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Seanad Éireann díospóireacht -
Tuesday, 2 Jun 1942

Vol. 26 No. 15

Minimum Price for Wheat—Motion.

Debate resumed on the following motion and amendment:—
Motion: "That in the opinion of the Seanad further steps require to be taken to encourage an increased production of wheat; in particular, the House recommends that the minimum price of 50/- per barrel for millable wheat, which has been guaranteed for the coming season, be assured to wheat growers over a period of years."—(Senators The McGillycuddy of the Reeks, J. Crosbie, J.T. McGee.)
After the word "recommends" to insert the words: "the continuance of the Tillage Order amended by the inclusion of a clause providing for a compulsory area under wheat, and on these conditions further recommends"—(Senator Byrne.)

On the last occasion on which we were assembled, I had reached the point where I had given such approval as I could to the action of Senator Crosbie and of the Ministers when they were considering this matter on their agricultural rounds throughout the country during the spring. I have not given the full examination to the idea that perhaps I ought, but, so far as I see, I think that the implementation of the motion would be an excellent idea. It would permit the segregating of the various farms, the resources of the various owners and the resources of the land as well, because it is not to be expected that a common percentage could be justified all through. In the case of the smaller farms which have been intensively tilled for a number of years, the resources for the growing of wheat are not present. Many of the smaller men with whom I do business would prefer to see a higher price for oats, barley and other crops than wheat. Hence I think that county committees of agriculture should be approached.

With regard to the contracts on beet-growing lines which were mentioned, I think that by that means the exact position could be gauged. The exact acreage could be determined, and the probable return could be assessed. Subject to weather conditions being favourable to the maturing of the crop, one could almost anticipate the exact returns. With the knowledge of the local committee — knowing as it does the farmer, and the loyalty of himself and his workers — it should be within the province of the Government, acting through its committees, to extract the last grain from the soil and put farmers in a first-class position to provide the nation with its needs. I do not like the violent changes of technique which are so often prescribed for us.

As I told the House on the last day, I remember when we were in barley and we were hounded out of it. I see no reason why a thorough search into the resources of the nation should not result in the country providing its own wheat. With regard to the tillage farmers, they have watched down through the years much of their labour go to provide but a very miserable existence for themselves, while everybody to whom they disposed of their grain was leading what one might call a life of considerable luxury.

The idea behind the motion is, by no means, to coerce or compel; it is rather to induce. Personally, I am against much of the compulsion of these times. I am sorry that some of it is essential in the present emergency but, having regard to the losses which tillage has brought in the past, many of our most shrewd farmers shy at tillage programmes. The motion aims at getting farmers, by a guarantee, to adopt what is in the motion — a normal tillage rotation. It implements immediately security, stability and guarantee. On that point of guarantee and stability, the whole course of our Irish land laws, as many of us have known it, was altered considerably by the Oireachtas some time ago. I should be exhibiting a lack of candour if I did not express here and now how pleased I was at observing that, at the last Parnell celebration, the Taoiseach himself, in so many words, appraised the memory of Parnell as the man who brought security to the Irish farmers. This matter may not be exactly relevant now, but the question of having the laws re-established on those old lines would be well worth serious consideration. I think that an excellent chance could be found, if the spirit were strong enough, in the ramifications of the Defence Council, where all Parties are represented. They should be in a position to implement a unanimous agreement on that question of security for the Irish farmers.

The guaranteed prices for the complete rotation are I think reasonable. The cost of production of commodities is allowed and I hope it will be allowed hereafter in the agricultural industry. There is no fortune in wheat growing for anybody. None is needed, but what one wants to avoid is dead loss in cash and the dead loss caused by the deprivation of the soil of its essential fertility. Hence a reasonable and fair price is necessary. On that score, I am in a position to state that from my own farm, and my own home, as far back as 1790, wheat was sold at 37/6d. per barrel. In those times, the costs were nothing like what they are now. Last January, I advocated 50/- as a reasonable price. If the costs increase, the price will have to increase as well but, in this matter of guarantees, we should not permit any breaking of faith with our farmers. It is breaking of faith in that way that makes the agricultural community suspicious. Last year, 41/- was placarded everywhere as the price of millable wheat. When growers came to be paid, they found that they were paid 4/-, 5/- and 6/- per barrel less than the fixed price. The guarantee is now 50/- and I do hope that no effort will be permitted, allowed or condoned that will have millable wheat going into the millers at less than 50/-.

