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JOINT COMMITTEE ON FOREIGN AFFAIRS AND TRADE díospóireacht -
Wednesday, 18 Jul 2012

Foreign Affairs Council: Discussion with Tánaiste and Minister for Foreign Affairs and Trade

I welcome the Tánaiste and Minister for Foreign Affairs and Trade and his officials, Ms Dearbhla Doyle, European correspondent, and Mr. Pat Kelly, director Middle East unit. The Tánaiste is here to brief the committee on the work being done by the Foreign Affairs Council of the European Union. The Tánaiste will take the committee through the main elements of the discussions and decisions of the Council for the second quarter of 2012. Members will have an opportunity to contribute their views for consideration by the Tánaiste and his officials as they prepare for next week's meeting of the council.

The urgency and gravity of some of the issues in which the Foreign Affairs Council have been engaged have been underlined at some of the committee's recent meetings. First, we had the appalling human consequences of the crisis in Syria which were outlined graphically to the committee during our recent meeting with Syrian nationals who are resident here in Ireland. Last week we discussed with the Palestinian ambassador the disappointing lack of movement in the Middle East peace process and the obstacle to progress represented by the continuing construction of illegal settlements. We had a very good meeting last week with the Palestinian representative on that. We were also disturbed to hear from Trócaire at the escalating humanitarian crisis in South Kordofan. Yesterday the committee heard from members of the Bahá'í faith in Ireland of the continuing breaches of human rights of their co-religious in Iran. That is an issue we have discussed on a number of occasions. Yesterday I met a representative of Médecins Sans Frontières, Jane Anne McKenna who had just come back from one of the camps in South Kordofan.

On a more positive note the visit by Aung San Suu Kyi to Ireland during which she met members of the joint committee was a sign of hope of a reform process in Burma-Myanmar. I thank President Higgins, who was a founder member of this committee for inviting members of the committee to meet Aung San Suu Kyi in Áras an Uachtaráin. It was a good gesture by the President to keep in touch with the Oireachtas Joint Committee on Foreign Affairs and Trade. The committee was also glad to hear from the Minister of State, Deputy Costello, on Africa Day about the significant contribution the Department is making to the humanitarian response in Mali and also the wider Sahel region.

The committee will continue to pay attention to all of these issues and I am sure that the meeting with the Tánaiste today will help to inform our ongoing discussions. We will now hear from the Tánaiste. I know he has time constraints as he is meeting the Secretary of State for Northern Ireland at 6.45 p.m. I ask members to be conscious of that when asking questions and I will try to keep things moving as quickly as possible.

I thank the Chairman and members of the committee. I welcome the opportunity to meet them again to review the issues on the agenda of the Foreign Affairs Council for the second quarter of this year and at next week's meeting. I propose to focus first on the situation in Syria and then provide a read out on the other key items featured on the Council's agenda.

The Council's discussions next Monday will commence with the Southern Neighbourhood where most attention, of course, will focus on the crisis in Syria. It is increasingly difficult to put into words the sheer horror and revulsion one feels at what is currently transpiring in Syria. The village of Tremseh has now been added to Houla and Qubair as the scenes of appalling massacres visited upon innocent civilian populations. I have made clear repeatedly my view that there needs to be accountability for such atrocities and that is why the Government fully supports those calls which have been made for the UN Security Council to refer the situation in Syria to the International Criminal Court.

What is most urgently needed now is for the UN Security Council to live up to its responsibilities and adopt a strong resolution, under Chapter VII of the Charter, which will make clear that continued non-compliance by the Assad regime or, for that matter, by the Syrian Opposition with its obligations under the Annan peace plan will lead to the imposition of UN sanctions, including a comprehensive arms embargo. No one can question the appropriateness of a Chapter VII resolution at this stage, given the dangers which the Syrian conflict poses to the wider region and in light of the clear spill-over effects we have already seen in Lebanon and in Turkey's relations with Syria following the recent shooting down of a Turkish air-force jet. I want to make clear, however, that our support for Chapter VII is strictly limited to enabling the Security Council to impose effective sanctions, and in particular an arms embargo, and not for any other reason. As Secretary General Ban recently reported to the Security Council, the last thing we need at present is any further militarisation of the conflict. All our actions, rather, must be geared to stopping the flow of arms and securing the earliest possible ceasefire.

In urging the Security Council to take decisive action this week and adopt a strong resolution, I also hope it will be in a position to extend the mandate of the UN monitoring mission, UNSMIS, for a further period. UNSMIS has faced major problems in fulfilling its mandate. However, as the recent horrific events in Tremseh have aptly illustrated, no one can doubt the importance of a continued UN presence in Syria, both as a reassurance to the Syrian people who have endured so much and also to have some credible means of investigating and monitoring current events in which the international community can have confidence.

This week's discussions and decisions in the Security Council will inevitably form the backdrop for next Monday's Council discussion. I have no doubt the Council will wish to convey a further strong message of support for Kofi Annan's efforts as special envoy and for the Geneva communiqué which he helped to broker last month. The Council is also likely to adopt a further round of EU sanctions targeted against the regime and those who provide it with political, financial or other support. The EU has already adopted several rounds of stringent restrictive measures against the Syrian regime and only wide-ranging UN sanctions at this stage are really likely to have the appropriate further dissuasive effect on the regime and its supporters.

The Council next Monday will also briefly review events in Libya and Egypt. In Libya, slow but steady progress continues to be made in its democratic transformation and the Council will no doubt wish to welcome the peaceful and successful conduct of the recent parliamentary elections held on 7 July. There are undoubtedly major challenges continuing to confront Libya and its people, not least the need to improve security, move ahead with effective demobilisation of militias and establish functioning institutions of governance and justice. However, set against where Libya was one short year ago, we should not underestimate the degree of real change and progress which there has been in Libya since Gadaffi's overthrow.

Last month, the Council had an extensive discussion on Egypt following the recent presidential elections which saw President Morsi finally confirmed as the victor. The necessary transition to full civilian rule is proving a difficult one. However, what is undoubtedly positive is that Mohamed Morsi is the first democratically elected head of state in Egypt's history and the continuing fundamental arguments about who really rules in Egypt are being largely addressed through dialogue and recourse to legal appeals and arguments, rather than by any other means. We must respect that it ultimately remains for the Egyptian people to chart their own political future. The international community can most usefully help by continuing to offer strong support and encouragement for that transition to democratic civilian rule which was the inspiration for last year's Tahrir revolution.

