Léim ar aghaidh chuig an bpríomhábhar
Gnáthamharc

Seanad Éireann díospóireacht -
Wednesday, 18 Mar 1936

Vol. 20 No. 30

Public Business. - Imposition of Duties (Confirmation of Order) Bill, 1936 (Certified Money Bill)—Report and Final Stages.

Bill received for final consideration.
Question proposed: "That the Bill do now pass."

I rise to make a few comments upon the speeches made upon the Second Reading of this Bill. On that occasion I said the farmers and the cattle trade welcomed this Bill. Exception was taken to that statement by farmer Senators such as Senator Dillon and Senator Miss Browne. At least that was the impression they gave me. I maintain, however, that my interpretation of that Bill was correct, and that the statement I made meant that we welcomed the Bill in the same way as a person condemned to execution would welcome a reprieve, even though that reprieve meant penal servitude. I maintain I was interpreting the feeling of the farmers more correctly in that than Senator Miss Browne and Senator Dillon in their speeches. Senator Honan said that the imposition of duties and the economic war made money for the farmers, and that they were gaining money by the economic war. He said that we were paying £5,000,000 to England before the economic war which meant an imposition of £6 19s. 10d. per head on the cattle we exported, and consequently it was better to retain that £5,000,000; and that since that we are only paying on an average £3 the farmers were making £4 a head since the economic war. Senator Honan forgot that the farmers to-day have lost over £7,000,000 in special duties. Where did that come from? More than 95 per cent. of it was paid directly by the farmers. Still Senator Honan, in his simplicity, stands up and tells the Seanad that the farmers are making £4 per head by the arrangements under the coal-cattle pact. That statement was made at one time by more responsible persons than Senator Honan, but they have since finished with that sort of thing. All that kind of talk has since been exploded; still we find Senator Honan using it.

Senator Foran always delights to have a cheap jibe at the farmers. He said that in the time of the late Government statements were made of the same sort, and that judging from the speeches of some people one would think that this country had been a sort of El Dorado for farmers. We never claimed that this country, or any other country, was an El Dorado for farmers. They have many burdens to carry that the Senator does not see. He started a cheap jibe, on one occasion, when I was making a plea for some compensation for the exporters of live stock that were slaughtered at British ports. He said we ought to have a flag day for the farmers. He thought that a very good joke and worthy of being repeated. Senators ought to realise their responsibilities. It is a shame and a disgrace for responsible representatives in this House to indulge in these cheap jokes. These cheap jibes are levelled at farmers in the cattle trade at a time when they are in such desperate plight.

Senator MacEllin said he honestly believed that all the penal duties are really paid by the British purchasers. Senator MacEllin forgets that all our exports are sold in the British market against world competition. I remind him of what every common sense man knows—that supply and demand regulate the price. Since the coal-cattle pact we get nothing more for our beef and that shows that the restriction of supplies has nothing to do with it and that the farmers of this country are paying every shilling of the duties.

I was surprised at the speech made by the Minister for Lands who was in charge of this Bill on the last occasion. We were hoping that he would give some indication that we were approaching some sort of a settlement, and that farmers would be relieved of these terrible tariffs that we have to pay. The Minister said definitely that while the present Government was in power there was no hope of settling this on any but one consideration. He said if the political end was brought in they would have to find another Government to settle it, and that that would leave the farmers in an impossible position.

Not in finding another Government.

Until the Government realise the position it is a very blue look-out for the farmers. I urged the Minister to try and keep the sheriff and the bailiffs from taking away the cattle of the farmers, and to institute an inquiry on the question of the payment of rates. I tried to get the Minister to use his influence with the Executive Council to see that something should be done and that the farmers were in a desperate plight. Since then, in the Swords Petty Sessions district, 150 farmers were prosecuted for rates. A big percentage of those are supporters of the present Government, a big percentage are constituents of the Minister, and a number of them voted to put him at the head of the poll in County Dublin. Ninety-five decrees were given in that Petty Sessions Court on last Monday week. The farmers concerned swore they had no money to meet these demands, and the district justice gave them from three to six months to meet them, but what I want to know is, where in three or six months they are to get the money? When that term is up are the sheriffs and the bailiffs to go down and seize whatever stuff they have?

