demonstration that the future of Ukraine lies within the EU. This was the first Foreign Affairs Council to take place in such conditions, which reflects the special circumstances we are facing.
Russia is showing no signs of relenting in its pursuit of a war of aggression against a sovereign UN member state on the borders of the European Union. Russia is testing our resolve and it is important that we maintain our pursuit of the objective of a secure Europe, in which our borders are not subject to change through the use of military aggression.
During the meeting, we discussed how to strengthen and advance the European Union's multifaceted response in direct consultation with both President Volodymyr Zelenskyy and Foreign Minister, Mr. Dmytro Kuleba.
This included Ukraine’s EU membership perspective, security commitments, sanctions, Ukraine’s Peace Formula, reconstruction and humanitarian supports.
During the meeting I echoed the significance of the EU presence in Kyiv sending a collective signal of solidarity and co-operation. I underlined the crucial nature of ensuring that the instruments for EU support to Ukraine are sufficiently durable, relevant and flexible to make them fit-for-purpose, including the proposed multi-annual fund for Ukraine under the European Peace Facility, in which Ireland will continue to provide non-lethal assistance under the European Peace Facility, EPF. I also reiterated Ireland’s position that ultimately, the greatest security guarantee that the EU can provide to Ukraine is EU membership.
While in Kyiv I also had the opportunity to have discussions with UN partners whose important work in Ukraine Ireland is supporting, and to meet the small Irish community, all of whom are engaged in vital efforts, supporting humanitarian, civilian security and rule of law programmes. I heard first-hand the extent of the challenges that millions of Ukrainian civilians continue to face, with ongoing indiscriminate attacks by Russian forces targeted at civilian areas and civilian infrastructure, particularly energy infrastructure.
I thank the Tánaiste for that reply. As he will be aware, last night, Russian shelling hit the Ukrainian city of Pokrovsk and at least three civilians were reportedly injured. Russia is ramping up its attacks in the eastern Donetsk region. A Ukrainian military spokesperson said that Russia has doubled its artillery fire and air strikes and has also intensified ground infantry attacks. It has also been reported that Russia is likely to have begun more cluster bombing in the Donetsk region, the bombs ejecting 100 to 350 smaller bombs on a wider area. I know that the Tánaiste is on record as saying that now more than ever, it is vital that the EU provides a strong signal of EU unity in our continued commitment to Ukraine. We remain of the view that eventual EU membership is the ultimate security guarantee which can be provided to Ukraine. Is the Tánaiste confident that the other EU countries subscribe to that view and is there any indication that the new Slovak Government might undermine that situation?
We have witnessed very good progress on the EU issue and the membership application by Ukraine to join the European Union. Ukraine has made significant progress in fulfilling the key recommendations set out for it. In June 2022 candidate status was granted to Ukraine on the understanding that it would undertake reforms. On 8 November 2023, the European Commission published its annual enlargement package report which featured Ukraine for the first time. The Commission has recommended opening accession negotiations with Ukraine so the December European Council meeting will have to take a unanimous decision to follow up on the Commission’s recommendations to open negotiations with Ukraine.
In our view, it has to remain a merit-based procedure although I believe strongly in Ukraine joining the European Union. It is best for Ukrainians and we have witnessed the transformative impact of European Union membership.
At EU level, has there been any discussion about the potential impact of the American presidential election which is due for 2024? If the situation or policy was to change from the perspective of the United States as to the support, what impact might that have on the war in Ukraine?
I want to thank Deputy Devlin for putting in this question. It is very important that we keep up our support of Ukraine at national and at EU level, particularly with the developments in the Middle East. Perhaps the attention and focus is not on the Ukrainian situation as much as it might have been for the 18 months prior to that but it is vitally important that we continue to advocate, support and do everything we possibly can to assist Ukraine in its need at the moment. We must maintain that support throughout 2024 as well.
On the issue of Ukraine’s accession and Irish support for it, how do we justify Ireland’s position in supporting European Union accession for Ukraine in circumstances where Northern Macedonia, or the Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia, as it was called for some time, has been languishing for so long with such little support, or indeed Bosnia-Herzegovina or many parts of former Yugoslavia? They were deemed to have dangers around corruption, I understand, and needs for reforms. With regard to corruption indices, these countries were stellar performers when it came to Ukraine. Now, suddenly when it is politically expedient with regard to Ukraine, and that we sort of want to pick a fight with Russia, we want to bring in Ukraine.