There has continued to be a strong focus on Middle East issues during the Council's deliberations over the past three months. In May, the Council adopted a wide-ranging and comprehensive set of conclusions on the Middle East peace process. Ireland was actively engaged and played an important role in the adoption of these conclusions. They represent an important and forceful statement of EU concerns about a range of Israeli policies and other critical issues. These include settlements, movement restrictions, pressures to force Palestinians out of area C and east Jerusalem, settler violence, the continuing blockade of Gaza, and more. The conclusions form part of a concerted attempt on the part of Ireland and other concerned EU partners to focus EU attention on the issues on the ground which threaten the viability of the two-state solution and the prospect of negotiating a comprehensive peace agreement. I made clear my view at the May Council that the EU will need to revisit and follow up on these critical issues later this year, to assess what, if any, progress there has been on the ground. It would also be important that Ministers have a substantive discussion on Gaza since the situation there has not been adequately addressed by the Council for some time.

The Council has also kept a close watch on the international engagement with Iran to try and resolve peacefully the serious concerns about its nuclear programme. The EU has reluctantly joined others in imposing progressive sanctions on Iran, most recently an embargo on imports of Iranian oil from 1 July. These have succeeded in inducing Iran to return to negotiations, but regretfully, after three sessions of talks in April, May and June, Iran still appears basically to be just playing for time, and making no real effort to seriously pursue a solution. We are still fully committed to talks, and to a peaceful agreement as the only way forward, but this can only succeed if Iran too is willing. I expect a further round of talks, yet to be scheduled, but unfortunately it seems that we may also have to look at options for yet stronger sanctions. It is important to make clear to Iran that this will only end if there is a mutual agreement which satisfies international concerns about their nuclear activities.

Bosnia and Herzegovina appears on the Foreign Affairs Council agenda at regular intervals given the ongoing EU involvement in the country. Following our discussions in December 2011, there have been a number of positive developments, including the formation of a state-level government, 14 months after the elections. In addition, laws were passed on state aid and the population census, which were requirements for the ratification of the stabilisation and association agreement between the EU and Bosnia and Herzegovina.

When this issue was discussed at the Foreign Affairs Council in June, progress seemed to be flagging. Concerns were raised regarding a proposed reshuffle in the power-sharing government. However, Ministers in general agreed that this was an internal coalition decision and not one in which the EU should seek to interfere. If anything, this is an example of how Bosnia and Herzegovina is learning to find solutions to its problems itself, without relying on international supervision.

Immediately following the discussion at the June Foreign Affairs Council, the European Commission hosted a high level dialogue with the main Bosnian leaders to explain to them how the EU accession process works and encourage them to agree on a co-ordination mechanism. This appears to have succeeded in injecting some momentum into the process again. Latest reports from Sarajevo suggest that agreement has been reached not only on the co-ordination mechanism but on the implementation of the European Court of Human Rights ruling, which is the last element to allow for ratification of the stabilisation and association agreement. I know the Minister of State, Deputy Creighton, was encouraged by the commitment to reform in her meetings with Bosnian politicians when she visited the country earlier this month. Local elections are due in October and the Council will discuss the situation in Bosnia and Herzegovina again before the end of the year.

In April in response to the improving political situation in Burma, the Foreign Affairs Council decided to suspend all sanctions against Burma bar the arms embargo and the ban on equipment which might be used for internal repression. This decision was the result of protracted and complex negotiations and we will continue to monitor the situation in advance of reviewing the decision in October.

Burma is in the process of undergoing an important and long-awaited transformation. I have been very encouraged by the manner in which the situation in Burma has greatly improved and Ireland has always remained ready to respond positively to genuine progress towards democratisation and respect for human rights. I reiterated this message to Daw Aung San Suu Kyi when I met her in Dublin on 18 June. During my meeting with Aung San Suu Kyi we exchanged views on a wide range of issues including the current situation in Burma, bilateral trade and economic relations and the ways in which Ireland might be of assistance to Burma as it progresses towards greater democracy and an open economy. In recent months, the Department has also been reviewing the status of our diplomatic relations with Burma and I am pleased to confirm the Government decided on 5 June to reactivate diplomatic relations between our two countries and to nominate our ambassador in Vietnam as non-resident ambassador to Burma.

The Council discussed EU-China trade relations in May. EU Trade Commissioner De Gucht briefed member states on the main aspects of the relationship with a focus on investment and, more broadly, addressed China's plans to promote strategic emerging industries and innovation. The EU believes that holding to our principles of openness, fair and predictable trade should be a cornerstone of our relations with China. This does not mean that we cannot be more forceful in applying rules that govern international trade. Rather than searching for leverage around new protectionist measures, I believe we should intensively review the existing dialogues with China to see how we can work together to collaborate. Ireland is entering a new phase of engagement with China following the visits by the Taoiseach and Ministers this spring, and I look forward to visiting later this year. The announcement of China as a strategic partner for Ireland moves our relationship to a new level.

At the Foreign Affairs Council in April, Ministers expressed deep concern about the escalating conflict between Sudan and South Sudan and condemned recent actions carried out by both sides. At the July Council, Ministers will discuss the progress made in implementing the African Union roadmap for the two countries.

Following on from a discussion in April, the Council will next week consider the serious humanitarian situation that has developed in recent months in Mali and the wider Sahel region. In response to this urgent situation, Ireland has provided humanitarian funding of some €9.25 million this year to help aid agencies on the ground to provide emergency food, water and health care to affected communities.

I intend to visit Uganda and Kenya later this month. During my visit, I will have an opportunity to view the impact of the Irish Aid programme, including our significant humanitarian response to the crisis in the Horn of Africa. In per capita terms, Ireland is one of the most significant donors to the region. I also intend to use the visit to discuss opportunities for greater trade between Ireland and Africa.

The discussion on Ukraine at the May Foreign Affairs Council was useful, in that it conveyed clearly the agreed message to Kiev that the EU values closer political association and economic integration with Ukraine. However, it also articulated a clear message to the effect that, for progress to be made in the relationship, including the signing and ratification of the association agreement with Ukraine, the EU would need to see two key developments, those being, a resolution of the issue of politically motivated trials, including that of former Prime Minister Yulia Tymoshenko, and the fair and transparent conduct of next October's parliamentary elections. The clarity achieved on this important issue is of benefit to both the EU and Ukraine.

