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Seanad Éireann díospóireacht -
Wednesday, 23 Nov 1932

Vol. 16 No. 3

Public Business. - Appropriation Bill, 1932 (Certified Money Bill)—Committee Stage.

Sections 1 to 4 inclusive agreed to.
Schedule A agreed to.
Question proposed: "That Schedule B stand part of the Bill."

I wish to refer to Vote No. 8, which deals with the appropriation for the Local Loans Fund. That particular fund, to the extent of £600,000, used to furnish the money to be paid each year to the British, but according to the Budget statement of the Minister for Finance, that is not going to be done this year. I want to know from the Minister why he proposes to raise that money from the taxpayer when he is not going to pay it to the British. The question with regard to the Local Loans Fund is, as Senators are aware, one that is in dispute between the British Government and our Government. I want to deal with this from the point of view of the farmer. First of all he is called upon, as a taxpayer, to contribute towards this Local Loans Fund. As a beneficiary under the Fund he is also called upon to repay his loan, whether as a land annuitant under the various Land Acts up to 1923, or as a man who got a loan from the Board of Works to build a shed. Having discharged these two liabilities he is called upon a third time by the British to pay the duty that they are levying at the English ports. In addition to his land annuities, the farmer has to pay this sum of £600,000 and, I understand, £1,000,000 for pensions. The remarks I have just made in connection with the Local Loans Fund apply also to the Vote for the R.I.C. pensions.

The point that I want to make is this: that in these times of stress and depression, when things are so bad, I cannot understand why the Minister for Finance should appropriate money to the extent of £2,000,000 which he does not want and which he says he will not pay. The people will find it very difficult to foot that huge bill when the tax-gatherer comes along to collect. The British are looking for five and a quarter million pounds. The amount of the land annuities which the farmers owed under the various Land Acts previous to the 1923 Acts was less than three million pounds. We have this peculiar position now, that the farmer, having paid the less than three million pounds to the Irish Land Commission, will have to pay the British on the export of his produce at the port five and a quarter million pounds. We have, therefore, this position: that not alone is the farmer liable for his land annuities but has to pay them twice. In addition, he is paying an excess of something like two and a quarter million pounds, or will have to pay that. I do not think that is a fair or a reasonable proposition to bring before the House in these days.

There is very great inconsistency in the policy of the Ministry in connection with the land annuities. It was recognised, when they came into office, that there was great depression in agriculture. A Bill was passed through the Oireachtas under which a moratorium was granted to those who were in arrears with their annuities up to December, 1931. Owing to the tariff war between Britain and the Free State the land annuities which will accrue due at the end of this year and the annuities which will fall due at the end of June of next year will, if the annuitant can make a case to the Land Commission, be funded, plus a four and a half per cent. interest charge. But in between these periods there comes the annuity due in June. The Ministry, as I have said, recognised the depression in agriculture that prevailed before June, and yet in connection with the land annuities due in June shoals and sheaves of writs have been issued all over the country.

I cannot see how that can be considered to be a consistent policy on the part of the Ministry so far as the land annuities are concerned. It will be argued that the farmers have not been, or are not, willing to pay the land annuities: that they want to get out of them and all that kind of thing. I want to direct the attention of the House to this: that statistics were given in the Dáil which reflect the highest credit on our farmers for their honesty. When the Free State Government took over from the British on the 1st April, 1923, the amount of the land annuities in arrear at that period was £640,000. On the 30th June, 1930, the arrears were only £505,000, while on the 31st January, 1931, they were only £665,000. That is to say, they were only £25,000 in arrears over a period of depressed prices that lasted for ten years. There was an additional collection since 1923 of one million pounds a year. Following the passage of the 1923 Land Act, there was the collection of three years' arrears—they were called compounded arrears of rent—so that on a collection of close on thirtysix million pounds there was only a deficit of £25,000.

That is a record that I think could not be beaten in any part of the world, and it certainly reflects the highest credit on our farmers. It is a record that the farmers of Ireland have reason to be proud of, and a record, too, that the Ministry should recognise. For that reason I think the Ministry should stop the proceedings that are being taken for the collection of the June annuities. Everybody knows that it is impossible to sell cattle or agricultural produce of any kind at a reasonable price at the present time. Farmers who used to be offered for a 9-cwt. bullock £15 or £16 are now offered £11 10s. 0d., so that their losses may be roughly estimated at £5 a head. Under such circumstances, how can any farmer carry on? How can he pay his land annuities or pay his shop debts? The Minister should realise that to proceed against farmers in the position I have described is both foolish and futile.

Not alone are proceedings being taken for the payment of the land annuities, but people are being processed and decrees obtained against them for their rates. Only last week I was in a District Court near Dublin where proceedings for the payment of the current rate up to the 31st March were being taken against farmers. The farmers who are being most severely hit by tariffs are not so much the tillage farmers as the energetic men who are doing some tillage and, having saved some money out of their tillage, have put capital into cattle. A man in that position may have one hundred cattle out on grass. He may not have had enough money to buy them and, in consequence, had to go to the bank to borrow. He is now faced with a loss of probably half his capital. In these circumstances it is the limit of unreasonableness to ask him to pay his land annuities, his rates and other debts.

I hope the Minister will have something to say with regard to the three items I have mentioned: the £600,000 for the Local Loans Fund, the R.I.C. pensions and the excess stock. The Minister is asking for money under these three heads which he does not require because he is not going to pay it. Therefore, I ask the House to recommend that the amounts under these three heads be excluded from the Appropriation Bill. I do not expect, of course, that the recommendation will be accepted. I think, however, that these three items should be excluded from the Bill in view of the fact that the money is not going to be paid out. It is too bad, I think, to expect farmers to pay it in these bad times and under the circumstances I have described. The money will not be wanted if we are going to win the fight. Therefore, I think it is only right that our rates and taxes should be reduced accordingly.

I understand that portion of the money asked for under this Bill is required to meet the bounties payable to our farmers on agricultural live stock and produce. I think a recommendation should be put in against using this money for the payment of bounties. On the Second Reading of the Bill, Senator Jameson stated that the bounties were not going into the pockets of the farmers. That statement was probably correct for the first two or three weeks when the bounties were paid by the Government, but since then, every farthing of the bounty, and in some cases more than the bounty, has been paid to the farmers. The Government are paying bounties on butter, cattle, pigs, poultry and other things. We have sheep and lambs in this country to the value of about three and a half million pounds. Why are the Government not paying a bounty on sheep and lambs? Do they consider that it is more important to foster the production of turkeys than to preserve the sheep and lamb trade of the country? With all the tariffs that have been imposed, the restrictions, and all the uncertainty that there is the farmers of this country are in a terrible plight at the moment. Very many of them are going out of production. There will be very few cattle stall-fed this winter, with the result that we will have very few to sell next year. If stall-feeding is stopped it will mean a lot of unemployment amongst the agricultural labourers, the most deserving and honest class of labourers we have in the country.

And the worst treated.

When the Government were starting their economic war with England every responsible representative in the country who had any experience of business, or knew anything as to how trade is carried on, warned the Government of the disaster and the ruin that it was going to bring on the country. It was painful for many of us who have had some experience of the export trade and of business in general to have to listen to statements made by members of the Executive Council and by responsible supporters of the Government on that subject. We were told that we were going to find alternative and better markets for our live-stock and our agricultural produce.

We were told to hold our cattle and we would get better prices. We were told that England could not do without our cattle, and that the tariffs, if put on, would not last a month. We were told that England was "broke" and could not purchase our live cattle, and innumerable things to that effect. All those statements have now been proved to be false, and it is no satisfaction to those of us who issued a warning at that time to be able to say "We told you so." The President has admitted that there is no other market for our live-stock and agricultural produce but Great Britain, and England can very well do without our live-stock with very little inconvenience to herself. For the past three or four years, England has been increasing her live stock population very considerably. The statistics show that for the two years up to last June there was an increase of 505,800 cattle, an increase of 2,162,800 sheep and an increase of 870,700 pigs. Our average export of live-stock to Great Britain would be about 800,000, and that shows that all England would require from us to keep up her normal supply would be about 300,000, and those she could easily get from Canada or some other source without much inconvenience.

Our beef trade has now been practically wiped out. A large number of the best cattle we had were purchased by English and Scottish buyers, fed for some time and sold as English and Scottish beef. As a result of the ill-will which has sprung up, and the scare that was created at the time the tariffs were put on, that trade has gone and so has our Lancashire trade. A number of our customers, retail butchers, through enmity towards Ireland started to force the sale of chilled meat and, in that way, they got people into the habit of using chilled meat, which was very much cheaper than our product, and the people having got into it, found that it is a very good article of food. They have never gone back to the fresh meat, and they may never go back to it. That is one of the results of economic war. The only statement that bears any relation to fact is that the production of beef cattle did not pay. I have said myself on several occasions, at cattle trade meetings and in this House, that the production of beef did not pay, but I always took care to explain what appeared to me to be the reason why the production of fat stock did not pay—that the cost of production was too great. For the last few years we are getting prices only slightly better than pre-war prices for our fat stock. Our overhead charges were something about 200 per cent. more. The cost of labour at the present time is, and has been for some years past, about 150 per cent. above pre-war.

