I thank the joint committee, once again, for giving us the opportunity to address it on an issue of grave concern to the development community. I will start by outlining the background and then address the issues of humanitarian access and ask for some possible involvement by Ireland in seeking a solution to the problem in Somalia.
Somalia has been without an effective central government since President Siad Barre was overthrown in 1991. During the past 17 years the country has experienced chronic lawlessness, extreme violence, clan warfare and an almost total breakdown of its social, economic and political structures. The internal civil strife has been exacerbated by the country's increasing geopolitical importance in the global war on terror and regional political dynamics. The humanitarian situation is catastrophic, while the level of insecurity and the unpredictable nature of the conflict make it one of the most dangerous places for aid agencies to operate in the world.
Since 1991 there have been 13 failed attempts at brokering a peace settlement and re-establishing functioning governance structures. The 14th attempt resulted in the formation of the Transitional Federal Government, TFG, in 2004. In the intervening period the TFG has failed to exert any degree of effective control over much of the country. In mid-2006 the Union of Islamic Courts, UIC, took control of Mogadishu and other parts of south central Somalia, only to be ousted in December of that year by Ethiopian forces.
The appalling human rights abuses and complete disregard for civilian life shown in counter-terrorist operations have galvanised support for and radicalised extremist elements, the very groups such military action seeks to suppress. Since then Somalia has been thrown even deeper into this complex and multifaceted insurgency. During the past year the level of violence has further increased. All parties to the conflict have disregarded the protected status of civilians in conflict. Indiscriminate shelling of entire Mogadishu neighbourhoods, where insurgents are hidden among civilian communities, arbitrary killing of innocent civilians and other human rights violations are commonplace. It is estimated that at least 6,000 Somali civilians have died in the fighting in the past 12 months.
Following the December 2006 intervention by Ethiopian troops, the African Union mandated the deployment of peacekeeping troops as part of an African Union mission to Somalia, AMISOM. However, the mission has been plagued by difficulties and only two battalions of Ugandan and 192 Burundian troops have arrived in Somalia, totalling 2,613 of the expected 8,000 troops. Access is limited. In the absence of any peace to keep their activities have only stretched to confidence building patrols and the provision of escorts for visitors and VIPs. Additionally, troops from both countries have suffered attacks from militia groups in Mogadishu. All this has meant that the mission has had little impact on improving security for ordinary Somalis, while the cycle of violence continues to spiral out of control. In March 2008 44 NGOs, including Trócaire, issued a public statement warning of a humanitarian catastrophe in Somalia and calling on the international community and all parties to the conflict urgently to focus their attention on the situation. This was the second time in six months that NGOs issued a joint statement on the severity of the crisis. Since the first statement in October 2007, a further 360,000 people have been forced to flee their homes, an additional half a million people have been declared in need of urgent humanitarian assistance and the central regions in Somalia have deteriorated enough to warrant the declaration of a humanitarian emergency.
Continuing violence displaces approximately 20,000 people from the Somali capital every month. Military clashes between TFG-Ethiopian forces and anti-government elements are no longer confined to Mogadishu but have spread throughout the country. The displacement in Somalia is putting huge strains on host communities, with more than 80% of newly displaced people concentrated in regions that already faced severe problems in terms of food access, collapsing livelihood, and deteriorating nutritional status.
As an added dimension, the drought currently engulfing the Horn of Africa is further exacerbating the crisis. In certain areas rainfall has been all but non-existent for the past three years, and the 2008 long rains, due in April, have failed to materialise. It is well known that drought further weakens a community's ability to withstand external shocks. Such links are well known, but bear repetition given the scale of the crisis in Somalia. In the Gedo region, for example, where Trócaire is working, hundreds of people fled their homes at the start of this month after inter-clan fighting broke out over grazing and access to water.
In addition to insecurity and drought, Somalia has also been greatly affected by soaring global food prices. Somalia imports 60% of its food and with the average cost of cereals retailing in the country increasing by 375% in the past year, many people are now unable to feed their families. To cope with soaring prices people have adopted different strategies, such as reducing overall consumption and purchasing lower quality food. However, such measures prove futile in many cases.