In May, the Foreign Affairs Council held a discussion ahead of the 29th EU-Russia Summit, which took place in St. Petersburg on 3 and 4 June. This was the first summit with President Putin under the Lisbon framework. Although the discussion at the Council did not break new ground, it provided a welcome opportunity to reflect on the Union's relationship with Russia. In particular, the Council considered prospects for the EU framing a new agreement with Russia and the related issue of Eurasian economic integration, in light of President Putin's intentions to develop the Customs Union of Belarus, Kazakhstan and Russia, CUBKR, into the Eurasian economic union in 2015. These issues were subsequently discussed at the EU-Russia Summit, which was judged to have been a pragmatic and positive encounter. Ministers also agreed at the May Council that there should be a strategic discussion on relations with Russia later this year.

Afghanistan was the subject of ongoing ministerial discussion at the Foreign Affairs Council meetings in March, April and May, culminating in detailed Council conclusions in May. The Council affirmed the importance of the international community taking an holistic view of post-2014 engagement with Afghanistan, given the correlation between security and long-term development in the country. As the transition from military to civilian-led international engagement gathers pace, the focus of the international community should now be on assisting Afghanistan in fulfilling its commitments.

The Council discussed developments in Pakistan in March and June, either side of the visit by the High Representative to Pakistan last month. High Representative Ashton's visit saw the launch of a strategic dialogue with Pakistan and an EU-Pakistan five-year engagement plan. While there are several issues of continuing concern, there is now a functioning political framework for engagement with the EU and a human rights dialogue with Pakistan.

At the May Council, Ministers had an exchange of views in advance of the sixth EU-Mexico Summit, which took place on 17 June en marge of the G20 meeting. As is usual at these summits, the EU was represented by Presidents Van Rompuy and Barroso.

Following on from the conclusions of the Foreign Affairs Council of December 2011, High Representative Ashton circulated a progress report on the common security and defence policy, CSDP, issues that will be discussed at the meeting next week. The Council is expected to welcome the progress on the CSDP since the beginning of the year and looks forward to the imminent launch of three new CSDP missions: EUAVSEC South Sudan, to strengthen aviation security in South Sudan; EUCAP NESTOR, a regional maritime capability building mission in the Horn of Africa; and EUCAP SAHEL Niger, a mission to support the capacity building of the Nigerian security sector to combat terrorism and organised crime. Last month, the Council agreed to the extension of the mandate of the EU's rule of law mission in Kosovo, EULEX Kosovo, until June 2014 while the EU police mission in Bosnia and Herzegovina completed its mandate on 30 June.

A broad-ranging exchange of views is anticipated at Council next week on how the EU's external energy objectives can be integrated into its foreign policy agenda and activities. This discussion comes about as part of efforts by the high representative to achieve greater policy coherence across the EU institutions. I am supportive of efforts in all policy areas to ensure that the full range of resources of the EU are mobilised in pursuit of common objectives. While events such as the Russia-Ukraine gas crisis in 2009 or the loss of Libyan oil supplies in 2011 have not directly affected Ireland in terms of energy supplies, they had an impact on all economies in the form of price increases. As a small peripheral European energy market, it is important to us that the EU would have a strong and co-ordinated policy on energy security that safeguards supplies for all member states. The discussion at the Council meeting will be a first step towards achieving this.

At the June Foreign Affairs Council, I warmly welcomed the adoption of the EU Strategic Framework and Action Plan on Human Rights and Democracy. Ireland has been a consistent supporter of the development of the framework and action plan, which serve to reaffirm the commitment of all member states to advancing human rights in the EU's foreign policy. They outline a vision of how the EU will work in this regard. In particular, I welcome the inclusion of strong references to the role that the EU can play in supporting human rights defenders in advancing gender equality and the rights of women and in raising the issue of freedom of religion or belief.

As part of the overall human rights package, High Representative Ashton is shortly expected to announce the name of the first ever EU special representative for human rights. That person will be well in place before the Irish Presidency and we will be ready to support her or him in that important work.

This concludes my comments on the business of the Foreign Affairs Council in the second quarter of this year and for the forthcoming July Council. I am grateful to have had this opportunity to set the details out for the committee and I will be pleased to respond to whatever questions members may have.

I thank the Tánaiste for his comprehensive overview of the situation. Before I hand over to members for questions, I wish to ask one myself. Others might also ask it. It is in connection with the atrocity today of a suicide bombing in Syria. It was the first direct hit on the Assad regime and saw the Syrian President's brother-in-law and defence Minister killed. The attack will make the situation worse, coming as it does after the atrocities in Tremseh, Houla and Qubair, yet Russia is still holding back and claiming that further action by the UN will make the situation even worse. Today, the UN Secretary General, Ban Ki-moon, arrived in Beijing to lobby the Chinese on the issue. Where the UN is concerned, we are here for Syria. The Tánaiste mentioned Security Council Resolution 7, which we want the Russians to support, but they are reluctant. Where to now for Syria? Other questions will probably be asked about Syria.

I will revert to the Chairman on his.

The Chairman has referred to the various issues that we have been considering. I will address some of them as well as a few other matters. Recently, we met a number of Syrians who were resident in Ireland. They left the meeting with a positive feeling, namely, that something tangible would happen in terms of the human rights issues that they brought to our attention. They have since been disappointed. Where is Irish aid going? Opposition groups in Syria cannot attend hospitals run by the Syrian Red Cross and must rely on mobile hospitals, which do not have the necessary resources. The group in Ireland sent a shipment that is being delayed in Amman. What can be done with the Jordanian authorities?

Syrian refugees who are wounded and living in Lebanon are being forcibly returned to Syria. Can we work with the Lebanese authorities to ensure that this does not occur?

The situation in South Kordofan is of major concern, particularly for the people of the Nuba Mountains who have been caught up in a conflict. We have been told that theirs is an inclusive and open society. The issue must be addressed. Not only is there a humanitarian crisis in Mali, but there is also a deliberate destruction of people's culture, given the attacks on artifacts, books and libraries. There seems to be a targeting of women leaders in Afghanistan. According to reports, two have been assassinated recently.

The committee held a discussion with a member of the Polisario Front of Western Sahara. I have submitted questions to the Tánaiste in this regard. As we agree with the right to self-determination it must be applied to those people also. Has there been any discussions with French authorities? They seem to be a stumbling block.

Turkey was another issue that was not mentioned but I know that the Tánaiste cannot cover everything. I have great relationships with Turkey and think it is a wonderful civilisation but there is no doubt that there are democratically elected people in jail. They were elected by the people but they are now in jail and have been deprived of their rights.