What was the pre-war figure?

About 150 per cent. above pre-war—the Senator can make it out from that. Our transport charges are from 150 to 200 per cent. more and other charges were on the same footing. That is why the production of beef did not pay. We were told that we would have to cut out the production of beef because it did not pay, and go in for the production of wheat, but I doubt very much whether the production of wheat will pay. In any case, the production of wheat will give very much less employment than the production of cattle.

The cattle trade has had to undergo enormous hardship and cruelty since this economic war started and I would like to give the House an experience that I personally witnessed, a fortnight ago, to illustrate the appalling cruelty inflicted on our live stock by the callous attitude of the British Customs officials, which was a disgrace to humanity, and the enormous loss which honest and innocent farmers and cattle traders have to suffer. When the British Government's Order, imposing a further 20 per cent. duty on our live stock, appeared in the morning papers on November 8th, it spread consternation amongst cattle traders and farmers in this country. A rush was made to the railway company and they were beseeched for wagons and special trains to carry the cattle across the Border for the purpose of evading the extra 20 per cent. duty. The railway company did what they possibly could under the circumstances, but, of course, everybody could not be accommodated. Still, over 8,000 cattle crossed the Border before midnight, the hour at which the order was supposed to come into force, but when we arrived at Belfast another shock awaited us. We found that only a few hundred cattle had arrived in time to evade the extra duty according to the regulations. We found our cattle being trampled on in the wagons, and we found the railway yards and loading banks in confusion and disorder. Some of our cattle, we could see, were being pulled out of the wagons dead, while others were being trampled to death. Some of them came out of the wagons and were unable to stand so broken up were they. Many of these cattle were two days in the wagons and would not be allowed to be unloaded. They had to stay there without food or water. All this cruelty went on for two days and the British Customs officials stood surlily at their posts and did not relax one iota of the regulations. They did not seem to have the smallest particle of consideration for the losses of the distressed owners or the sufferings of the dumb animals. The British Government did not play the game on that occasion. On the previous occasion, when the first duty was imposed——

Cathaoirleach

We are considering the Free State Government, Senator, not the British Government. I take it that it is on the Vote for the Ministry of Agriculture you are making your speech and you can hardly discuss what the British Government did on that.

I am giving an idea of the hardships we had to undergo and drawing attention to the cruelty which our live stock had to suffer on that occasion. The British Government did not act fairly in imposing the extra tax on that occasion on our cattle, but, on the previous occasion, when the tax was first imposed, every beast that had crossed the Border before 12 o'clock, midnight, escaped the duty. I say that the British Government robbed the Irish farmer and cattle trader by a dodge and they have, by their attitude, alienated the support and sympathy of many people who were their ardent friends and supporters.

Having said so much on that aspect of the question, I would like to give the other aspect and to say that everybody else in Belfast was most kind and considerate to us. The North of Ireland cattle traders did everything in their power to facilitate us. The Great Northern Railway officials did everything they could, and even the port authorities of the Northern Government were most obliging and facilitating. The Society for the Prevention of Cruelty to Animals also did its bit and even the Prime Minister, Lord Craigavon, was very sympathetic and offered us the use of the Royal Ulster Society showgrounds to house our cattle. Nothing, however, had effect on the British Customs authorities, who seem to be all powerful in Northern Ireland. Nobody dare interfere with their regulations. It is a humiliating position for a Prime Minister to be put in that he cannot have any say in the regulations of his own country.

I am glad of the opportunity of calling attention to the treatment we got in Belfast and, if some members of the Executive Council could realise what the cattle traders and farmers of the country are going through, they would not be so anxious to continue this economic war.

I wish to ask the Minister a question, but he is not here.

Cathaoirleach

He will be back again.

I wish to ask him a direct question. Senator Counihan said that this money was to be repaid to the farmers in bounties.

I want to correct Miss Browne. I said that portion of this money is going to the farmer in bounties.

We are asked to vote money for a specific purpose. If that money is used for anything else it will be misappropriation of the money and this is an Appropriation Bill. We know from public statements that the Minister is not going to send this money where it is due. We know that these 2¼ million pounds are not going to be sent to England. We are asked to vote this money for a specific purpose and, if it goes anywhere else, it is misappropriation, and this Bill ought to be called a Misappropriation Bill. I support Senator Wilson in putting in a recommendation.

Cathaoirleach

No recommendation has been offered on this Bill, and the Senator is late now.

Can we not put it in on Report Stage?

Cathaoirleach

The Senator had her opportunity and she did not avail of it. It is too late now.

It is rather amusing to listen to the statements made now. If Senators cast their minds back for a few years and remember that all those farmers who are complaining now that they cannot get cash at once and keep all this money in the country were deadly opposed to keeping it at all and opposed it in every way they could. If they had tried to get their friends, the Cumann na nGaedheal Party, to keep this money, they would have been able to keep it. If they had even helped the present Government to keep the money they would probably have succeeded in keeping it here without any effort. Against every effort that they have ever made, they suddenly want to get all that money back in a few months or a few days—handed over to them quickly. That is the whole beginning and end of their argument—they must get something at once the getting of which they have been opposing for the the last ten years. They have been raising the question of the price of cattle, but one of the last Senators who spoke said that cattle never did pay.

I said the production of stall-fed cattle.

It is their own fault. Why did they stall-feed?

Why are they going to till now? What is tillage for?

They are not to till because stall-feeding did not pay. I do not quite see the meaning of that.

Evidently the Senator does not know what he is talking about.

They are to till because stall feeding does not pay.

The Senator evidently does not know what he is talking about.

Cathaoirleach

That is hardly a proper remark to address to a Senator.

The fact that cattle are not fetching a good price is not due to these taxes at all. As a matter of fact, I was told by a farmer, during the past few hours, that prices have risen, and that the tax reductions have been covered. Anybody who takes the trouble to find out knows that the price of cattle in England has fallen enormously. The reductions have been less in Ireland. Nobody has been able to get good prices for cattle any place. That applies not only to England but to America. I have relations on ranches and for the last three years they have not been able to make the cost of production. In the State of Iowa on the Rocky Mountains the cost of cattle is not half what it was three years ago, and not a farmer in that State is able to pay his bank bill. As a result the banks have refused to collect the money, and the State has stepped in to help the banks.

Cathaoirleach

I cannot hear the Senator's remarks. I am afraid he is addressing Senator Wilson. I would like to hear what he has to say.

I cannot speak in two directions at the same time.

Cathaoirleach

This is the direction in which to speak.

After all, one has to talk to people who happen to disagree with what is being said.

Cathaoirleach

The Senator must address the Chair.

Yes, but I must also address some of my friends who are very anxious to hear me. It is quite clear that the fall in the price of stock, the fall in the value of money and everything else, applies to all parts of the world, and that money is short not only in Ireland but everywhere else. If the farmers in Ireland had the common sense to fight their battle a few years ago when someone else was in power, I could forgive them. As they did exactly the opposite, they must now suffer—if there is to be any suffering—for their past misdeeds and follies, seeing that they had not the courage to see that the money for the land annuities was kept, as the greater part of it would go back to themselves. Before we hand over the money we have to get it. The very people who are so anxious to get this money now were urging us to pay it away to England. They act in contrary ways. They say that we must pay this money to England, but they put themselves in a ludicrous, illogical and unpatriotic position, and then they complain.

Senator Wilson paid a fine tribute to the honesty of the Irish farmers. They want to be honest still. But, being devoid of justice those now in power are trying to make the farmers as dishonest as themselves.

I thought the Minister would be here to reply to some remarks that were made at the last meeting of the Seanad.

Cathaoirleach

The Minister said he would be back. Specific questions were raised and we were told that the Minister would be here to reply.

When I was entering the House to-day I think I heard Senator Counihan harping on the difficulties that exist owing to the latest tax put on by the British causing considerable dislocation of the live-stock trade at the ports. In order to emphasise his remarks the Senator said that he was surprised that shippers here were being treated in such a manner by the British authorities "on account of being ardent supporters of theirs." That is certainly a "showdown," and it is out at long last. We have one of the leaders of Cumann na nGaedheal in this House saying bluntly and honestly that they are ardent supporters of the British.

And never denied it.

I congratulate the Senator on his honesty. That is exactly what the argument of the Opposition Party has been for the past two months, when we are fighting for what might be called the life blood of this State, fighting for our own land and for the wealth it produces, in order to give it back to the people to carry them over the depression that exists here as well as all over the world. I wish we had the same honesty in the speeches of the rest of the Cumann na nGaedheal Party, and that they would say quite frankly what Senator Counihan said. At the beginning of this controversy I gave an interview to Press representatives in connection with the live-stock trade, and I said then, and I say now, that the British farmers cannot maintain their live-stock trade without coming to Ireland for a supply of store cattle.