The time to get down to the proper method of maximum production for next season is now and the local committees of agriculture should be approached in all the Twenty-Six Counties. Necessarily, the success of one crop hangs upon the success of the other. The details of the rotation can be easily learned and the county committees have so far not been sufficiently utilised in this matter, while in other countries they have led in a marvellous manner to successful production. I often wonder why more use was not made of them. I sometimes question whether the Government is in earnest. I do not mean in talking and advertising. There has been plenty of that. I mean in regard to the direct touch with the farmers which can only come from the local county committee.

We have a great chance of assistance from local parish councils. If the parish councils elsewhere work as well and in as close touch with the farmer as some of the parish councils I know they would be a great assistance. But what sometimes causes me considerable uneasiness is when I read, as I read recently, that the Minister for Supplies gave a list of petrol distributions and, while every creed and every class got their allotment, not one word was mentioned about the petrol to be allotted to the agricultural instructor, the chief officer, who is the fountain and foundation of all success of food production. Revenue officers, income-tax collectors, clergymen and doctors were in the list. Everything those people do is deemed urgent. One would think that some of them might walk an odd time, take a bicycle, or sometimes a donkey might convey them, but all the time these classes have to get all the petrol.

This technique, to use a word of my friend, Senator Sir John Keane, ought, I submit, be altered immediately. Farmers are to produce all they can, and the most urgent need is for wheat and, in my opinion, the first person that should be encouraged and driven into inspection of every field of wheat in the country should be the chief agricultural officer. The reason for that is that on practically every farm some wheat will die; in one the wheat will be shrivelling up because manures are not to be had, and in another case it will be suggested that it should be ploughed up. Farmers would ask neighbours were they to be at the loss of the whole of it and what course they should follow. If they write to the agricultural inspector it might be days before he would come. I have seen extraordinarily good results achieved by agricultural instructors during the last few months. I impress upon the Minister the desirability and urgency of supplying the agricultural instructor, not only for the future but for the present year, for reasons with which I will deal. I think I am correctly advised that in Canada there is a crop insurance scheme which might well be considered by the State here. It is late for this year, but we should provide our agricultural officer with every possible means that the nation can place at his disposal to go into every field in which there is tillage.

The more places he goes into the better it will be for the country and for the future education of our agricultural population. That applies equally to the growing of barley. I do not know why the petrol that is being distributed is not being retained for these officials.

I am uneasy about the attitude of the Department of Supplies in this matter. Occasionally you will notice in the daily papers that another cargo of foreign grain is chronicled as having arrived and we hear of cheers as it steams up the Liffey. Would it not be very interesting for our non-producing community to see each week an article from one or other of our 26 or 27 agricultural instructors in each of Dublin's dailies giving evidence of what was happening in regard to the crops in the various parishes? In that way you would interest the people and evoke considerable sympathy for the difficulties that confront the agricultural community and the efforts they are making to cope with them. It has been rightly said that if you give the money to farmers they will deliver the goods. I believe that is perfectly true. I know of no reason why it should not be. Sometimes we hear that farmers have the home market. I wonder just how true that is? Our wheat is 50/-. I wonder what is the price of foreign wheat? There is now absolutely no excuse for not offering every possible encouragement to producers. You will do far better by doing so than by compelling the labourer to work for a small wage or the farmer to do work which he does not believe in and which history shows cannot support him or his family. Price should not be the object. If you offered a white loaf in any shop you would have queues bigger than those now seeking tobacco, sweets, or going to the pictures.

In my experience, such as it is, winter wheat alone must be our reliance. I never had much faith in spring-sown varieties and one of our most vital jobs, if not so much for this year as for next year, is the selection of proper seed. It is there the services of instructors should come in. It is of the growing crop that the most minute inspection should be made. No threshed samples should be deemed evidence sufficient to warrant depending upon it. Inspection should be constant and the resources of farmers should be very minutely examined before they are permitted to sell seed wheat. Wherever the farmer wants seed he should be encouraged to go to the agricultural instructor, because seed from one soil might only suit one part, and only the trained eye of the agricultural inspector can correctly guide producers. No person should be permitted to sell seed wheat that has not been matured in the straw. Many of the troubles of the present year are due to the fact that wheat was not sufficiently matured in the straw. I have mentioned that all other crops on the farm count — everything that goes into the farmer's budget counts.