I have followed up on the human rights issues for prisoners in Northern Ireland. The Tánaiste said that he was monitoring the issue but what is the current position?

I wish to raise another issue. There is an Irish lady married to an Albanian gentleman who is in jail and she can prove that he was elsewhere when the crimes were committed. I know that she is frustrated at not being able to advance his case.

Like Deputy Maureen O'Sullivan we should focus all of our attention on Syria given the appalling atrocities that have been committed in the region. There is a difficulty in recognising the integrity of the state but, on the other hand, the world has again witnessed the most appalling human rights violations. Obviously the Tánaiste was diplomatic in the language he used when he mentioned Syria but there is the question of Security Council involvement. I welcome his efforts to have the matter referred to the International Criminal Court. In the same way as the EU has moved from unanimity to qualified majority, should there be a UN initiative to move the Syrian crisis to that as well? Similar situations crop up fairly regularly where one country has a veto but prevents positive intervention to tackle serious situations which command, and should command, our attention.

The Tánaiste did not mention the influence of other countries on Syria, such as Iran, and what can be done when dealing with regimes that might bolster the Assad regime. Recently Kofi Annan met the Russian leader but came away with little change. I agree with the Tánaiste's comments on the position adopted by Kofi Annan but there is a sense of frustration with events in Syria.

The Tánaiste is reasonably positive about Egypt and the comments made by President Morsi were encouraging. There were fears about the fundamentalist nature of the Muslim Brotherhood and the jury is still out on it at this stage. Has the Tánaiste any further comments on the matter? Should we feel reassured by recent events? Should we still be cautious about how the transfer of power will affect minorities in Egypt?

The Tánaiste also mentioned the Middle East peace process. Again, this comes back to the UN Security Council and particular countries bolstering a situation which seems, on the face of it, to be demonstrably unfair. The continuing building of settlements does not give hope that the issue will be reconciled or resolved. If anything, it indicates that the current events will only exacerbate efforts to find a resolution.

I noticed that the Tánaiste said that the EU reluctantly imposed sanctions on Iran. Given the effect that such sanctions have had on Iraq, on its civilian population and the fact that they have not advanced the intended objectives, how can we feel more confident that the same thing will not happen in Iran? There are conflicting comments on the risks posed by Iran's nuclear programme but I ask the Tánaiste to comment further on the subject.

Russia is one of the richest countries in the world due to its natural resources but the integrity of its governance system is questionable and there is a high level of civilian dissatisfaction. I travelled to Russia to act as an observer during the Duma elections and that strong message came from various quarters, including from people that I spoke to privately. At some stage that dissatisfaction will cause a hiatus in Russian society. What is Ireland doing to help those people? As Chair of the OSCE, the Magnitsky case is being focused on by the OSCE, it raises the most appalling scenario about people who challenge obvious areas of corruption in the Russian administrative system. To what extent does the EU engage on that matter?

I welcome the engagement with Pakistan. Can the Tánaiste give us more information on the five-year engagement plan?

One of the most important points raised was on energy and foreign policy. The Tánaiste rightly highlighted the exposure which we all understood when the dispute between Russia and the Ukraine erupted in 2009 and it crystalised the dangers posed for the supply of energy to Europe. Obviously that has consequences, particularly now, for a fragile European economic situation. That does not take into account the cost of energy. To what extent does the European Union and Council focus on these issues? Can they ensure that the fragile position of all economies will be protected?

I do not know if members have read Nouriel Roubini's report today. He predicts that there will be a serious scenario in 2013 and that a lot of the current difficulties encountered by the world will come together in what he refers to as a perfect storm. We should be mindful of his predictions because he has been correct in the past. He is one of the few economists to predict the US banking collapse and he did that five years before it happened. What initiatives is the Council taking to tackle the cost of energy? The cost has an impact on our competitiveness and will affect our prospects for recovery. People now pay twice as much for fuel at the pumps and I can remember when that happened before. It was in good times but at the time serious voices were raised about the detrimental effects it would have on the economy.

I thank the Tánaiste for his comprehensive overview ahead of the Council's meeting.

I shall start with the Middle East peace process by commending him on his efforts since coming to office. In particular, he led Ireland's support for the Palestinian right to nationhood at the UN by voting in favour of its membership of UNESCO. I know that he has played a significant role in the recent and strong European Council's long overdue statement. He may be aware that the committee met the Palestinian ambassador last week. His presentation was depressing but necessarily so in terms of the potential for a third intifada. There is only so long that the current generation of young Palestinians can sit back and watch their moderate leaders being kicked in the teeth for their efforts. The settlements are a crime against humanity and the current violence continues day in and day out. People have been driven off their land, their crops burned and their houses razed to the ground while the world stood idly by and Europe rewarded Israel with continued and enhanced trade agreements. Is it any wonder that people in the Arab and Muslim worlds have no confidence in the West because of how we have dealt with the issue. However, I separate the Tánaiste from that and applaud him for the leadership that he has shown since he took office but we need to do more. I appreciate that not everybody shares his fervour to resolve the issue. However, they need to realise that if we wait for the electoral cycle in America to take its course and hope America does something different, this could get very serious again. There is a requirement on Europe, Catherine Ashton and on the Tánaiste to try to carve some type of agreement and impress on all the parties there, particularly Israel, the need to meet their responsibilities and stop this crime against humanity. What happens in the settlements every day is illegal and wrong, so there is no credibility in challenging other regimes.

That brings me to Iran. The fact about Iran is that the International Atomic Energy Agency has not provided any evidence that Iran is seeking to develop nuclear weapons. What it has done, because it has a new leader who was elected a few years ago at the behest of the United States, is produce old allegations with no evidence whatsoever. This has given succour to Israel and has put the region on high alert for almost 18 months. Iran is seeking to enrich nuclear material for peaceful purposes. That is its right under the non-proliferation treaty. Iran has signed that treaty and has left itself open for inspection, as is its responsibility. Israel has not. It is estimated that Israel has approximately 400 nuclear warheads. According to Der Spiegel Germany, a prominent core member of the European Union, has provided Israel with a range of submarines that have the capacity to carry nuclear warheads. Yet we are lecturing Iran on its responsibilities in the region and we talk about a Middle East free of weapons of mass destruction. This is the fundamental difficulty here. The west will have no credibility until it deals conclusively and assertively with Israel. There are double standards.