Why do they not come?

Why did they come here to buy cattle since the tax of 20 per cent. was put on? Why did they come since the 40 per cent. was put on? A higher price was paid in Dublin cattle market on last Thursday than before the 20 per cent. tax was put on. In yesterday's quotations at York, one of the biggest centres for the sale of Irish live-stock, the prices for the first time for three months were 38/- to 40/- per cwt.

Cathaoirleach

Are the British Government getting 40 per cent. of that benefit?

The British Government may be getting 40 per cent. but for the first time for three months that price was paid in York market. There was a higher price paid at last Thursday's cattle market for live-stock than was paid before the 20 per cent. was put on. Does that not show that they are paying the 20 per cent. tax?

No. Might I explain that?

Cathaoirleach

The Senator can make another speech.

I prophesy in relation to the price of Irish live-stock in the British market that British farmers will be buying Irish stores next Spring and paying as big a price for them as ever they paid. They will have to come here, because they will not have a supply of young calves to turn out on the pastures unless they get them in Ireland. It is well known amongst English graziers that any of them that have had experience of Canadian cattle never fed them a second time. That is the position and that is how it will work out. If we only had a certain amount of confidence in ourselves, instead of suffering from the inferiority complex because the British Government and the British people take certain things into their heads, we would be all right. We have been paying too dearly for that for ten years, and it is time to cry a halt.

3/6 in the £.

There are one or two other matters that I want to deal with. One matter was raised in the other House by a Deputy on the Front Opposition Benches regarding certain incidents that occurred in Mayo. I do not know if it is in order for a member of one House to criticise a member of the other House.

Cathaoirleach

If it comes under the Vote you are entitled to refer to it.

I have had the honour and distinction of being criticised by a despicable gentleman on the Front Opposition Benches in the other House. Three-fourths of what he said he knew perfectly well was no better than a tissue of lies. It was first-class politics for him to say it. It was in connection with shooting that occurred at Balla, not very far from my place. The Deputy made accusations without knowing anything about the matter, and actually suggested that the President of the State and myself connived at such an occurrence. It is obvious that such a suggestion was ridiculous. As far as I am concerned, I cannot agree with any activities of that nature. The common law must be maintained in the interests of the common good, and it is up to everybody to see that it is obeyed. As far as I am concerned, I feel that an Irishman's greatest patriotism lies in his love of home, and that home should be his castle, whether it is the poorest cottage in the country or the greatest house in the State. That is my principle and that is what I stand for. However, the sneering, scringing ex-Minister for Justice got up in the other House and——

Cathaoirleach

I would not criticise a member of the other House in that way, but I would defend my action. The Senator should not use any epithets.

If I said anything out of order I withdraw, but there was running in that man's mind the idea of gaining some political point. He was more concerned at gaining some petty political point than anything else. He was not satisfied with gaining that particular little point, but tried in a small petty way to bring it in that the President of the State connived at it. There is no necessity to say anything further about it. The Deputy lost himself so much that he was not satisfied then, but launched a grand slam attack on the Gárda Síochána in the county because people were not put into jail and beaten and battered against the wall or shot. He felt that the Guards must have been got at. Just imagine the length this wonderful, brilliant—I might call him the great administrator of the law— this lawyer-politician can go in order to gain a little point. He launched the grand slam attack against the Gárda Síochána in the district alleging that they were got at, and the people were asked to believe that. However, I have here in my pocket cases of interference in the administration of the law by that ex-Minister for Justice.

Cathaoirleach

That question does not come in on the Vote. We are now discussing the administration of the present Government and the Appropriations.

In any case, I am not disposed to go into petty, trifling personalities or, as the vulgar saying goes, washing dirty linen in this House; but what I do say is that it is that sort of mentality of a ne'er-do-well politician and a ne'er-do-well lawyer——

Cathaoirleach

Senator, you are going on again in the same way, harping on a member of another House.

This individual——

Cathaoirleach

You must discontinue.

I submit that if a member of the other House is given permission——

Cathaoirleach

By that House, but that is no reason why I should give you such permission here. You can defend yourself.

I submit that I should be given the opportunity to defend myself.

Cathaoirleach

If an accusation has been made against you, you can say that it is false.

Senator MacEllin has made the point about my wanting to continue in friendly relations with England. I have always advocated that, if it is our best policy for everybody concerned to establish and maintain friendly relations with England, nothing should be done that would break those relations.

On a point of correction, I think that Senator MacEllin's criticism of Senator Counihan was not for looking for a continuity of friendly relations with England but for his ardour in supporting the British.

Cathaoirleach

It sounded a little like that, but we must wait for the full report to see what it was.

Going back to the other point, Senator MacEllin seems to prove that the fact that cattle were up by £2 a head was because the English victualler or butcher was paying £2 a head more because the tariff was on. That is not so. It is because the prices have gone up in England and that no matter what tariff we have to pay, we will have to accept world prices. We do not rule the prices.

The Senator is making a second speech.

Cathaoirleach

He is entitled to do so. He can make a third speech.

It is not 40 per cent. duty—it is nearer 50 per cent.—and when that is taken off the farmer there is very little left for himself.

What makes that price? I suggest that it is supply and demand.

It is supply and demand, but it is the supply and demand from the Argentine.

Cathaoirleach

You have made your third speech, Senator.

I should like to ask the Minister a question. I am not quite sure whether he will be able to deal with it or whether I should address it properly to the Minister for Industry and Commerce. I have been asked by a number of people recently if I could tell them the exact position of Irish manufactured goods entering the various British Dominions and Crown Colonies. It appears to me that there is a good deal of uncertainty in connection with this. We know that since November 15th, any Irish goods which happened to be dutiable in Britain now pay the full duty. Does that apply to Crown Colonies? Are they governed by British laws or is there a preference? Does it apply in the case of India? I am putting this question seriously because I have been asked it by a number of people and I think that if it were made clear it would be of real assistance to Irish manufacturers.

I was anxious to get some information on one or two points in the Schedule. The Bill is an Appropriation Bill under which the Minister asks permission to appropriate certain sums for expenditure, and under the head of No. 16 the amount which he asks for to spend is approximately £1,653,000. The Budget, as stated here, is for pensions and other items which are at present paid by the British Government. That seems to me to be somewhat contradictory. Why does the Minister ask for money to spend here when it is at present paid by the British Government? It may be one of these complications that has been introduced through the difficulties which have occurred of late between the two Governments, but I fail to see why the Minister appropriates £1,600,000 for the purpose of making payments which are at present paid by the British Government.

The second item was referred to by Senator Wilson. He stated that somewhere in these Schedules there was an item, I think, of £600,000 for Local Loans. Again, the Minister might possibly tell me and save me dealing with it, is there an item for Local Loans?

Cathaoirleach

Yes, No. 8.

I see: "For Capital for the Local Loans Fund, and to make repayment to the British Government in respect of Local Loans outstanding—£1,150,000." I can quite understand a capital sum for the Local Loans Fund which would be capital for expenditure during the current year and which would include expenditure for this purpose. Local Loans, as I understand it, means that moneys are advanced by the State to individuals— farmers and others—who require them for various purposes, such as drainage, buildings, hay-sheds and all that sort of thing. That money is advanced by the State, and the individual who gets the loan pays interest and sinking fund until the loan is paid back again. It is unquestionably a debt owing by the person who builds the house. It is not a Government debt. It is a debt due by the individual who takes the loan. That being the case, I do not quite understand why the Minister wishes to appropriate money again—that is, to get money out of the Central Fund in this country—for the purpose of paying interest on outstanding loans, which is part of this £1,150,000 which is mentioned here. If it is purely for capital purposes it is all right, but it is not to go for that purpose because it refers here again to repayment to the British Government of loans outstanding.

The third item was this—No. 68 for "Electrical Battery Research and Development, a sum of £25,000. I presume that that is the Drumm Battery. We have not heard much about that enterprise of late. Possibly, the Minister may be able to tell us something about it. It is hardly a financial question, but the Minister, in his wisdom, may be able to give us some information as to its progress up to date. Experiments have been carried out extensively, I believe, but we have not heard recently whether the enterprise is likely to prove a successful venture for the Government.

Amongst the things I mentioned the other day, I said that I should like information from the Minister for Finance, or that the Minister might take the opportunity of telling us, how the Budget figures now stand. This is an Appropriation Bill. Apparently, except for the £2,000,000 at the end, it is an Appropriation Bill drawn on the lines of the Budget speech which the Minister made last May. A great deal has happened since then, and the Minister has incurred a great many more liabilities, I imagine, and I should like to know whether that £2,000,000 is calculated to cover all these various bounties and grants and other allowances which we have heard about from time to time. I should like the Minister to give us some idea as to the extent to which this Bill meets the liabilities which we are likely to have to meet at the end of the year.