A successful beet crop and a successful potato crop clean the land and contribute to its form for maximum wheat production. The wealth and the wellbeing of an agricultural community rest in the fertility of its soil. A fertile, vigorous Irish soil will stand any test. I wonder if we are catering for that. Possibly we cannot do all we would like. Possibly we were not sufficiently well advised in time, but we should do our best with our limited resources. I do not think it could be stated that you can put too much manure at present on our Irish fields to produce the maximum crops of wheat. I am in a position just at the moment for anyone to come and see fields that have received, perhaps, 1 ton of lime dust per acre, plus 2 cwt. of ammonia and 3 cwt. of superphosphates. If you stand on the hill and look into the valley, you will very rapidly realise where the promise of an efficiently-run wheat field may be found.

In the old days, stall feeding was very profitable and it produced an excellent manure. Considerable supplies of manure may be produced by raising store cattle, but its quality is limited. I am sure everyone knows of the scarcity of manures, ammonia and superphosphates generally at present. There is also only a limited supply of lime, and there is delay in providing lime burners with colem and gelignite. Sometimes, there is difficulty in getting cement dust. I ordered my supply for next year within the past ten days, from the cement factory in Drogheda, as I hoped to be able to draw in material in the long, bright days of summer. I got a reply from the protected cement factory that, as they had ceased production, there was no dust available for the farmers. That was on the 23rd May. On the 26th May, I saw an advertisement in the Dublin papers that cement produced after that day would be sold at an enhanced price, owing to the increased cost of production. The two matters did not blend, in my view, and I felt rather sore, but we all will have pin-pricks which sometimes are very irritating.

It is essential to encourage beet and potatoes, and, in the absence of manures, the prices must go up, if we are to pay wages and keep going at all. This year the beet is a little on the down-grade, and there is danger in regard to the sugar supply. Potatoes at the moment are a hopeless proposition. About ten miles from my home there are extensive areas under potatoes, not more than my own, but there is a fixed price and they are graded from a certain date. Let us see how the farmer was encouraged there. He gets £3 10s. per ton for the estimated quantity of what he grows, cash paid on a certain date in October. When he is delivering he gets a further £3, increased by a grading system as the months go on. Then, before he starts the job at all, he gets a bonus of £10 per statute acre. I asked one of my labourers if he was coming back to me this year, and he said he was not as this other farmer was getting the bonus long before me, so I have to do without him. The price paid here bears no relation whatever to the price paid across the Border.

I cannot see why barley is not encouraged more. It should be £2 a barrel at least, as it is a useful stand-by as food. In the last war we got 50/- for both barley and wheat. Barley is an excellent product and will stand the test for food if there is a real scarcity here. I think it did stand that test before. There is a complaint — I do not know if it is true — that oats is too cheap and that oatmeal is too dear, with the result that there is a black market in oats. Wheat is the thing which the country obviously needs and our producers should be encouraged in regard to it. The most fatal of all human emotions if fear and the fear of getting into difficulties, which many farmers have, has warped their minds completely.

I think this motion is a reasonable one. Some people who do not wish to see wheat grown state that it cannot be grown, or that 50/- is enough, and others say that those who grow wheat want too high a price, and that one way out of the difficulty would be to have no guaranteed prices at all. Those arguments are unreal and unreasonable. Our farmers are able to provide the food for the people if they like, and I suggest that, if this motion is implemented, it will give a reasonable prospect that our people never will go hungry.

I put down my name as one of the seconders of this motion because, when the Minister visited Cork in the early part of this year, I made suggestions at the meeting which he held there in pursuance of his wheat campaign, which were somewhat similar to the terms of this motion and which the Minister was gracious enough to say were practical and of some value. I maintain that the onlooker sees a great deal more of the game than the players, and I feel that the views of one who, although not actively engaged in agriculture, for a number of years has been in contact with farmers and agricultural problems and has been enabled to look on these problems from the outside, may be of some value.