I am not a massive admirer of the Iranian regime. I have many criticisms of the way it has run its state with regard to human rights and many other issues. However, I do not believe, and most neutral observers do not believe, that it is trying to develop nuclear weapons. Can the Tánaiste say where there is evidence that it is developing nuclear weapons, because it is not available?

The next point is about South Kordofan. Trócaire, Médecins san Frontières and other NGOs have been appealing for the European Union to take a more assertive role to ensure Sudan allows humanitarian aid to get through. It is a desperate situation and all members of the committee have, correctly, been lobbied about it. What are the Tánaiste's thoughts on that?

Finally, I will refer to Bosnia. I could ask about many other issues, but that would be unfair to the other members. Tomorrow there will be a presentation to the European affairs committee by a noted journalist about the situation in Bosnia, about which he has written recently. There are concerns that the Bosnian Serbs in the Republika Srpska are not meeting their responsibilities and not showing the necessary allegiance to the state. Recently they introduced laws that appear to undermine the laws of Bosnia and Herzegovina. The Minister of State, Deputy Lucinda Creighton, was in Bosnia recently. What can we do to impress upon the regional government of Republika Srpska, as if it needs to be reminded, that it has particular responsibilities, especially given the recent history of appalling human rights disasters in the region?

There are six more speakers who wish to contribute to the debate; obviously the Tánaiste is very popular. I ask members to be a little more brief so everybody can contribute. I am also conscious of the Tánaiste's timetable.

I fundamentally disagree with Deputy Mac Lochlainn's position on Iran. It would be useful if the Tánaiste would elaborate on the information outlined in his earlier remarks with regard to Iran's nuclear activities, which present a threat not just to the region but also to the international community.

I wish to make some observations and restrict myself to questions about the Middle East peace process. As has been pointed out by Deputy Mac Lochlainn, the Tánaiste's statements after the EU Foreign Affairs Council meeting in May were very encouraging. He referred to the possibility of exploring options such as a ban on goods from the illegal settlements. Is it the Tánaiste's intention to pursue this further and does he expect any developments in that regard in the forthcoming Council meeting? He might also use this opportunity to elaborate on any plans he might have to advance Europe's role in the Middle East peace process in the context of our forthcoming Presidency of the EU.

I welcome the appointment of a non-resident ambassador to Burma. It is reflective of improved relations, the improving situation internally in Burma and that Burma is set to take its place among the nations of the world. The developments regarding Aung San Suu Kyi and her visit here are very welcome.

I also welcome the decision to name a new EU special representative for human rights. This is a timely move, perhaps almost belated in many respects. The Tánaiste might also take this opportunity to update the committee on Ireland's campaign for membership of the United Nations Human Rights Council.

Finally, the Tánaiste reflected in his remarks on the possibility of a new round of EU sanctions emanating from the EU Foreign Affairs Council meeting next week. Clearly, if that is to stick there is a requirement for an expansion of the UN sanctions programme. Will he expand on the type of sanctions he anticipates emanating from the United Nations and the EU if we are to get closer to securing a ceasefire and end the catastrophe in Syria, which deeply troubles all of us?

I thank the Tánaiste for his comprehensive appraisal of the issues facing the European Union, world peace and people who have a general interest in human rights.

There are obviously some serious violations of human rights at present. First, in the case of Syria, what has been illustrated over many months is the inability of the international community to bring to bear sufficient influence on the authorities there to impress upon them the extent to which human rights are being abused in an unacceptable manner. It is sad. We, as part of the European Union, and the EU do not appear to be able to advance that cause one iota from what happened during the Bosnian war some years ago. We still must wait and see. Might it be possible to approach the issue with the Chinese and the Russians, who have a particular responsibility in this area in respect of their attitude at the UN Security Council, on the basis of blatant abuses of human rights? Such abuses are unacceptable anywhere and in any civilisation. Would it be possible for the Tánaiste through his contacts in the EU and the UN to pursue it at that level and to exploit the possibility of advancing under that heading?

With regard to the Middle East peace process, the Palestinian ambassador appeared before the committee a week ago. It was very interesting, although some things never change. We have had countless discussions over the past five or ten years with the Israeli ambassador and the Palestinian representatives, but nothing seems to change. The same speeches are repeated again and again, and the same speeches were repeated many years ago. Each believes that the situation prevailing in their territory is unique, and that there has never been a situation like it anywhere in the world. Of course, we all know that is not true. All situations of that nature have one thing in common - there is a need to recognise each other's existence and that if they continue to live in the past there can be no resolution, unless and until there are leaders who are willing to take an initiative. Unfortunately, however, the history of leaders who have tried to do that is not good either. Suffice it to say, the longer the current situation continues, the greater the likelihood of further unnecessary bloodshed in the future, which could easily be alleviated if people took account of what President Michael D. Higgins said when he pointed to the need for a permanent structure where all those concerned can air their views on an ongoing basis with a view to something positive happening. He is a former member of this committee and I agree with him entirely. He believed it was a serious issue at the time.

I do not agree with my colleague on Iran; rather, I agree with Deputy Gerald Nash on that topic. There is a threat from rogue states. While I am not suggesting for one moment that Iran is the rogue state there is a need for Iran to point out and illustrate clearly that it is not in that category in order to reassure the rest of society.

Regarding Bosnia-Herzegovina, we have had a number of discussions on it over the past years. It remains an area that requires ongoing encouragement from the European Union in order to ensure no one is allowed to feel isolated. The success of the past years should not be eroded by anything that might happen.

The Tánaiste mentioned the Ukraine. What is happening in respect of the former Prime Minister Julia Tymoshenko? There appears to be a wall of silence. The extent to which information emanates from the Ukraine is not as we would like. It behoves us all, as elected Members of Parliament to try to ensure, in so far as we can, that we listen to concerns about the fundamental rights of members now in opposition in the Ukraine.

Unlike some speakers I will not go around the world.

I could have gone further.

I am conscious of time so I ask members to keep questions brief.

I concur with most of the statements made on Palestine. Perhaps the Tánaiste can elaborate on his statement to the effect that goods coming from the illegal settlements or occupied territories are considered for a boycott in the future. He said something about the violence from the settlers and I would like to understand the context. There was some implication that steps have been threatened if the violence from settlers continues.