Second, how can we bring in a state whose borders may not be disputed but they are certainly not real? Which borders will we bring in and are we going to defend or go to fight for Crimea again? Where are we at and what is the reality of it?
First, to speak to Deputy Devlin I condemn the use of cluster bombs. It is reprehensible and cluster munitions are shocking. They have terrible impacts on children and on families after the war. Ireland will help in any way we can to de-mine the battlefield.
Deputy Griffin also made a very important point to maintain momentum in this war. This is a horrible war. Some 7 million Ukrainians have been displaced within Ukraine alone and it is similarly the case for millions more across Europe, as we know in this country. It is a horrible war which was started by Russia. It went in, invaded and attacked from day one. Europe has to make it very clear that enough is enough. If Ukraine fell in days or in weeks, Moldova would be challenged, Georgia would be in difficulty and the Baltics would be under pressure. That is the reality of it.
Deputy McNamara’s question surprises and worries me because accepting Ukraine’s joining the European Union is not about picking a fight with Russia. In fact I pushed strongly on the European Council for enlargement. As a result of the Ukrainian application, North Macedonia and Albania have progressed much faster. I have pushed very strongly that North Macedonia and Albania should be brought in very quickly.
There were other sorts of disputes going on initially between Greece and North Macedonia on the name of the country, and so forth, but my view is that geopolitical enlargement and the geopolitical objectives of the EU are such that we cannot ignore enlargement any longer or put it on the backburner.
Middle East
Darren O'Rourke
Ceist:155. Deputy Darren O'Rourke asked the Tánaiste and Minister for Foreign Affairs if he is aware of the memorandum of understanding between the European Commission and Egypt at the Mediterranean Gas Forum; if he is further aware that this does not include a clause to exclude occupied Palestinian land which contravenes Irish and EU policy that all agreements with Israel should be explicitly inapplicable to territories occupied by Israel; and if he will make a statement on the matter. [52803/23]
Is the Tánaiste aware of the memorandum of understanding between the European Commission and Egypt at the Mediterranean Gas Forum and is he further aware that this does not include a clause to exclude occupied Palestinian lands which contravenes both Irish and EU policy that all agreements with Israel should be explicitly inapplicable to territories occupied by Israel, and could he please make a statement on the matter?
First, a trilateral memorandum of understanding with Israel and Egypt on co-operation relating to trade, transport and the export of natural gas to the European Union was signed by the European Commission on 15 June 2022. Ireland supports the agreement, which is a timely initiative that will strengthen energy security across the European Union. The legal framework for the EU-Israel partnership is provided by the EU-Israel Association Agreement, which has been in force since 2000. Similarly, the foundation of the EU-Egypt relationship is the association agreement signed in 2004.
The bilateral relationships between the EU and both Israel and Egypt do not prevent either the European Union or the member states from voicing their opinions on issues of concern, including on human rights and international law, which we do regularly both bilaterally and in multilateral fora.
With respect to the territorial applicability of this trilateral agreement, it is established EU policy, reflecting UN Security Council Resolution 2334, that all agreements with Israel unequivocally and explicitly indicate their inapplicability to the territories occupied by Israel since 1967. This is an important expression of the European Union's support for international law and for a negotiated two state solution. The territorial clause is included in an annex to this trilateral agreement.
Ireland and the European Union remain firmly committed to a two state solution to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. The region is part of the EU's neighbourhood. I attended the Union for the Mediterranean Regional Forum in Barcelona on Monday this week. This was an important opportunity to discuss the current conflict in Gaza with my European Union and regional foreign minister counterparts. I had bilateral meetings with the Lebanese, Saudi, Turkish, Belgian, Slovenian and Luxembourg Foreign Ministers. The focus of all the meetings was on developing a credible pathway to peace in the Israeli-Palestinian conflict.
Is the Tánaiste saying that the clause is included?
It is included in the annex. Obviously that is very welcome. There has been much discussion, and, whatever about this particular agreement, other Members have brought up the Israel-EU Association Agreement, which is the basis of the European Union's relationship with Israel. It includes particular conditions. I would like to see what moves we have made with regard to those conditions from a point of view of getting them reviewed. As the Tánaiste said, that does not involve some of the issues that there may be where we would require unanimity. I do not in any way accept the reasons why certain European states have particular views. I will put it on the record. We know the historic crimes that were carried out against the Jewish people. The fact is that when Israel asked for help in 1973 from the likes of West Germany and others, Israel was absolutely refused, because at that time, those states' guilt was not more than their interest in Arab oil. I am not sure I altogether buy that particular reason.