First of all, it never has been demonstrated more clearly at any period of our existence than at present that the main source of our national wealth lies in our agricultural industry. By its success or failure we stand or fall. When our farmers are prosperous we are prosperous; when they become impoverished we, as a nation, also become impoverished. What is now termed the emergency, but what, in my opinion, should be more correctly termed the economic war which this country is waging — and waging for its very existence in the present world conditions — has been a complete vindication of the policy of the late Government.

It is demonstrated to us in no uncertain manner that a false industrialisation founded solely on high tariffs and without a solid foundation of native raw materials, is, in effect, a house built upon sand, and that, as the winds of international war sweep over it, it trembles, shakes, ultimately collapses, and leaves us as nature designed us to be — a country that is primarily agricultural and with a number of subsidiary industries that are native to the soil and independent of foreign raw materials.

The successful propagation of our agriculture presents many and varied problems. This motion deals primarily with our wheat policy which is, at the moment, a problem of the greatest urgency. The wheat policy, however, has many repercussions, and many other branches of living and agriculture are dependent on it. It should and must, in my opinion, be faced not as a policy of improvisation from month to month or year to year, but should be constructed into what might be described as a long-term policy. It is not merely a question of providing wheat from the autumn of 1942 to the autumn of 1943. The Government and the Minister must look further ahead than that. They must take into consideration the following year and the year after that. They must also consider and remember that, with the cessation of hostilities, the wheat problem will not disappear in a night or in a year. They must bear in mind that we are situated on the outskirts of the European continent, a continent that is virtually at starvation level, that will have to be fed the moment hostilities cease, that ships will be urgently required for that process and that it will almost certainly be many years before there will be a return to anything like normal conditions of world trade.

In view of that situation, it would appear not to be a wise policy continually to permit an argument to occur every autumn between the wheat producers and the Government regarding the price and acreage of wheat to be sown for the following season. I would suggest that a scheme involving some form of contract should be worked out between the Government and the wheat producers. I make this suggestion in the hope that it may be helpful and that having studied the suggestion, the Minister may be able to evolve a better scheme than mine and put it into operation. For instance, the farmer could enter into a contract to grow so many acres of wheat each year, the minimum price to be 50/- a barrel. There are many difficulties involved in this suggestion.

One of the principal difficulties is that, owing to the nature of wheat as a crop and the lack of artificial manures, the yield per acre will continue to fall year after year, and the price of 50/- for the wheat of the season 1942 may not, as a result of the fall in yield, be anything like adequate for the season 1943-44. That is why in this motion the word "minimum" has been used in connection with 50/- per barrel. It should not, however, be beyond the ingenuity of the Government and the farmers to set up a small committee or board which will annually review and recommend a price for the coming season. The essential thing would be, at all costs, to put our wheat policy on a business-like basis between the Government and the farmer so as to ensure a continuity of wheat production. In this way it should be possible eventually to bring our wheat production to such a pitch that, instead of being barely able to supply our people with bread — a thing which we have not yet succeeded in doing — we should have a residue and be able to provide offals for our farmers. I consider that Senator Byrne's amendment to this motion is therefore a very proper and useful contribution.

The Minister would be unwise to neglect the county committees of agriculture. These committees are worthy of more consideration than an annual visit during the "Grow More Wheat" campaign. They contain some of the best and most progressive farmers in the country — men who have devoted half a lifetime to the study of farming and farming problems, and who have a wide knowledge of the conditions that prevail in their localities. They would, therefore, form an ideal recruiting ground for the personnel of a committee or advisory board to assist the Government, should the Minister decide to adopt that suggestion. They might even be given similar status and powers as the Sugar Company, and used as the intermediate contracting party between the Government and the wheat producer. They could be given responsibility for wheat production in their own county, and thus decentralise wheat growing in all respects, except, of course, price, which would be fixed nationally.

As an example of how this scheme might work, let us take Cork County Committee of Agriculture which, under such circumstances as these, might decide to operate as follows:— Firstly, they would estimate that the requirements of County Cork for the year 1943-44 for human consumption would be X barrels of wheat. Secondly, they might estimate that Y barrels would be required to provide a reasonable ration of offals and animal feeding stuffs for stock raisers for the same cereal year. Thirdly, they could estimate that Z acres would be necessary to grow X and Y barrels of wheat and contract with the growers accordingly, the growers to get preferential terms for the purchase of offals or surplus on similar lines to the sugar-beet scheme under which the producer gets return of the sugar-beet pulp. Other county committees, on the other hand, might decide to operate on different lines according to the particular agricultural economy of their counties. All these county schemes would, of course, have to be under the direct control of the Ministry. Ministerial sanction would have to be exercised and the Minister should have full power to disband instantly any committee that he had reason to believe were not delivering the goods.