I concur with the fear of the EU and other countries that the situation in Syria could become more violent if more weapons enter the conflict. A delegation attended a committee meeting here and made a sensible contribution. It left the meeting very impressed by our support. The delegation believed Irish Aid was in a position to assist them financially in the purchase of medicine and medical supplies. The committee dealt with a number of the points made by the witnesses in so far as it got in touch with the Jordanians and the Lebanese. They say they have field hospitals because it is impossible for the wounded to go to established hospitals. They will be killed, assassinated or further brutalised if they go there. The request was for Irish Aid to assist in providing medical supplies to doctors working in mobile hospitals on the ground.

My final point concerns my pet topic, which is not popular. Ireland prides itself on engaging in conflict resolution. I sometimes doubt the EU understands what is going on in the Ukraine. I do not pretend to be an expert in the field. I refer to the arrogantly insulting demands, such as a boycott of the European Cup game in Donetsk. The game was the pride and joy of the Ukrainian people, not the incumbent leader or the opposition. The people of Ukraine invested much in their country for the Euro 2012 games yet European Ministers suggested a boycott because of the treatment of Ms Tymoshenko. I am arguing that it must be better understood that the Ukraine is a vast country and divided between the eastern and western concepts. There seems to be no grey area. The election results from the Ukraine clearly show the pro-western side and the pro-eastern element. Did the EU statements seem to be biased because we see Ms Tymoshenko as the west-leaning leader whereas Mr. Yanukovych is seen as a Russian leaning tyrant? My fear in this debate is that we have failed to recognise the people and the nation of the Ukraine as a unitary state requiring massive intervention and support. When Ms Tymoshenko negotiated the gas deal, as Prime Minister, it is internationally recognised that the cost to the Ukrainian people of the deal was extraordinarily out of sync with the value of contracts in other regions. To this day, Ukraine is suffering from the cost of its energy supplies from Russia.

Now that the Minister is chairman in office of the OSCE, I plead with him to note that the constant propaganda war in favour of Tymoshenko at the expense of the incumbents is not a unifying approach. It does not do any good in the interest of the nation as a whole. We need OSCE interventions and EU interventions to push the legal profession and the Judiciary to modernise the outdated laws inherited from the Soviet system. Those laws are getting Ms Tymoshenko into trouble. The Ukraine should be recognised as an emerging democracy and a country that should be supported and assisted in emerging as a democracy. It must be seen as a unitary State and not just a half of Ukraine that is pro-western.

I welcome the Tánaiste to the committee and I thank him for his detailed submission. In November 2011, I travelled to Ethiopia as part of the Oireachtas delegation. We visited the UN refugee camp in Benishangul-Gumuz, where 5,000 occupants had fled from South Sudan in order to get solitude and solidarity with people in Ethiopia and the UN in particular. While we were there, we spoke to a number of camp occupants. Many of them were upset and distressed as a consequence of the war in South Sudan. A number of issues were outlined to us and one that sticks out in my mind is education for the children in refugee camps. In November, there were no facilities in the place and I ask that some of the Irish Aid money is spent specifically on that purpose.

Has Senator Higgins concluded? She should come in every day to ask questions. She is an excellent example to all other committee members.

Brevity is the key. I was trained at the Law Library.

I will try to follow my colleague's example by being brief. My question concerns the goods coming from the illegal settlements in the occupied territories, which is laudable by the standards of our European colleagues. Are the goods being shipped out of the illegal settlements in the occupied territories part of the preferential trade agreement with Israel under the EuroMed agreement? As the Chair will be aware, there is a human rights clause in our EuroMed agreement with Israel and yet there is no trigger mechanism for it.

I know it will come up for discussion in the autumn. How are we to implement that policy with which I totally agree? There should be no question of goods produced in illegal settlements being shipped and packaged as Israeli produce and getting preferential treatment in the EU.

As this is Ms Emer Deane's last meeting, I wish her the best of luck in her new position in the Department. She served as our consul general in San Francisco. She did an excellent job and we will miss her.

I welcome the opportunity for an exchange of words with the Tánaiste and Minister for Foreign Affairs and Trade. I apologise for not being present for the entire meeting, but as I had tabled a motion I had to be in the Seanad for Private Members' time. I was not sure I would be able to come to committee at all, but I am very glad I did. I was greatly encouraged by the Minister's speech, particularly in light of the fact that the Taoiseach addressed the Seanad today and did so very well but in 18 pages, he signally failed to mention the phrase "human rights" once. I am very glad the Tánaiste has redressed that balance by addressing that matter very significantly towards the end of his speech. I remember a time when I was told by the then French Foreign Minister when I tried to raise a human rights issue, that there was no human rights aspects to the then European Economic Community. Now there is and it is growing. I am delighted it is growing under our Presidency. I encourage the Tánaiste to facilitate this and to encourage it.

I wish to comment on Syria. I do believe in violence but stopping the flow of arms is just stopping it to one side. The Government of President Assad appears to have unlimited access to arms and the other side does not. That seems to be unequal. The efforts of Kofi Annan are a total and absolute waste of time. Things are promised but not delivered on. We must be much more realistic. I wonder if there is any truth in a suggestion by a senior defector that there has been some use of chemical weapons in the past week? Has the Tánaiste any information on that?

I addressed correspondence to the committee about two Albanian brothers, Mark and Andreas Marku, one of whom is married to an Irish woman. I believe the Tánaiste's officials may have some knowledge of this. I am not expecting an immediate answer because I think it is unfair to ask people on the hop. Will the Tánaiste correspond with me or Deputy O'Sullivan, who I believe also raised the question of validation of documents with the assistance of the Irish authorities and update us on the situation?

The situation in Syria highlights something that needs to be done, namely, reform of the United Nations. I do not believe it is acceptable that China and Russia, particularly in light of the recent behaviour, should be allowed to have a veto. It is an absolute disgrace. It is an inheritance from the Second World War some 70 years ago. We should grow up. All members of the international community should be treated equally. The five members who were allies against Nazi Germany should not be allowed to veto issues of human rights. It is an absolute obscenity and it is a reproach to the Russian and Chinese people.

With regard to Iran, one gets conflicting information. On one side a fatwa has been issued by the leading ayatollah. Is this true or is it hypocrisy? I do not know. It would be helpful to know. I think it is a very sinister state. I have no difficulty in saying it is a rogue state. There is no question or doubt about it. It is against the interests of the people. It is utterly undemocratic in every possible way. I am not sure whether it has technically broken any of the nuclear conditions. Could the Tánaiste say, if not directly then by written reply, if Iran has broken international law or the regulations of the International Atomic Energy Agency?