For clarity, UN Security Council Resolution 2334, adopted on 23 December 2016, calls on all states to distinguish in their relevant dealings between the territory of the state of Israel and the territories occupied since 1967. This resolution reflects the position already held by Ireland, the European Union and the UN for many years. Ireland regrets that the main text of the agreement does not include a territorial clause despite the fact that the negotiating mandate from the Council clearly stated that a territorial clause would be required. Our position was made clear at EU level. In June 2022, Ireland, along with Belgium, Luxembourg, Denmark, Slovenia and the Netherlands, submitted national statements to a meeting of the committee of EU ambassadors, emphasising that the absence of a territorial clause in the body of the agreement must not set a precedent for future agreements of this kind. However, the statement in annex to the agreement clearly underlines the inapplicability of the memorandum of understanding to the territories occupied by Israel since 1967. That differentiation is de facto there in the annex. On the latter point, I have spoken to German leaders on this. I would not be as dismissive of it as the Deputy appeared to be.
There is an obvious reason for German guilt and guilt across eastern Europe about what happened. I do not think that is enough to countenance what Israel is doing to Palestinian people at this point. I am also saying that there may be other considerations. We know there are business and security interests. I have also accepted the difficulty in trying to get some sort of agreement at European level. I think it might need a subgroup of states and we may possibly have to go it alone about certain things.
I thank the Tánaiste for the answer about annexation. I also welcome that it was pointed out that, from here on, we would need these sorts of clauses to be absolutely explicit, because I do not think it is in any way acceptable that there would be a rowing back from that position. Could the Tánaiste give me an indication of any movements we have made to look at the human rights conditions which relate to the Israel-EU Association Agreement and any other moves that we could make with regard to what he talked about, which is a structured relationship with the Palestinians?
I take the Deputy's point. There is a genuine view in Germany in respect of its relationship with Israel that I would say transcends economic issues and is rooted in the historic position of the Holocaust and Germany's role in the Holocaust. Many current leaders, and, indeed, those before, including Chancellors Merkel and Scholz, from different ends of the political spectrum, would be clear about protecting what they perceive, correctly in my view, the exceptionality of the Holocaust. It influences their thinking and responses to even contemporary issues. Equally, I take the Deputy's point that that cannot justify what is happening in the West Bank and in Gaza, the need for a two-state solution and a cessation of all violence and war in the region.
Questions Nos. 156 and 157 answered with Question No. 153.
Questions Nos. 158 to 177, inclusive, taken with Written Answers.
Question No. 178 answered with Question No. 153.
Middle East
Ruairí Ó Murchú
Ceist:179. Deputy Ruairí Ó Murchú asked the Tánaiste and Minister for Foreign Affairs what sanctions he is willing to impose on Israel in order to increase international political pressure on it; and if he will make a statement on the matter. [49935/23]
What sanctions is the State going to look at imposing in order to increase international political pressure on Israel? This is a continuation of the questions that I have asked about what we can achieve at a European level. If we cannot do it at a complete EU level, can we at least do it among those other states, like Belgium, that look at the issue in Gaza more from our perspective, rather than encounter the difficulties the Tánaiste referred to in the context of Germany? He spoke about a structured relationship that may be possible with Palestine, but there needs to be some means of holding Israel to account for its crimes.
We do not do sanctions on our own. We do sanctions with the European Union and United Nations. We pursue those sanctions. At UN Security Council level, we secured an important clause to ensure that, in any sanction regimes, there would be a provision for humanitarian corridors in situations of dire humanitarian need. Our best role in the European Union is to bring about influence on the collective EU position, which has been effective. In earlier replies, I addressed the basic principles that people feel should govern any post-war situation in Gaza. They include no depopulation of Gaza, a Palestinian authority in charge of administering services in Gaza, and ensuring the reconstruction of Gaza, which Europe will probably be one of the biggest contributors to, for the fourth time. It now looks like countries external to the Middle East will be rebuilding Gaza. It is a horrific situation but that is where we find ourselves. Europe has quadrupled its humanitarian aid to Gaza to the tune of €100 million.
Is féidir teacht ar Cheisteanna Scríofa ar www.oireachtas.ie.
Written Answers are published on the Oireachtas website.