I have referred already to the difficulties that lie in the path to successful and adequate wheat production. Now I must particularise in these difficulties, and draw the attention of the Minister to a very serious state of affairs that has arisen in some localities. I do not think it is general — I sincerely trust not — but I do not think I or anybody else would be doing our duty if we did not draw his attention to the fact that it has occurred in some areas and in a great number of cases.

There has been a great deal of trouble and difficulty regarding the germination of seed wheat. In some areas, both the winter and spring sowings have failed to germinate at all and have had to be ploughed up. In other areas, and in other cases, germination has been poor and reseeding has had to be resorted to; and in other cases where seed has been tested for germination, it has been found that in the course of one month the germinating results have dropped from 90 per cent. to 50 per cent. It is not for me to say why this has occurred. I merely warn the Minister of it, but it is essential for the Minister to discover to what this is due. Some people say it is caused by fermentation, but why does it happen? Is it due to too early harvesting, or to insufficient seasoning in stooks, or to the fact that the wheat has not been properly conditioned in storing before being stored, or maybe some of the varieties recently grown from imported stocks have not yet become properly acclimatised to our conditions? That is a matter for the Minister's technical experts and I would suggest that the thing to do is to recognise that the trouble is there, and then to take steps to overcome it. If necessary, the entire time of the Scientific Research Bureau should be concentrated on this problem.

It can be truly said that in this emergency there are many things we could do were it not for the emergency. That may sound nearly as involved as Senator Fitzgerald, but, nevertheless, it is true. We could, for instance, grow more rye were it not for the difficulty of procuring seed. That difficulty should not be insurmountable, and I think the Minister should not fail to endeavour to procure a supply of rye to be used as a substitute for wheat wherever suitable. I cannot feel impressed by the manner in which the Department has dismissed the possibilities of rye growing. As a crop, it is less severe on the land, and I place little credence in the theory that it is more subject to pests than other cereals. Surely our ships plying between Portugal and here would be better employed in carrying cargoes of rye, or in fact any other necessary agricultural seeds than such luxuries as grape fruit, oranges, lemons, etc.

I must also confess to a feeling of grave dissatisfaction on reading that the Taoiseach's Scientific Research Bureau reported that they do not consider it practical politics to establish a factory for the production of artificial manures. Reading between the lines, it would look to me as if these gentlemen were inclined to fight shy of all obstacles and to fall back on the line of least resistance, with a vague recommendation for the further exploitation of native phosphates. I should have thought that in this national crisis, it would have paid us extremely well to establish such a plant in spite of all costs and difficulties, even though it meant abandoning the project at the end of the war and scrapping the plant.

It is perfectly clear to me that no business man would dream of basing his business economy on the present hand-to-mouth methods adopted by the Government on the question of wheat. Prudent men would plan now, not only for the day, but for the future. The Government should make up its mind, here and now, to plan boldly, and if necessary, ruthlessly, not only for the duration of the war, but for after the war. They should not confine their agricultural planning merely to wheat and wheat production. Now is the time for them to admit frankly and fearlessly that our whole future must be based primarily on agriculture, that their industrial policy, while it was all right in many respects in the pre-war world, did not stand up to the acid tests of war conditions. They must remember that foreign raw materials will not be available for many years after the war and that we must still mainly exist on what we can produce from the land, but the whole of our agricultural policy must now be readjusted and that now is the time to do it — and not in the future, when it is too late.

We will have many problems to face when hostilities cease and there is no use in not facing facts. There are 150,000 of our citizens taking part in this war, and there has also been an exodus of labour running into many thousands.