I thought also that we would like to have some figures as regards unemployment. We have heard a great deal about what the tariffs were going to do and the amount of employment which was to be given as a result of the tariffs. One of the biggest items of expenditure which we see coming along now is for the relief of unemployment. Apparently—especially in this City of Dublin—it is hitting us in the rates extremely severely. I think that the Minister might take the opportunity now of telling us what employment has really been given at all in the last six or eight months, or are we really facing far greater unemployment than there was this time last year? If so, when are we likely to see the figures which will enable us to form some judgment as to what condition of debt we are getting into? It is quite evident that when the Minister was making his Budget speech he intended to appropriate £5,000,000 for various things in the State, amongst them, I suppose, unemployment. As to that £5,000,000, I think he could tell us whether the land annuities up to next March or April, or whatever the time is, are going to come up to the amount which he thought they would come to. There were also very considerable amounts of money which were going to come off the salaries of the civil servants, and various other things which were forecast then. We are now in November and the figures must be below that. I think that the Minister should give us some sort of a forecast as to what has happened and how these payments are going to be met and to what extent this Bill is really going to meet the situation, and how far we will have to face other charges before we come finally to clear our Budget for the year. These are one or two of the things about which I should like the Minister to give us information.

An economic war between this country and England has developed here. The war centres around the live-stock production and the trade for the product of this country has been very much injured as a result. This has resulted from an effort by our Government to retain the land annuities in this country. I do not know if our Government anticipated that this economic war would have developed as a result or that the means which the British Government has taken would be those which that Government has adopted. This development is seriously affecting the interests of the farmers of this country, so seriously that it is likely to knock them out of action as farmers altogether if it continues for very much longer.

A good deal has been said about the result of the tariffs that have been placed on our cattle by the British Government. It is very easy for anybody who knows how the trade is and has been conducted to understand what the result will be whilst the present situation continues. Take a beast worth £20 in the English market to-day. We must add to that price £2 for freight and £1 profit for the exporter. The beast that produces £23 at an English market is worth only £12 at an Irish fair. The 40 per cent. tariff is deducted from the £20; I am not sure that it is not deducted from the gross price of the beast in England. But let us calculate it on £20. You have then £2 for the cost of transit, £1 for the exporter and the 40 per cent. tariff, making £9 in all. That beast which fetches £23 in the English market produces only £12 here. That is the situation as it stands to-day, and I say it as one who had full experience in the live-stock trade. I am referring now merely to cattle. So far as poultry and other sections of live-stock are concerned, conditions are no better. In fact, to some extent they are worse because of the absence of a bounty which is given by the Government to ease the position in regard to cattle.

Some speakers have had what I consider the audacity to say that the imposition of a tariff on our live-stock had increased the price of cattle in England and, consequently, increased the prices here. I do not know how that could possibly happen. It may be because of the law of supply and demand. If it is said that the supply is less from this country because the tariffs have been imposed, I do not know how that is borne out or if it can be borne out by argument. The fact is that we have a certain amount of cattle, and our surplus cattle must be exported no matter what price we receive on the British market. If a sum of £9 had to be paid on a beast exported we must receive £9 less than we would receive if the 40 per cent. tariff did not exist. That is a plain logical fact that cannot be disputed. It has been stated that the price of cattle went up in England or in the Dublin market by £2 per head recently. I think it was said that that was so in the last market and that that was consequent on an increase of £2 in England. That, however, proves nothing with regard to the tariff. The tariff is operating nevertheless. A beast which became £2 dearer in England became £2 dearer in the Dublin market, minus the tariff.

I asked an exporter who knows his business and who talks intelligently about it what was the cause of the increase of the price of beef in England. He said that it was due to the fact that the supply of chilled meat had run out there. That, I suppose, is pretty correct, but it is hardly a question that is very material to the farmers of the country. What is material to them is the fact that they receive £12 for a beast that fetches £23 in England. That £12 does not pay the cost of production or does not go near paying the cost of production. If the existing state of affairs continues for any length of time the farmer cannot continue in production. He must be knocked out of business, and incidentally there will be a good deal of confusion and lack of prosperity in the country. How that confusion is to be made right by the efforts of the Government I do not understand, nor can I see any likelihood that it will be set right within the life of many of us here. I think it is a very serious proposition to ruin the trade of the country, a trade that was at least giving those engaged in it a fairly decent living. The ramifications of that trade were many and far-reaching. In fact, the four provinces of the country were dependent on it. To injure that trade very seriously is a very grave matter indeed and the result, I am afraid, will be disastrous not only to the farmer, but to the country generally.

It is not for me at the present time, or at any time perhaps—I do not think I should have the ability to do it—to go into the question of the economic policy that our Government forecasts, but I do know that the cattle trade we have had up to the present was the best trade that our country was in a position to engage in. It was one of the most remunerative we had, and one that should be fostered until a better is developed— mind you, developed and not merely promised with talk of development being commenced at some future time. For that reason I should like very seriously to impress upon this House the gravity of the situation.

I do know, let the attempt of the Government be as strong as it may to collect the annuities now due, they will not be able to do so in very many cases, for the simple reason that the farmers have not the money to pay them. After one more gale has accrued and after some few have paid, the percentage of those not able to pay will have increased, and consequently the percentage of those able to pay will have declined. I say that if we are going to preserve the country the Government must have consideration for the plight in which the farmers have been placed through action resultant upon the attempt to keep the annuities here. In so describing the situation, I am neither blaming nor praising the attitude of the Government in their attempt to retain the annuities. It would be a very proper thing to retain these annuities if we were entitled to retain them, and even if the legal aspect of the case were against us, if it could be shown that we had a moral right to them. One would be glad for the sake of the alleviation it would mean in the poverty which confronts this country. Apart from the state of the cattle trade, there is at the present time a want of capital to develop this country as one would like to see it developed.

The farmers have been forced into the forefront of this economic war. On them lies the burden. I have heard people, civil servants and others enjoying salaries and having a wage earning capacity as professional men, say with great patriotic enthusiasm that the farmers should not be grumbling about what has happened in the economic war. They say: "Back up the Government by paying your rates and annuities in due time and everything will come right." That was their vague way of encouraging the farmers and when one asks: "Would you like to forego your salary as a contribution to the economic war for even one year, let alone for an indefinite period?" the reply is: "Oh I have nothing to do with it, you know it is all about your cattle." It is all about our cattle! And the idea is to collect the annuities from year to year for the good of the country, these salaried gentlemen included, and not to hand back the total to the farmers who pay them! Nor would this Government be so foolish, if it was their intention to hand back one hundred per cent. to the farmers from whom the annuities were collected, or be so tied up in red tape, as to collect them at all. If it is the farmer who is going to get these annuities, the farmer who has them and the farmer who has not, what is the use of collecting them from him and returning them to him again? That is my reply to the salaried gentlemen who say: "It is your business to bear the brunt of the economic war and to pay all your just debts in addition."

Anyone who knows much about agriculture knows that one cannot knock blood out of a turnip, and to try to collect the annuities or any other debts from a very large percentage—more than fifty per cent. of the farmers of the country as far even as the last June annuities are concerned—is trying to knock blood out of a turnip. I say here to-day that if consideration is not given the plight of the farmer, a plight brought about through no fault of his own—you have the fine record which President Wilson quoted here to-day ——

He is not President yet.

No one can say that he may not achieve that distinction at some time in the future. What Senator Wilson has said is a matter that anybody who doubts it can find out from the records. I take it, as Senator Wilson has stated it, that it is true. That is proof that the farmer has certainly done his part in trying to pay his way in the past. The farmer would pay now if he was able. I know, as one living among the people, and being part of the farming community of this country, that they are not able to pay now. That means that we must get some consideration, and consideration upon the right lines, not through any shibboleths on new departures in the methods of farming but on lines pursued for years past. Will-o'-the-Wisp lines of development are of no value. The farmer eked out his livelihood in the past; he knows from experience how he should act. He knows the methods his forefathers pursued in making their lands pay. I say he is entitled to get some consideration now if he is to survive as the carrier of the greater part of the business of this country.

On this Bill, in discussing the cattle trade there is one aspect in which I think we are contributing to our own deception, that is when we argue as if the situation was due to some fortuitous and unfortunate act of the British Government. That is the view to be drawn from what President de Valera said here, and from what Senator Connolly said. President de Valera said it would be a lucky thing if Ireland were trapped into a reconsideration of this commercial union with England. We all know what Senator Connolly envisaged in Geneva with regard to the cattle trade collapsing everywhere. He thought it might collapse in Ireland and he said it would collapse. We are apt to forget that this was a determined, deliberate act against this country, whether performed with a vote-catching object, by promising that young men in the West would get the ranches or not, I do not know, but very likely. What would they do with the ranches if the beef which they produced on them was cut off from exportation? We are told that England is almost independent of store cattle at the present moment. Why she has not become so long ago I do not know. They have plenty of smooth well-watered pasture lands at hand without even a chicken upon them, still they come over here and buy our cattle. In the confused account we get of prices to-day we are told that England may have to put her hand in her pocket to pay. One would have thought that we should have acknowledged that we possessed access to the most enhanced cattle market in the world.