Human rights and international humanitarian law violations by all parties to the current conflict are rampant, as highlighted in a recent report by Amnesty International. The document details abuses, including torture and other ill-treatment, rape, extra-judicial executions, arbitrary detention, and attacks on civilians and civilian infrastructure.
The current security situation in Somalia makes it difficult for humanitarian actors to provide timely and effective aid to those most in need. Aid workers and aid assets are increasingly being directly targeted for attack or obstruction - further diminishing access to the millions of Somalis who need help. It is estimated that this could increase to 3.6 million people in the near future.
Since the start of 2008, seven aid workers have been murdered and others kidnapped, causing almost all agencies to remove their international staff from Somalia and downscale operations. In the Gedo region, Trócaire's area of operation, recent attacks and a growing climate of fear and uncertainty have forced the organisation to withdraw all non-Somali staff.
In direct contravention of international humanitarian law, aid delivery and humanitarian access are increasingly impeded by a range of actors. The number of checkpoints and roadblocks now stands at nearly 400, compared with approximately 147 in January 2007. At these checkpoints there have been incidents of extortion and seizure of aid supplies. The Djibouti Declaration of 15 May and the intention expressed by the Transitional Federal Government to create a humanitarian focal point within its structure is to be welcomed. However, if humanitarian access is to improve in reality, such statements of intent must be accompanied by concrete action by the parties concerned within a transparent and agreed time frame.
Trócaire has provided humanitarian and livelihood assistance in the Gedo region in south-west Somalia since 1992. Programme activities include the provision of primary health care and education, and nutritional support for children through a school feeding intervention. We are the lead agency in a consortium with other international NGOs which seeks to improve the access to and quality of essential primary health care services in the region. Trócaire and its consortium partners have worked closely with local health structures to rehabilitate more than 50 health posts, provide technical support and training to health staff and to ensure essential vaccinations for women and children in the area. This is now under threat given the situation in the country. Trócaire complements this work with peace-building, education and livelihood support. This work is critical to ensure that as well as focusing on basic needs through our humanitarian assistance work, longer-term development goals in Somalia are also addressed.
More recently, in response to massive displacement out of Mogadishu, Trócaire, in partnership with local and international organisations, is providing emergency public health and livelihood support in the heavily affected Lower Shabelle region to both displaced people and host communities. Trócaire, once again, in the light of this catastrophe, urges Ireland and the international community to show a greater sense of urgency with regard to the humanitarian crisis in Somalia and engage constructively with all parties to the conflict to bring an end to the suffering of Somali civilians.
Trócaire has noted the conclusions regarding Somalia from the EU General Affairs and External Relations Council, GAERC, at its meeting of 26 and 27 May. While we welcome the Council's expression of concern regarding the security, humanitarian and human rights circumstances in the country, and its support for the creation of a humanitarian focal point, we call on Ireland to use its influence at EU level to ensure that the Union prioritises the search for a solution to the catastrophe in Somalia.
On humanitarian access, we call on Ireland to demand that all parties in the conflict respect international humanitarian law, guarantee unhindered humanitarian access and immediately lift all obstructions to aid assistance. To this end, it is vital that an effective humanitarian focal point within the transitional federal government be established as soon as possible.
In the area of human rights, Ireland should use all channels available - diplomatic, political and public - to ensure that all actors in the conflict meet their obligations under international human rights law.
In the political process, Ireland should express its full support for efforts by the UN special representative for Somalia to facilitate genuine reconciliation between all parties to the conflict. Given its considerable experience in successful conflict resolution, Ireland should apply sustained, high-level diplomatic pressure to facilitate engagement between all parties.
Given the volatile nature of the current circumstances and the high level of violence, international engagement with the political process must now focus on building consensus between all parties to the conflict and bringing an end to the violence. It is with concern that we note the call from both the UN Security Council, in Resolution 1814 on 15 May, and the EU GAERC conclusion, already referenced, in support of a constitutional referendum and democratic elections in 2009, as scheduled in the 2004 transitional federal charter. While holding such polls is vital to the long-term stability of the country, it is unhelpful to focus on unrealistic and inappropriate deadlines in the current political, security and humanitarian climate.