These people will return one day and work must be found for them. I suggest that they will demand, among other things, higher wages and a higher standard of living. Our industrial resources are not going to be adequate to absorb our population. They never have been adequate to absorb our population so far. Properly planned and properly worked, our agriculture should provide a great deal more employment than it does. Instead of a flight from the land, it should be possible to bring men back to the land, but not while our agriculture is run on its present basis. The difference between the standard of life and standard of wages of the agricultural worker and the town worker is far too great. It must be remembered that the agricultural worker produces, and that a great many of our town workers do not produce, yet they receive wages out of all proportion to the value of their work. As an example, a street sweeper for the Dublin Corporation receives 64/- a week. Now, I am not saying that the work which that man does is not essential, but it is not productive. It produces no wealth. I am not saying that he does not earn his 64/-, but it must always be kept in mind that his work is unproductive, whereas an agricultural labourer, who is frequently as skilled a man as his master, receives 33/- a week. Until that situation is readjusted, it is fantastic to expect people to return to the land. One step towards readjusting that situation would be the adoption, if not of this motion in toto, in principle, and giving to the farmer a feeling of security and a feeling that he is going to get a fair return for his work and for the wealth that he produces.

I am in favour of this motion and I am also in favour of the amendment. The great virtue I see in the motion is this: it lifts the business of wheat growing completely out of its present rut. We have a great acreage of wheat this season and with a good harvest the food supply of the people should be secure for another year.

If those hopes are realised, if the harvest is as favourable as we hope it will be, the shipping which is now being used to bring in wheat for our people can be used to bring in artificial manures, agricultural machinery, and other things which are essential to agriculture.

When the present Government came into office, the price of wheat was considerably less than 20/- a barrel. The amount of wheat then grown was something less than 20,000 acres. To-day the price of wheat is 50/- a barrel and the amount of wheat grown is 500,000 acres. In the face of those facts it is amazing to hear a Senator on the opposite benches telling us that the Minister for Agriculture and the Taoiseach have not done their job. The plain fact is that the Minister for Agriculture and the Taoiseach, in the face of violent opposition, have made the food supply of the people fairly secure. When the present Government came into office, the price of barley was somewhere in the region of 12/- or 14/- a barrel. To-day the price is 30/- a barrel. I am not satisfied that the price of barley is sufficient. The price of wheat, of course, is the important thing, but the price of barley and the price of oats ought to be a little higher than they are at the present time. The present price of oats is creating a black market. If that price were raised to something like 12/- or 14/- a cwt., and if the price of barley were raised to 17/- or 18/- a cwt., I think it would not in any way lessen the production of wheat in the country.

There has been a great prejudice against wheat growing here. In my opinion, that was due to the excessive use of lime before the introduction of artificial manures. At one time, large areas of wheat were grown in this country, and people used lime injudiciously and excessively. The excessive use of lime did much to impoverish the land. The people believed that it was the wheat did the harm, whereas in my opinion it was the lime that caused it. The plant breeding expert at Glasnevin has given his opinion that wheat growing takes less out of the soil than any of the other cereals. He is a man of international repute. He is a man who has done much for the grain growers of this country. He is a man from whom I have learned a great deal of useful information about cereal-growing, and I should be very slow to disagree with any theory propounded by him.

Whilst I do not fully agree with his statement that wheat takes less out of the ground than the other cereals, I do agree with him that wheat is a more desirable crop than any of the other cereals to grow on much of the virgin soil of this country. Wheat can be planted all through the winter, in almost any kind of weather. It divides labour, and prevents a glut of work in the spring time. When the harvest comes, the saving of wheat is much easier than the saving of any of the other cereals. If wheat is left four days in the stook, it will save just as well as any of the other cereals which had been left eight or ten days.

I listened to Senator McGee telling us the story of his association with the farmers' party in this country years ago, and their efforts to criticise the firm of Messrs. Guinness for not giving an adequate price for barley. There is a Grain Growers' Association in this country, and in 1934 that association sent a deputation to Messrs. Guinness. The price of barley was then about 12/- or 14/- a barrel; I think the actual figure was 13/-. I happened to be one of that deputation, and we pointed out to Messrs. Guinness that they paid very fine wages to their workers; that they paid very fine dividends to their shareholders, but that the barley growers, who were the backbone of the concern, were very badly paid for their grain. Messrs. Guinness rose beautifully to the occasion. The deputation approached them in the middle of the harvest, when they had declared their price and had actually paid for half the crop. The result of the deputation was that Messrs. Guinness increased the price by 2/- a barrel, and made it retrospective. Larger quantities of grain will have to be grown in this country, and I am not sure that one of the results of the acceptance of this motion here this evening would not be that the acreage of wheat might be increased by 50 per cent. or 100 per cent.