We could have got almost any conditions in settlement of the annuities question. But now we are told not so much for the purpose of withholding the annuities but purely as a parallelism of conditions that we would be very lucky if we were trapped into losing our cattle trade. Here it would seem we are to engage in the business of self-immolation. From the purely trade point of view we should almost welcome doubling the annuities in order to secure and preserve our cattle trade. It would be worth an extra million to bring up our annual export trade beyond what it is at present. If it was any other business it would require 15 or 16 per cent. expenditure to lead to an increased export of several millions extension in the value of our trade. Yet we are told that it is a lucky thing if our commercial trade with England should be lost.

Senator Connolly told us that this new economic war has been thrust upon us. That is what he told the people, and that the annuities would be given back to the people. As Senator Garahan said, why go to all this trouble of collecting the annuities and then paying them back? If they are intended to reach the farmers, why have to provide all this extra service so that they may reach their destination? Why take them out of the farmers' pockets at all? But in discussing the loss of the cattle trade, that was surely offering a temptation to England to make herself for ever independent of us, we must not think we are dealing with a lot of convergencies of expenditure. It was the deliberate policy of President de Valera and Senator Connolly and there is not a single word on record to show that the most fertile land in the world might not be left as derelict as the Sahara. Because of something said at Geneva we were told there was no cattle trade in places where they had to kill their veal. It is like the man at the North Wall who said: "I do not see any bullocks here. It is a pity we have none in Ireland." But it will never happen us that we will be as infertile as these regions to which Senator Connolly referred. The Government policy is to destroy our cattle trade with England. Senator Connolly did not deny that. Let us not pretend that this is to some extent more or less to be attributed to the deliberate policy of the British. It is not. It would be a wise thing for the directors of any company to advance an equivalent sum to the annuities in order to extend a trade equal to our cattle trade with England. We only get six per cent. of the universal trade of England. Our trade with them in that direction ought easily to be increased by six or seven millions a year. We should not have carried the war into the treasure house of the savings of the Irish people. Despite the Government's suspicion of the English people we must not distrust the industry, the energy and the dependability of Britain. The amount of our investments in Great Britain may be two thousand millions, or it may not.

There are two growths of the wealth of the Irish nation. One is the asset that we possess in our market in Britain and the other is that of flesh and blood. That cannot be very nicely calculated, nor can the amount of money entrusted to the perfidious Saxon be nicely calculated. The war is against both these. It is against both the resources and the wealth of the country. It is the second round with England. It does not touch the English people; it is really an action against the Irish people. I asked an Englishman why it was that they did not raise their own stores. Of course I realised, at the moment, that I was playing England's game—giving a hint to them, although it was only about a month ago. I said it is amazing to me that you do not raise your own stores, and he said: "My answer may be more amazing to you still. Poverty! We have only two million farmers and most of them are dairy farmers. And how could we allocate to them what would be the equivalent of the value of the Irish cattle trade. What would that mean? Supposing it was a subsidy and it only meant £10 per head of cattle, it would amount to forty million." So this war is the considered policy of the Government and we are to be mulcted in order to gratify that policy.

Before the Minister speaks might I ask him if he has had a note of what I said on the Second Reading? I refer to the estimated deficits in last year's Budget.

Cathaoirleach

Surely that appears in the Official Report?

I think I had better deal with the points raised by Senator Guinness first. He drew my attention to the Schedule to the Appropriation Bill, and particularly, I think, to item 16 dealing with the provision to be made for pensions, superannuation, compensation and additional and other allowances and gratuities under sundry statutes. He asked me whether, in view of the fact that these pensions were already being paid by the British Government, it was right that the amount that would be required to recoup the British Government in respect of these payments should be included in the present Appropriation Bill. I think, in that connection, it is well to point out—lest any member of the Seanad should be under any misapprehension in regard to it—that the Appropriation Bill does not compel the Minister for Finance to spend this money, it merely confers upon him the power to make certain issues out of the Central Fund of the State, the only restriction upon that power being that in respect of certain definite items, set out in detail in the Schedule, the amount provided for these items shall not be exceeded. The fact that item 16 is included in the Schedule does not compel the Minister to pay out the £1,179,000 which was formerly paid in recoupment to Great Britain for the money she expended in paying pensions to members of the Royal Irish Constabulary. But it does give the Minister power, within his discretion, so far as it is in conformity with the general policy of the Government, to make this payment. If circumstances arise in which it is not necessary to make these payments the Minister may not make them.

Does that apply to the whole sum mentioned in the Appropriation Bill?

Then the Fund can be altered and the money spent in a totally different way?

That it can be retained?

That it can be retained. Yes. The only thing is that the Minister is not entitled to do in respect of any particular item of the Schedule, is to exceed the amount set against that item, without coming back to the Dáil for authority to make such excess payment. For instance, in regard to the particular item No. 16 in the Schedule against which there is charged £1,653,243 the Minister, except in very grave and unusual circumstances when it might not be possible to secure the authority of the Dáil, could not spend £1,700,000 for pensions, superannuation and allowances and other items. But he may spend any less sum than that, that the general policy of the Government warranted. The position we are in with regard to this and to item No. 8—Local Loans Fund—is that at the present moment these moneys are in dispute. It may be that, before the end of the financial year, the dispute will have terminated satisfactorily; that we shall retain all these moneys, or that some part of them will have to be paid away. If we retain all these moneys it will not be necessary for us to impose additional taxation which might otherwise have to be imposed in order to meet expenditure which might be incurred under item 73, which is "For a Grant-in-Aid to a fund required to meet disbursements arising out of and in the course of the present emergency —£2,000,000." If we retain a part of them, the provision which would have to be made to meet expenditure under item 73 would be correspondingly reduced. The point I am making is that there are in this Appropriation Bill alternative items. As against item 73, which is for a Grant-in-Aid to meet the emergency, we can put item 8, item 16 and a host of other small items amounting, roughly, I think, to about £2,172,000 in a normal year: that accordingly as the dispute develops, or is settled, we shall have available the moneys to provide for the emergency which has arisen out of the dispute or for the position which would be created by a settlement of it.

It will be seen, therefore, that the Government, looking still for a settlement, hoping that notwithstanding the manner in which this issue has been clouded on the other side of the water, hoping that Great Britain will realise that our claim to retain the annuities and the R.I.C. pensions has a sound foundation in equity and in law and, therefore, will be prepared to remove the penal impositions upon our exports to that country and thereby remove the need for the provision which has to be made in item 73— the Government believing still that justice and right will in the end prevail, that we shall be able to retain the annuities and to retain the R.I.C. pensions, but at the same time leaving our minds open to be convinced, if conviction is possible, upon the evidence and the history of this matter that Great Britain may be right, is making the necessary provision here. We have asked the Dáil to give us authority to provide these moneys, if necessary, out of the Central Fund, and, should it be impossible in the current year to meet the resultant expenditure out of the ordinary proceeds of revenue, to raise them by borrowing. That is the principle which underlies the Bill.

I do not want it, however, to be taken, nor do the Executive Council want it to be taken, that they have for a moment weakened in their conviction that we are rightfully entitled to keep these moneys. At the same time we have to realise that this dispute cannot go on indefinitely: that we cannot continue to tax our people for an indefinite period in order to ease our exporter's position in a situation which is not of our own creation. There are two parties to this dispute. We have entered it in a perfectly reasonable frame of mind, anxious to secure a settlement, a just settlement, from the outset, we are still anxious to secure that settlement. We have been met by a refusal to consider our claim on any other ground except our inability to pay. That is an attempt to impose humiliation on our people——

Such as you are imposing on the farmers.

——to impose humiliation on this people which our whole history proves we would never accept readily, willingly or acquiescently. We are a proud people. We have a right to be proud. We have never asked of Great Britain anything else except our rights. We are asking for those rights now and we are standing for them. We will not withdraw from the attitude which we have taken in that regard and, instead of standing up for our rights, crawl on our knees and ask for charity. Because we have taken up that attitude there appears to have grown up in the minds of the people in Great Britain that we are a stubborn and stiff-necked race——

Hear, hear.

——and that nothing, therefore, must be yielded to us: that our case is not even to be examined, that we are to be denied recourse to a fair and impartial tribunal and that the Government which has refused to allow its people to be humiliated in this way—a Government which is seeking for them the justice of an impartial trial of this issue—shall be thrown out of office. With a view to securing that result we have had imposed upon us penal tariffs. We feel that when the position has been created, not by our act but by the act of the other parties to this dispute, it would be wrong, as I was saying, for us to continue to tax our people in order to ease the hardships arising out of the emergency. If some settlement of the dispute is not arrived at at an early date we will propose to withhold any issues from the Central Fund in respect of items 16 and 8 and the other minor payments which are covered by a considerable number of items in the Appropriation Bill, and utilise these moneys instead to provide the £2,000,000 required to finance the emergency as set out under item 73 of the Schedule.