I have a particular interest in the Middle East. I know it quite well as I had a home there on and off for many years. I have personally witnessed the violence against the settlers. It is horrifying. In recent weeks, among many other people, I received information from B'Tselem which is an Israeli human rights organisation. Its members are Jewish people and cannot be anti-Semitic. They have recorded the outrageous beatings of children in some of these villages. It must be examined. For that reason I support my colleague, Senator Mark Daly, who raised the issue of the EuroMed agreement. I am very glad if the Minister is indicating that in addition to the question of goods, which are often wrongly labelled as coming from Israel, even though they are produced illegally on occupied territory, there is a possibility that the EuroMed agreement could be re-examined with a view to activating the human rights protocols that are attached to them. I have asked and have had resolutions passed in this committee and in the Seanad for the situation to be monitored. That has never happened. The human rights protocols have not even been monitored. That is dreadful. The Tánaiste, who is a very honourable and decent man, would agree with me that it is a violation of the concept of human rights to attach these types of protocols to an international agreement and then dishonour them. It would be better if we were honest and said, "We in Europe do not give a damn, we are only interested in trade and money. They can break as many human rights as they want." I would prefer that as I could argue against it. Having protocols in place and ignoring them is an obscenity.

I have time for two brief interventions from Senator Mullins and Deputy Neville.

I welcome the Tánaiste and Minister for Foreign Affairs and Trade and thank him for his very comprehensive report. I suppose there is some welcome news as well as disturbing reports. We welcome the progress that is being made towards democracy in Libya and Egypt. I would like to ask the Tánaiste a question on the Middle East peace process. Is it unlikely we will see much progress in the remainder of the year, given the lack of real engagement by the US because of the presidential election and the electoral considerations of Prime Minister Netanyahu? Will the Government during its EU Presidency give renewed impetus to kick start some meaningful discussions to move that process forward?

In relation to the situation in Syria, I will not go over all the issues that have been raised, but concerns were raised in correspondence by the Syria Irish humanitarian aid group. Could the Tánaiste respond to those particular concerns to give us confidence that the issues they have raised are being addressed? It appears that the Kofi Annan peace initiative is not working. Is consideration being given to a plan B, if no progress is made during the coming months? The awful loss of life on a daily basis cannot be allowed to continue. As a sovereign Government and a member of the European Union, we have a responsibility to take whatever action is needed to stop the massacres that are being carried out by the Assad regime. What consideration is likely to be given to a plan B other than the Annan peace plan?

Perhaps the Tánaiste can outline his objectives for Ireland's Presidency of the European Union. I refer to his objectives in the broader international field, rather than his objectives as they relate to Europe. How does he envisage that his role will change and develop? Does he have any personal objectives that he would like to achieve during Ireland's Presidency in the first half of next year?

I thank the Deputy for being brief. I give him full marks. I will call Deputy Neville and Senator Higgins first the next day. I know the Tánaiste is facing time constraints. The case of the Albanian national, which was raised at last week's meeting of this committee, is not strictly an issue for the Foreign Affairs Council. We sent a transcript of the Tánaiste's response to a priority question on the matter to Senator Norris on foot of a letter the Senator had sent to the committee.

Many detailed questions have been asked. I will try to answer them thematically. I will begin with Syria because it is the most urgent issue facing the international community at this time. The urgency of the matter was reinforced by the suicide bombing that took place in Damascus today. I understand that a suicide bomber went into the national security building and that the Syrian defence minister and a number of other security figures were killed. It underlines the urgent need for a ceasefire in Syria. The escalation of the violence in Syria has resulted from the failure to comply with the Annan peace plan. It is important that the plan is adhered to. The fact that this has not happened does not mean it is the wrong plan. The Annan peace plan sets out the means by which a ceasefire and a peaceful transition can occur in Syria. It provides for respect for human rights and the rights of various minorities. It allows opposition groups to work together. It ensures the transition will be peaceful and democratic. The difficulty we face is that the plan is not being complied with by the Assad regime. We need to decide how it can be enforced.

The European Union took forceful action on Syria in terms of sanctions at an early stage. It has escalated those sanctions at each successive meeting of the Foreign Affairs Council over a period of time. The sanctions are aimed at key figures in the regime. The intention is to stop the supply of arms and equipment to Syria. In more recent times, the sanctions have been aimed at forcing the Assad regime to comply with the Annan peace plan. However, they now need to be reinforced by a very robust position on part of the United Nations. Members of the committee have rightly drawn attention to the need for the UN to be reformed. Ireland supports the reform of the UN. We cannot wait for that to happen while the immediate situation Syria remains to be dealt with. That is why I again appeal to Russia and China to co-operate with other members of the United Nations Security Council and agree a resolution under Chapter 7 which would allow for a vigorous system of sanctions to be put in place to support the Annan plan. Senator Mullins asked if there is a plan B. I presume he is asking whether there is a plan to intervene militarily.

No, there is no such plan and nor should there be. Given everything that has been happening there, military intervention in Syria would lead to an escalation of militarisation and thereby make the situation worse. It is a complex matter, bearing in mind the relationships between the Assad regime, the people and the various opposition groups. We need to get support for the Annan plan backed up by a Chapter 7 resolution at the UN. We have been arguing for such a resolution and we will do so again next week at the EU Foreign Affairs Council.

There needs to be accountability. Some 16,000 people have been killed in Syria to date. Tremseh was the most recent of many massacres. There has to be accountability of those responsible for the slaughter of children and other innocent civilians. There has to be accountability for the use of helicopters to fire on civilian populations. That is why we have asked the Security Council to refer the issue to the International Criminal Court. It is a hugely urgent issue. We see on a daily and nightly basis the atrocities that are being committed in Syria. At this point, a great deal rests with the positions of Russia, in particular, and China. I hope they will change the positions they have adopted to date at the Security Council. We are working to that end. The delivery of aid in Syria is logistically difficult because of what is happening there. We have provided approximately €500,000 in humanitarian aid to the International Committee of the Red Cross, the UN Refugee Agency and the World Food Programme for use within Syria and to assist those fleeing from the violence. When I attended the Friends of Syria meeting in Paris over a week ago, a group of doctors who are working in Syria drew my attention to the difficulties in getting medical aid delivered to field hospitals and to the situation on the ground where they are working. We are looking at that. We have to work with the international organisations through which we deliver our aid.