Some speaker on the other side pointed out that it would be a good thing if the grain grower got back the by-product, such as bran and pollard, to feed his animals. That is already happening in the case of beet. The beet grower gets back the pulp to feed his animals, and that is one of the greatest incentives there is to beet growing. Similarly, if the wheat grower could be assured of getting back a proportion of the offals of the wheat crop, it would be a great incentive to wheat production. Were it not for the wheat-growing policy and the general tillage policy of the present Government, the people would be in a sad plight for food to-day. It is a good thing to have the Opposition coming in even at the eleventh hour. When I say that, I do not refer to Senator McGee or to the other members who have moved the motion. Senator McGee came in to the wheat growing business very early on. He has given good service in that particular sphere, and I am quite sure that the other members have had equally good intentions. I am in favour of the motion; I am also in favour of the amendment, and I am sure that, as I said earlier on, it will have a very good effect on increasing the acreage for the coming year.

There are some aspects of this matter which I should like to bring before the House. May I begin by saying that I sympathise profoundly with the problem which the movers of this motion have set themselves to solve, but I am not at all sure that this motion is the right contribution towards a solution of that problem? Of course, so long as the emergency lasts, we must make it our business to grow as much wheat as will provide enough flour to feed our people.

The motion gives you that, and suggests that for a number of years — presumably after peace is restored — we should continue to grow as much wheat as we need ourselves, and that there should continue to be a minimum price of 50/- per barrel for that wheat — a minimum price, not an actual price. I am not at all convinced that that policy is related to a true view of the situation that will exist after the war, but, in any case, I feel that there is need for some definite policy of agricultural reconstruction with reference to the period that will be upon us as soon as the emergency is over. I am quite certain, however, that that policy will have to relate itself to far more than the single product of wheat, and will have to contain many things besides a fixed price for a single product if, indeed, it should contain a fixed price for any single product.

A real agricultural policy of post-war reconstruction will have to take into account what should be our general agricultural policy — whether we should aim at maintaining and developing our export trade to Britain, which is now withering away; what should be the relations between agricultural production for the home market and agricultural production for export; what should be the relation between what I might call grass farming and tillage farming, and whether we should not, at long last, accept the findings of modern science, that there is no fundamental opposition between the right use of grass and the right use of tillage operations—that, on the contrary, the best grass farmers are often, also, the best tillage farmers. What is needed in the case of the majority of the grass acres in the country is a policy that will aim at a tillage rotation with a view to maintaining and restoring from time to time a thick sole of really nourishing grass. Large areas of grass are not feeding stock to the extent they should feed it, because they have for years been neglected, because the land has not been put through a proper rotation involving the use of the plough from time to time.

A proper agricultural policy will, I think, recognise that grass is our principal crop but that, to get the right kind of grass, we must have a right tillage policy in relation to grass and in relation to large areas of the country which have not known the plough as much as they should have in the past two decades. The policy of post-war reconstruction, besides dealing with wheat, must have some reference, for example, to agricultural credit and it will have to assign a proper place to dairy farming and establish right relations between milk-production and calf-production and fat-cattle production. All that will take some thinking out and will take some collaboration with our British neighbours because, whatever they do in their agricultural policy and in their import policy, is bound to affect our agricultural activities for better or for worse. If it is the case that they are no longer likely to want butter supplies from us, that will involve us in a very serious way in relation to our dairying, tillage, and other activities. However, I shall not develop that matter now because it is not directly related to the problem before the House.