I was asked if the Schedule fully represented our commitments. It does, with the exception of item 73—and one other. It is estimated that the total cost of the present bounties for the year ending 31st March next will be £2,248,000. We have as against that the amount which is in the Suspense Account. It already exceeds £2,500,000, and before the end will, I think, reach about £3,200,000. So that we have, in the moneys which we already hold, much more than sufficient to meet any payment which may arise out of item 73. I said that this represented a total payment to be made this year. It does with one exception which I ought to have made clear. Arising out of the recent decision of the Government to permit those who so require it to fund the annuities due in respect of the November and December gales under the 1923 Land Act, we may possibly require an additional sum of £580,000 to meet the interest and sinking fund charges on the 4½ per cent. Land Bonds.

I do not know how much of that we may need. I heard a Senator commenting on the manner in which the farmers have paid up the annuities for the last gale. I thought that in view of the many attempts made to prevent the farmers from paying these annuities; in view of the covert and open incitements to them not to pay these annuities; in view of the offer of free legal advice——

They are paying them in tariffs.

——to any farmer who refused to listen to the exhortation of the Government that the payment of these annuities was a patriotic duty which any man who was in a position to do so ought to discharge; in view of the fact that certain prominent individuals have told them that, if the Government did not collect these annuities in order to pay them over to Great Britain, the Government had no moral right to collect the annuities at all; in view of the campaign which has been carried on through the country on these lines, I think it is an extraordinary fact that, out of 490,000 farmers in this country, over 400,000 paid their annuities, and it shows that the farmers, at any rate, are prepared to stand behind the Government.

It is no sign. Those are the boys who would put you out if they got the chance.

Would the Minister say up to what date those payments have been made?

Cathaoirleach

The June payment.

The May-June payment.

Before the British tariffs went on.

They have come in at an increased rate ever since. The British tariffs have not prevented farmers from paying the annuities—at least, they have not prevented that section of the farmers who regard themselves as Irishmen first. Of the 90,000 who have not paid, there are about 16,000 whose inability to pay has been chronic over an extended period, and there is a balance which may be divided up between those who have been peculiarly hit by the present emergency and whose positions are really so much worse than they were last year that they are not able to pay, but I do not think that they constitute the larger part of that balance. I think that, in addition to that, the number of people who could pay and would not pay probably exceeds that, but, even assuming that half of the 70,000 who are left were people who could not pay under present circumstances, we are left, out of the 490,000 farmers in this country, with the small remnant of about 30,000 who have been influenced by the widespread campaign which has been carried on during the past four months.

I am perfectly certain that the great bulk of the farmers will do in November and December what they did in May and June—that those who can pay readily will pay and that, when the year closes, we shall find that we shall not have to provide for anything like so great a sum as £580,000 to meet the interest and sinking fund charges on the 4½ per cent. Land Bonds. The position, therefore, is that, at the end of the year, if some settlement is not arrived at before then, we shall have in the Suspense Account about £3,200,000, or we may possibly have withdrawn some of the money before that, if the position of the Exchequer requires that it should be withdrawn. As against that, we shall have to provide for the expenditure out of the grant-in-aid to meet the emergency at present which, if continued at the present rates, would be £2,248,000. If we add to that another £300,000 to meet the deficiency in respect of annuity payments under the 1923 Act, we shall have about £2,500,000 as a charge against the £3,200,000 in the Suspense Account.

As to the reactions of the whole on the Budget position, I am not able to give any forecast at this moment, for the reason that, owing to the present circumstances, it has not been possible to form any authoritative estimate as to the produce of the revenue up to 31st March, 1933. In that connection, however, there are some figures which, I think, are of peculiar interest. I find that from the last return I have—the return for 19th November, 1932—the total revenue receipts into the Exchequer from 1st April, 1932, to 19th November, 1932, amounted to £15,031,837, while for the corresponding period last year, they amounted to £14,457,718, an increase in revenue this year over the same period last year of £580,000. On the expenditure side, the total issues out of the Exchequer from 1st April to 19th November this year amounted to £15,411,992 and, for the corresponding period last year, £15,078,604, or an increase of £333,000 over last year to be set against the increase in the revenue of £574,000 over the corresponding period last year, showing a net reduction—I am making mental calculation—of about £240,000 in the deficit as compared with this time last year.

I have said that it was not possible in view of the possibility—I am not saying the probability—that there may be great changes in the surrounding circumstances to make any authoritative or dependable estimate of the position of the Exchequer at the end of the year. We can only make some attempt to gauge that by referring to the actual position as compared with our estimates, at the date when the Budget was introduced, as disclosed by the revenue returns. On the Inland Revenue side, it was estimated that the various duties then imposed—Estate Duties, Stamp Duties, Income Tax, Excess Profits Duties—would show an increase of £1,477,000. In actual fact, to date the Inland Revenue has an increased yield of £559,000 and the most productive period of the year is yet to come.

On the Customs and Excise side, it was estimated that the total increased yield would have been £460,000. In actual fact, up to date, Customs and Excise have yielded an increase of £773,000. It seems to me that, looking at those figures, it appears as if our anticipations in regard to revenue were going to be somewhat exceeded.

While it is true that the revenue has been much more resilient than we anticipate it would be, there have, on the other hand, been disappointments. Senator Sir John Keane referred to one heavy disappointment —but not a vexatious disappointment —the fact that the new protective tariffs which we thought would produce £910,000, have shown a tendency to fall very considerably short of that, so that it is anticipated, at the present moment, that they will not bring in very much more than £250,000. I have said that that, from the point of view of the Minister for Finance, is a grave disappointment, but, as I said, it also is not vexatious, because it does show that the duties have been effective in stopping the import of articles which could be made here.

Or done without.

Or done without —possibly, in present circumstances, not a very undesirable thing, if they are articles of a purely luxury nature. It does show, at any rate, that the new duties have been effective as protectionist weapons. They have excluded from our markets a number of things which could be made here and it indicates, whether people are doing without them now, possibly because of the fact that it takes some time to build, equip and organise new factories, or possibly because some people are making up their minds to tighten their belts and spend as little as possible in order that they may see this thing through, that, at some time or another, the demand for these goods will grow up again and will be met, either by factories which are now being organised and equipped, or by new factories which will be started as soon as the public demand warrants it. I am not in a position to form any opinion as to what exactly has been the consequence of the stoppage of these imports. From the returns given by the Minister for Industry and Commerce from time to time, I am inclined to think that the principal consequence has been that a considerable number of new industries have been started, or are in process or organisation, and, if started are providing employment for considerable numbers of our own people.

Amongst the other points I think on which Senator Sir John Keane was anxious to have some information was the position with regard to "cuts" in salaries. Frankly, that has been a much thornier problem than the Government anticipated. We realise our obligations to the taxpayers, but we have also found that a considerable number of people regarded themselves as having very fixed and definite rights in this matter. There was a great conflict of opinion as to what might be reasonably borne by one class of public servant as compared with what might reasonably be borne by another class of public servant, and in order to have some advice and some guidance in that matter the Government appointed a Committee to consider it. That Committee has now reported. I am at present considering the reports, and I hope the Government will be in a position to take such action as it considers the present circumstances justify, at a very early date.

With regard to the savings in administration we have not been able to set up machinery owing to the fact that special measures arising out of the dispute had to be taken, and that the time of the Dáil and the time of the Government Departments has been fully occupied in formulating and in giving practical effect to the constructive policy of the Government. It has not been possible for me to devise the necessary machinery or to secure the legislative authority which I think may be necessary in order to bring about these things.

I do not think savings from over-estimation will be affected at all by the present position. The Seanad will remember that in preparing the Budget we took credit in that regard for a very much smaller proportion of the total estimates than my predecessor was in the habit of doing. I thought it might be necessary to do that, possibly in view of the special circumstances with which we may be faced this year. I am satisfied that the amount for which I took credit in regard to over-estimation has not been encroached upon in any way, and that the real figures I gave in that regard still stand. I am not going to conceal from the House that it is a serious, and a great disappointment to me not to have been able to make the economies in the salaries of public servants which I hoped I would be able to make. I am very sorry it has not been possible to secure agreement with any branch of the service where agreement was required or asked, and that it may possibly be necessary for us, in view of the failure to secure that agreement, to take special steps to deal with the matter.

I am very sorry that I have not been able to set up the special machinery which I thought might usefully investigate and examine the administrative methods in Government Departments. I hope when a satisfactory solution of the present dispute is found, that I shall be able to formulate these proposals and bring them before the Oireachtas in due course. At the same time the fact that we have not succeeded in making these savings has not, I believe, shaken the fundamental soundness of the Budget. If we have been disappointed in regard to these items, on the other hand, our anticipations have been more than fulfilled by the extraordinary resiliency that the revenue has shown. The figures I have given you in regard to Inland Revenue show that there is a strong indication that our anticipations will be fulfilled, and in regard to Customs, there is every indication that our expectations will be exceeded. I have shown you that this year, just approaching the critical period—notwithstanding the fact that included in the items of expenditure given are all the moneys put into the Suspense Account—speaking roughly, the deficit is almost £240,000 less than it was at this period last year. I should say, too, that if we have been disappointed by the yield from the protective duties, the Exchequer has benefited to a considerable extent by the Emergency Duties, and it is probable, as the British decide to pay more and more of these duties—and they have shown an increasing inclination to pay them—as that inclination grows stronger the yield from these duties will be increased, and that these will to some extent repair the deficiency which has arisen in connection with the protective duties.