It is not for political propaganda that I raise this point. My main object is to do something for the farmers of County Dublin who are a decent, law-abiding people. The Minister is the representative of County Dublin and, as a private member, he has a duty to look after some of their interests. I would ask him to consider some method of instituting an inquiry, and when it is found that those farmers are not in a position to pay their rates, that they will not be deprived of their last cow or calf. That is the plea I make, and I make it not for propaganda purposes, but in all seriousness in an effort to preserve these farmers from being thrown on the roadside.

I said the farmers were in a bad way, but the agricultural labourers are worse off. All over the country agricultural labourers are without the means of existence. I see that in Cork the municipal workers who receive 25/- or 26/- a week are striking for 10/- a week increase. The Government statement was that every citizen in this country should bear an equal share of the economic war, but nobody seems to bear any of the burden but the farmers and the agricultural labourers. The municipal workers are getting more than ever they got; civil servants and every class of officials are getting as much as, if not more than, ever they got; even the teachers are getting as much as they ever got; and the people employed in the new factories and in the building trade are getting more than ever they got; but the small farmer and his agricultural labourer is crushed, and he is without the means of providing for himself and his family. I was recently at a fair in County Limerick, and I inquired from an agricultural labourer what his wages were. He told me they were 14/- a week and two pints of milk and that he was living in a very moderate house. I said that they were very small wages, and he said: "They are small and they are a lot less than we had been getting, but they are more than the farmer can afford to pay."

That is the spirit of the majority of the agricultural workers of this country. What is the spirit in Cork? What is the spirit of the civil servants, of the people engaged in the building trade, and of the people engaged in the new factories? They do not care who can afford it. They must get all they demand, or else they will strike. That is the condition of affairs. The agricultural labourer and the farmer are the biggest consumers in the country. They have to pay all these high prices and the high wages paid for the production of goods in new factories. I contend that the Government are not carrying out part of their guarantee when they said that every section of the community should bear an equal share of the economic war. No section is bearing any portion of the economic war except the farmer. That is hardly fair, and if this policy of sending sheriffs and bailiffs to distrain the stock of the farmer, the farmer and the agricultural labourer are going to waken up, and it is going to create a dangerous situation in the country. It is for that reason that I appeal to the Minister to institute some inquiry before the sheriffs and bailiffs go to the homes of the farmers to break them up, to scatter the families, and to leave them without the means of providing the necessaries of life.

It would be well for Senator Counihan, Senator Miss Browne and Senator Dillon to realise that they speak only for a small and dwindling section of Irish farmers.

Whom do you speak for?

I think the fact that the number of farmers they speak for is gradually growing less and less has dragged them into the position that, at the eleventh, or the half past the eleventh hour, they have to stand up and say a word for the working farmer and the agricultural labourer. It is a healthy thing to see them taking up that position.

We always did that.

I know that a large number of working farmers are badly hit, and I hope the position into which Senator Counihan has been driven of having to speak for the working farmer and the agricultural labourer, will appeal to the Minister and that, at the earliest possible date, he will do what he can to relieve their position.

I will delay the House only for a very short time indeed. My attitude is the attitude of the ordinary farmer in the country—the producer more than the man who sells cattle. So far as my experience goes, and I have met a great many farmers, their attitude towards this Bill is one of regarding it with no enthusiasm at all. No person with one grain of self-respect in this country could regard this Bill as anything but most humiliating. We have a Government which refused to pay an honest debt, but which goes around by a back door, to facilitate the British in collecting from the farmers alone, and not from the general taxpayer, the land annuities and all the other debts due. They not only have acquiesced, but they have acknowledged, from the President down, that they are paying the land annuities through the penal tariffs, and while they refused to do what was the honest thing, they are not ashamed to do this dirty back-door business. That is our attitude towards it, and the benefits the farmers are getting from it are so small that they make a present of it to the Minister. It is not right that the attitude of the farmers should be misrepresented here. Nobody is anything but ashamed of this coal-cattle pact, and that is all I want to say about it. It is the ordinary farmer and producer more than any other class of farmer whom Senator Dillon and I represented when we objected to any expression of pleasure or enthusiasm about this pact.

Mr. Kennedy

When Senator Counihan talks about the Cork Council workers receiving more pay than they ever received, he is stating what is not a fact. If all the statements of the Senator are to be judged by his lack of knowledge of the position, the least said about him the better.

Question put and agreed to.
The Seanad adjourned at 7 p.m. until 3 p.m. on Thursday, 19th March.
Barr
Roinn