I thank members for the support they expressed for our position on the Middle East peace process. I appreciate the support of this committee for the contribution that Ireland as a country is making in a key area of conflict. Successive Governments over many years have maintained a consistent position and taken an active interest in the Middle East peace process. I have continued that. As Deputy Mac Lochlainn said, I made a clear statement of our position on Palestinian statehood when I addressed the United Nations General Assembly last September. We supported Palestine's membership of UNESCO. We were involved in what emerged as a very strong EU statement on the Middle East peace process, particularly with regard to the settlement activity that is making the possibility of achieving a two-state solution very difficult, if not entirely impossible. We will continue to maintain that position. What is happening on the ground - the continuation of settlement activities, the removal of Palestinian people from their lands and homes and the appalling way in which they are being treated - is unacceptable.

As I said after the Foreign Affairs Council at which the statement was agreed - I had made this point at the council itself - although it is good to agree a strong EU statement, we have to follow up on it. I suggested that the Foreign Affairs Council should return to the issue in the autumn, see what has happened and at that point consider taking stronger action, if necessary. The two suggestions I advanced for consideration by the Council were the imposition of a ban on settlement products - I envisage that would be done at EU level - and the application of sanctions on individual settlers who are engaging in violent activity against Palestinian people. I expect that the Foreign Affairs Council will return to that at a later stage.

On the issue of Bosnia-Herzegovina, which was raised by several members, the Minister of State, Deputy Lucinda Creighton, had a successful visit to the Balkans and Turkey recently to perform functions in connection with Ireland's chairmanship of the Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe, OSCE, and, in advance of Ireland's Presidency of the European Union next year, in connection with accession and so forth. Last month, a high-level dialogue with Bosnian leaders, which was hosted by the European Commission, agreed a roadmap for Bosnia-Herzegovina's application for European Union membership. The roadmap sets out the steps that must be taken before the country can make a credible application and includes various deadlines that must be met.

On Sudan and South Kordofan, I share the concerns expressed by members. The position of the Government on the conflict in the Nuba Mountains is clear. We condemn unreservedly the use of aerial bombing by the Sudanese Government against the civilian population. We have consistently called for an end to hostilities and inclusive dialogue between the Government and insurgents to resolve differences through peaceful means. We have also called on the authorities to respect international humanitarian law and provide unhindered humanitarian access to affected civilian populations. Sudan is a high priority for the European Union and was discussed at the Foreign Affairs Council in Luxembourg on 23 April, at which the Ministers repeated the European Union's call for dialogue to resolve the conflict. This year, Ireland provided €5 million in support of our United Nations partners through the common humanitarian funds for Sudan and south Sudan. We also allocated almost €1.5 million in funding for Trócaire, GOAL and World Vision, three of our key NGO partners working to help those most in need in south Sudan.

On Iran, the European Union's simple objective is that Iran will come to the negotiating table and engage in meaningful negotiations in connection with its nuclear programme. The EU's concern is that a report from the International Atomic Energy Agency, the body charged with inspections and providing reports on these bodies, indicates that Iran is moving in the direction of military use of nuclear materials. There is no issue with Iran using nuclear energy for peaceful purposes. The European Union is simply attempting to get Iran to commit to meaningful negotiations, come to the negotiating table and find a resolution. The reason for the decision to apply sanctions on a progressive basis was that it was hoped it would not be necessary to implement the oil embargo on the basis that serious discussions would have taken place before July. While I regret this did not occur, I hope it will occur.

Members raised a large number of specific issues to which I would be pleased to provide individual replies in due course. On the objectives for the Presidency of the European Union, we have made our preparations for the Irish Presidency. The theme will focus strongly on what Europe can do to create jobs and achieve economic growth. For a long period, there has been a fixation in Europe on budgetary issues, the euro and the financial and banking crises. While this has been necessary, we must move on and identify what steps the European Union can take to create employment and develop the European economy. We must remember that Europe has many positive characteristics, including a population of 500 million and the highest concentration of consumers on the globe. The Irish Presidency will be strongly focused on pushing forward jobs and growth in all sectors on which our Ministers will chair meetings of the Council of Ministers, whether in agriculture, energy, labour activation or education. I also hope to continue to work with High Representative Catherine Ashton to ensure the European Union takes a robust and active role in the European Union neighbourhood, which is of immediate concern to us, and on the European Union's strategic partners.

I will make a general point in response to the specific issue raised by Senator Norris. The conclusion that was agreed at the most recent Foreign Affairs Council on human rights was a clear statement of EU policy on human rights. In the negotiations on trade agreements there is a great deal of push-back from some countries when the European Union indicates that human rights are a key part of any trade agreement it enters into with other states and in its relationships with other countries. In respect of the position in Ukraine, which will succeed Ireland as chair of the OSCE, the European Union expects any country that has a relationship with the European Union, whether through an application for membership, a trade agreement or an association agreement, to meet certain standards in respect of human rights obligations. I hope that during the course of our Presidency next year we will continue to see the European Union play an active role on human rights.

In the context of the Middle East peace process, I was asked whether the United States is in a position to play a role in the Middle East in an election year. While that may or may not be the case, the European Union needs to ensure it plays an active role. I believe the EU can have a much greater influence on issues such as the Middle East peace process by playing an active role, as it has done.

I have probably omitted to respond to a number of specific issues and, if so, I apologise to the members concerned. However, I am conscious of the time as I have most certainly broken the rules with which Deputy Dan Neville and Senator Lorraine Higgins complied. I have not had the privilege of training at the Law Library, however.

We will definitely not have a second round of questions. The Tánaiste referred to Egypt. I take this opportunity to extend the best wishes of the joint committee to Egypt and its people on the occasion of the country's national day. I am aware that celebrations took place at the Egyptian Embassy. Egypt is experiencing a difficult time as it makes the transition to democracy.

I am aware the Tánaiste is in a rush and I thank him for participating in this useful discussion. As he will have noted, all members are interested in developments in foreign affairs. The Tánaiste's continued commitment to interaction with the joint committee is very welcome and we look forward to meeting him again following the resumption of committee meetings in September. On behalf of the joint committee, I thank him and his Department for the manner in which they have engaged with us since the committee was established last year. We have placed significant demands on his knowledge and expertise and we know how valuable his time is, especially given that he is chairman of the OSCE, a role that requires extensive travel. We also appreciate the professionalism with which the Department responds at short notice to our questions and requests. I thank the Tánaiste for briefing us on the forthcoming Foreign Affairs Council.

The joint committee went into private session at 7 p.m. and adjourned at 7.25 p.m. until 2.30 p.m. on Wednesday, 19 September 2012.
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