I do not know whether it is necessary for me to say very much more. I would have liked, if time had permitted, to have dealt at more length with the point raised by Senator Guinness in connection with the Local Loans Fund. I think the Senator was stating an argument somewhat analogous to that made by the British Government in regard to the land annuities, that these were debts from private individuals due to the British Government. We say that they are the debts of private individuals due in the most part to the late Government of Great Britain and Ireland, and that as successors we are entitled to a fair share, and to a due proportion of the assets of the Local Loans Fund, including those advances made to Irish farmers.

Arising out of the Minister's reply, I wish to refer to one point. The Minister appears to be of opinion—at all events, he has made the suggestion—that those who are opposed to the annuities-cum-tariff policy of the Government, of which he is a member, have advised farmers— and have advised generally—not to pay the annuities. I am as much opposed to that part of the Government's policy as anybody, and I do not regard myself as an exceptional person, but I certainly never gave such advice; would not approve of it, and would give precisely contrary advice. I do not believe I am exceptional in that. I believe there are a great many of the same opinion.

Would the Minister be in a position to give more detailed and precise information with regard to future annuity payments? I am referring to annuity payments funded, because I think the Minister for Lands and Fisheries said the fund would be open to anyone, irrespective of income, while the Minister said it would be only open to those unable to pay. I would like if the Minister would be more precise about "inability to pay." Is there going to be an investigation of the circumstances of each individual who professes inability to pay? I suggest that that would be a most inquisitorial, a very arbitrary and a very dangerous power, or is it going to be based on Schedule (b) on the profits of the industry? If you are going to investigate the whole of a man's private circumstances, to judge whether he is able to pay a charge on a farm which is losing money, you are entering on very big ground.

The Minister referred to the number of farmers who have paid the annuities, and from a recollection I think he mentioned about 400,000 and that 90,000 had not paid. Was the Minister referring to farmers who paid under the 1923 Act only, or to farmers who pay annuities in connection with all the Acts, from the Ashbourne Act down?

To all the annuities.

He referred two or three times to the 1923 Act and I thought possibly the figures came under that Act.

Cathaoirleach

The Minister mentioned the total annuities.

[The Leas-Chathaoirleach took the Chair.]

I do not want to deal with the bigger questions under discussion, but Senator Gogarty commended, and quite rightly, Senator Counihan for quoting certain valuable figures. I think it just as well to emphasise their importance. They dealt with the agricultural returns of England and Wales and the numbers of live stock and Senator Counihan pointed out that in the years 1930 and 1932 there had been a very great increase in the cattle population in England and Wales. The Senator mentioned 500,000, and pointed to that as a warning to Irish stock owners as to the tendency in England, and to the danger there was for the Irish cattle trade of an increase in the number of live-stock in Great Britain. It is important that the people of this country should take note of that tendency in England, and the fact that the Senator drew attention to it has some reference to the position of the markets for Irish cattle in England to-day. The figures Senator Counihan gave, to the 4th of June in each year 1930 and 1932 show that they had no reference whatever to the existing dispute. They show that there has been an increase in the number of cattle of one year and under two years old of 11 per cent. in those two years, and of calves under one year of 20 per cent. Those figures, therefore, have nothing to do at all with the position that has developed owing to the dispute, and yet they contain the warning to this country of the danger of dependence upon this live-stock trade exported to England. I think it would be very well worth while examining if some authoritative estimate could be made—I do not know whether it would be possible—of what would have been the effect on the British live-stock prices if there had been a free flow of live-stock cattle into England during the last few months. If there had been that free flow, would there not have been a still further decline in the price of live-stock?

Senator Counihan may have reason for that interjection, but it seems to me to contravene all experience, and certainly to contravene all economic theory of the effect of an increase of supply on the prices in a given demand. Is it to be assumed that, with an increase of supply in Ireland, there would have been concurrently an increased demand in England? I think that it would mean a still further decline.

The supply of chilled meat controls the price to a large extent.

Does Senator Counihan suggest that a free flow of cattle into England from Ireland would have deterred the Argentine or Australian exporters from sending their stuff into England? If so, what would they do with their surplus stocks? Where would their beef go? We are told time and time again that there is no market like the British market for these surplus stocks of beef in the Argentine or in Australia.

Are not the other countries on a quota since the Ottawa Conference?

They may be on a quota, but that does not affect this case at all, and in any case, the effect of that has only been apparent within the last few weeks.

The price of cattle has only gone up within the last few weeks.

There is another matter that I think might be recorded. Two speakers to-day have referred, not definitely or positively, to the position of Canadian cattle in Britain. I think it well to have on record a statement made by the Canadian Minister for Agriculture in August last. There had been a good deal of boosting during the course of the Ottawa Conference as to the hopes of selling or exporting a large supply of Canadian live-stock to Britain, and the Canadian Minister for Agriculture tried to, and did, prick that bubble, because he said, even in August last, before the most recent slump in live-stock trade had occurred: "As much as 25,000 head of cattle would be shipped to the United Kingdom next year from Canada, even if the restrictions now imposed upon the live-stock trade between Canada and Great Britain were lifted." Those are the Minister's own words and they were emphasised in private conversation. I am impressed with the importance in the course of this discussion—and I would ask the Minister for Finance to convey this idea at least to the Minister for Agriculture—of obtaining something reliable and accurate in regard to price movements. I suggest that it would be of value for the purpose of assessing the worth or the extent of our losses or gains owing to the present position, if we could have comparative figures as to prices in the North of Ireland. Not in England, because English prices really are not very valuable for comparative purposes; but if we had comparative prices in the North of Ireland of the various classes of produce and live-stock, we would be able to have some real information on which we could build some conclusions as to the effect of the present tariffs or the present embargo policy. The stories we hear from the North of Ireland are almost as doleful as the stories we hear from different parts of the Saorstát, but stories of that kind are not much good unless they are backed up by evidence of fact.

I want to ask a question of the Minister on a matter which is very foreign from these matters we have been dealing with. On two or three occasions in the past, I have asked Ministers if they would do for us what has been done for the Canadians, and that is to publish a copy, or to make available for public reading a copy, of the Governor-General's patent. Latterly, I have seen extracts from the Governor-General's patent in the newspapers and I have not been able to find where they have been given publicity. I ask the Minister to convey to the right quarter that the patent issued in respect of the first Governor-General and of the second Governor-General should be made available to Deputies and members of the Seanad by having them placed in the library. It is rather important to anybody interested in constitutional questions to examine how far these patents depart from the published patents of the Canadian Governors-General, how far, if at all, the second patent differed from the first and for the purpose of finding out whether there will be any difference in respect of the third patent, if there is to be one. It is quite obvious that this record is available because on several occasions lately I have seen extracts in the public Press, but I have not been able to find the available document in any publication whatever.

I am very sorry that public business prevented me from having an opportunity of hearing the speech of Senator Counihan, because on this question of cattle and tariffs Senator Counihan knows his subject just as Senator St. John Gogarty knows the particular branch of the surgical profession which he professes. But I did hear Senator Gogarty on bullocks. I was amazed at the width of Senator Gogarty's sympathies and I could imagine while he was speaking that I heard the bullock saying "Boo" and Senator Gogarty saying "Boo" back.

Senator Gogarty made some references to the President of this State and to the Minister for Posts and Telegraphs of this State—serious men, honourable men. I will not pay to Senator Gogarty the compliment of even appearing to resent what he said. I will, however, deal with two matters referred to by Senator Gogarty. In the first place, he said that the President of the Free State and his Party were anxious for a quarrel with the English people. I think he hinted that we bore enmity to the English people.

I said nothing about the Party. I said it about the President, who is asking for another round with England.

The President is not here to answer.

He is in Geneva.

If he were here to answer, Senator Gogarty, with his accustomed courage, would be silent.

I think that is unfair.

I do not think that it is fair of Senator Gogarty to use an opprobrious term about the President or about the Minister for Posts and Telegraphs. I do not resent it, because I do not think that the Senator, apart from his position in this House, is of sufficient consequence to deserve a reply.

There were, however, two matters to which Senator Gogarty referred. He did say that we bore resentment and enmity against the English people. I am a member of the Fianna Fáil Party. I have long been associated with the Fianna Fáil Party. I have been on their Executive since the Party was founded. So far as I know, no member of the Party has any feeling of hatred against the English people. We wish them well, but Ireland comes first with us. The rights of Ireland come first, and we are determined by every lawful means, by every honourable means, to assert the rights of Ireland.

The next matter which was referred to by Senator Gogarty is this, that we are not paying our debts to Great Britain. I would pass that by if it were merely an observation of Senator Gogarty, but when he said that it reminded me that Senator Jameson on a former occasion had said that these international payments, which are now in dispute, were debts due by Ireland to England, and it is Senator Jameson whom I am answering now. I do submit to this House that these payments amounting to something between £3,000,000 and £5,000,000 a year are not debts due by the Free State to Great Britain. They are claimed by Great Britain as demands lawfully due to Great Britain. We deny that these payments are lawfully due.

The Senator is contradicting the Minister for Finance.

Leas-Chathaoirleach

You can speak again, Senator.

We say that these payments are not lawfully due to Great Britain. We have, in elaborate arguments, which I summarised in this House on one occasion, shown that in point of law we are not bound to make these payments, and a curious thing has happened, and that is that the British spokesmen have not denied the logic of our case. They have not denied any proposition in law that we have put forward, but they have said: "Your President, the President of your Executive Council, in 1923, agreed to make the payment of the proceeds of the land annuities to Great Britain."

They do not deny that at that moment the Irish Free State was entitled in law, by the law of England and the law of Ireland, to the proceeds of the land annuities. They said that the spokesman of Ireland, the President of the Executive Council of the Free State, at the time made the agreement, and that we are bound by the agreement. Let me take that. What I submit now is that we are not bound by an agreement made by the President of the Executive Council. The revenue of the Irish Free State cannot be alienated by any man or even by a Cabinet. It can only be alienated by the vote of the Dáil and the Seanad, by an Act of Parliament.

What we answer to the British spokesmen is this. We say we are under a Constitution, framed here, assented to in England, a Constitution of which English lawyers and English statesmen must have had knowledge and had knowledge in 1923. Under that Constitution, no agreements made by a Minister can bind the revenues of Ireland. That is what we say now and to that there is no answer.

There is the tax.

What about the Land Act of 1923?

Is it in order to discuss this whole question on the Appropriation Bill?

Leas-Chathaoirleach

I do not think it is necessary to discuss the whole question.

The English spokesman also said that it was an agreement made by the President of the Irish Free State. It was not. It was an agreement made by the head of a Department, a great Department, the second man in the Free State, the Minister for Finance. Therefore, they are absolutely wrong on every legal question connected with the annuities. They know it, and knowing they are wrong, they use the bludgeon. If they thought they were right about them they would not have imposed tariffs which are injurious to them. The plains of Meath, Westmeath and Tipperary were a great asset to the English people. They were just as useful to the English people as if they had been joined to Lancashire, because out of the plains of Meath and these other counties the English people got their food and their supplies. It was always our principle that these lands should go to the sustenance of men rather than cattle. We find now that the plains of Meath can go to the sustenance of men and of cattle as well and that by a proper cultivation of these lands we can have more people and more cattle as well.

My friend, Senator Gogarty, seems to be rather restive. Restive for what? Restive for his friend the bullock, is it? Because I assure him that under a proper system of cultivation he will have as many bullocks as he likes. These are the only comments to which I wished to advert. I wish to speak of them not because Senator Gogarty in the course of his remarks referred to them, but because on a former occasion Senator Jameson, whom I have always found in this House to be a sensible, patriotic Irishman, referred to them also.

Why is Senator Comyn singling out Senator Jameson and Senator Gogarty for attack? We have all made the same assertions as they have. Every honest Irishman had asserted it. Why did the Senator not attack us? We have all asserted that he is a defaulting agent——

I never said you were a foreign agent.

We have asserted every time we got a chance that this Government are nothing more than defaulting agents. They have no right whatever to get this money. Neither has the British Government any right to the money. They are only agents, both this Government and the British Government. This money is due by the Irish farmer only to the people who lent it to him, and all Senator Comyn's eloquence, if he were to speak here for the next ten years, will not change that fact. As far as cowardice is concerned, it is the present Irish Government that is cowardly. They are afraid to go to arbitration, because they know that they have not the smallest chance, legally or morally, of succeeding. I think the Minister for Finance has very little sense of humour. He said that they would not go to the British Government and make any appeal to them on the score of the inability of the Irish farmer to pay. At the same time, they have announced that they are going to make the unfortunate farmers come to them and allow them to conduct an inquisition into their private affairs, make paupers of them, make the Irish farmers acknowledge that they are unable to pay, otherwise they will be fleeced, brought into court and processed for the land annuities. The Irish farmer is not a fool, I should like to remind the Minister for Finance, and he will find that out very soon.

I think Senator Miss Browne has quite misunderstood me. I am delighted to see that on the question of law she has constituted herself a judge before she was a barrister.

I am not the only judge.

To return to our muttons and get back to the Appropriation Bill I must say that I am glad that the Minister for Finance came here to-day because we were rather in a fog. I have just been looking over what I said on the last day and I find that I am reported as having said that I would have thought that the Minister for Finance would have come here to explain that the amounts which are mentioned in this Appropriation Bill are not the amounts which will be really required. Until the Minister came here the explanation never dawned on me. I was in the same position as Senator Guinness when he asked his question. I thought that this was a Bill which was to apply certain sums out of the Central Fund to the service of the State and that it was an actual statement of the reasons why the moneys were required and why the taxes imposed under the Budget and elsewhere were put on to meet these liabilities. Now I see that large items in these two or three millions are not required at all unless the Minister chooses to pay them. If this were a business Budget, or a business balance sheet, I think that these amounts which the Minister says are in the hands of the Government of the day to pay or not to pay, should have been entered as special sums, as contingent liabilities. We would have then seen what our own affairs cost. We would have seen and would have known the size of the amount that was in dispute. We would have arrived at a very clear statement of what the whole matter is. Until the Minister came here and answered Senator Guinness and told him exactly what these things were, that these were only contingent liabilities, it was totally impossible for us to form an idea of what the figures in the Appropriation Bill were at all. Now we have got our explanation and we know where we are.

It does strike one that it is a very bad state of affairs for the country to know that the balancing of the Budget will depend on the keeping of these sums which are lodged to some Suspense Account and which are not really going to be met as far as this Appropriation Bill is concerned. If they are applied to balance the Budget and to save us from further taxation that means that they are not going to be paid at all over to those who claim them on the other side of the water, that we are face to face as long as that policy is followed with a continuance of this struggle. Whatever Senator Comyn may say, anybody who has sat in this House the whole of the afternoon and listened to what we were told by people who know the business of farming thoroughly, who are themselves farmers, as to what will happen to the greatest industry we have in the country if this dispute goes on, must think that, if the balancing of our Budget means the continuation of this war, a balancing of the Budget secured by retention of these sums, then we are in a parlous condition. I would rather see our Budget balanced by some methods other than those which propose the retention of the sums which are in dispute and the carrying of them into the Budget to meet our liabilities.

Question—"That Schedule B stand part of the Bill"—put and agreed to.
Title of the Bill agreed to.
Bill reported to the House.
Report Stage ordered for Wednesday, 30th November.

Leas-Chathaoirleach

If the House is prepared to agree, I suggest that this Bill should appear first in the list of business for next Wednesday, because the twenty-one days within which this matter must be disposed of expires next Wednesday. As regards the Control of Prices Bill, it has been suggested that the Second Stage of the Bill be postponed until next Wednesday.

[The Cathaoirleach resumed the Chair.]

I suggest that it would be a gracious act on your part to allow the adjournment of the House at this stage. There are quite a number of Senators who wish to pay a final tribute this evening to the memory of an illustrious Irishman who died yesterday. The time is rather short, and if any other business is to be taken I am afraid a great number of us will have to leave before it is finished, in order to participate in what we regard as an imperative duty.

I am perfectly in agreement if you will allow me, Sir, to take my motion at the commencement of business on the next day.

Cathaoirleach

I am afraid I could not arrange that. I have to ask the leave of the House to allow the Appropriation Bill to be the first business next week, because the twenty-one days will expire then and it is essential that the Bill be finished on that day.

I am not going to consume much time on my motion.

Cathaoirleach

But there may be somebody else who will want to speak on it. I would ask the House to agree that the Appropriation Bill be taken as the first business next day.

Is it not correct that public business always comes first and the business of private Senators afterwards?

Cathaoirleach

Yes, but there is other public business for that day, too.

In reference to what Senator Fanning said, we all pay great respect to a distinguished Irishman, but we shall not be embarrassed, at least the Senators on these benches will not be embarrassed, by the fact that the motion is brought forward now, because we intend to treat it with the contempt it deserves.

You have not heard it yet.

Is there any suggestion that we should meet to-morrow?

Cathaoirleach

I have not heard it.

I propose that we continue our business to-morrow.

I think that the Minister is not ready to take the Control of Prices Bill to-morrow.

I guarantee that I shall not keep the House more than fifteen minutes on my motion.

Cathaoirleach

The Senator should get rid of it then.

Barr
Roinn