One of the assumptions running through this debate is that, just as we are being starved for wheat imports now owing to emergency conditions, we shall continue to be starved for wheat imports when the war is over and that, for years, Europe will absorb whatever wheat is available in the new world and no cargoes of wheat at all will come to us. Surely, that assumption is utterly without foundation. I am not aware of any reason why we should make that assumption but I do know —this information is derived from the Monthly Letter of the Royal Bank of Canada, 8th January, 1942 — that, at present, a terrific amount of wheat is stored up in the granaries of the world overseas and that it is only the difficulty of transport conditions that prevents that wheat from being brought to Europe. I think that we still remain part of Europe, within the meaning of the Act, and I am not aware of any reason why Ireland should be excepted, after the war, from the possibility of importing wheat at world prices. Listen to this:

"A series of abnormally large crops in the past four years, together with a moderate reduction in overseas shipments to European markets already declining when war broke out, has concentrated one-half of this year's wheat supplies in the hands of four nations which are together incapable of consuming more than one-fifth. Excess stocks of wheat in Canada, the United States, Australia and Argentina during the present season reached the staggering total of 1,750,000,000 bushels. This compares with 1,520,000,000 in 1940, 1,280,000,000 in 1939, and an average for five pre-war years of 830,000,000 bushels. Such quantities, obviously, are completely out of line with both the present and prospective requirements of importing countries."

In other words, the wheat carryover available in the big wheat-growing countries overseas is increasing every year and is now twice as much as was the pre-war normal. There is now available for export to Europe 40,000,000 tons of wheat and I think we would get our share of those 40,000,000 tons. Wheat is selling in the United States at present at a price which is little over a dollar a bushel, which corresponds closely, I think, to a price of something more than 10/- a cwt. over here. There is no reason to assume that, if the war were over, the price of wheat imported from America, where they are dying to get rid of it, or from Argentina would greatly exceed the figure of 10/- per cwt. That being so, is it fair to our wheat-consuming public who, in number, far exceed the limited number of people who can be wheat producers, and who include nine-tenths of the small farmers of the country as well as all our urban and non-agricultural population, that they should be faced with the possibility of having to pay at the rate of £1 per cwt., or more, for wheat when they would, probably, be able to buy imported wheat at 10/-? It would be a very poor service to render to the majority of our people if we were to impose that necessity upon them. What is more, it would be very bad policy from the point of view of the kind of agricultural economy we ought to encourage — that which is primarily suitable to the conditions of this country.

We have to grow wheat under war conditions but the minute the war is over, if we can import it more cheaply than we can grow it, we should cast about to find other and more profitable uses for our land, both from the point of view of the owners of that land and from the point of view of the nation as a whole. The real problem and what has been bedevilling all our agricultural effort for the past ten years or more is the unsatisfactory relationship that exists between the price of live stock and live-stock products and the price of cereal products.

On that point may I suggest that with a fixed price of £1 per cwt. for wheat it would be high time the price for oats and barley was adjusted to correspond to that for wheat. I think that wheat at £1 per cwt. should be related to oats at, at least, 15/- per cwt., and if the price of oats had been altered to keep step with the price of wheat the question of farmers holding oats instead of selling them to millers for sale as oatmeal would have been solved and a great many people would now be enjoying oatmeal porridge who have not had it for months. What has been bedevilling agriculture for years is the unsatisfactory relationship between live-stock products and cereal products. That relationship is partly the result of British policy and partly the result of a policy which the Irish Government pursued for a number of years but has now abandoned. It still exists because Britain has not yet abandoned that policy. In my view, the British policy of paying an inadequate price for our fat cattle, a price that penalises the production of fat cattle and destroys the relationship between the cattle industry and cereal production, has done more injury to the economy of this country than anything that Britain has done here since the destruction of the woollen trade at the end of the 17th century. I am amazed at the pro-British attitude of the Government in failing to publish these facts to the world and make it quite clear that in this respect Britain is inflicting a serious injury on this country. We have a national grievance there which it would be to our interest to ventilate and on a true view of British interest it would benefit by a higher price for our fat cattle.

The fact that for years the price of fat cattle has been out of relationship with the price of grain meant that our people had no economic interest in feeding cattle in winter, and consequently there was a shortage of farmyard manure, and in time of peace they had to rely too much on artificial fertilisers. When the war situation arose they found their land was without the accumulated fertility which would have enabled them to grow wheat during a period of emergency. The problem is to get a price for beef which bears a proper relationship to the price of grain. I had the curiosity to compare over a period of years the price per cwt. of oats with the price per cwt. of fat cattle going back to 1924. I found that between 1924 and 1930 the price per cwt. for fat cattle live weight ran about five or six times the average annual price per cwt. of oats. It is within the recollection of most of us that during that period there was a certain amount of cattle feeding in winter, but from 1932 down to the present time the price per cwt. of fat cattle was less than five times the price per cwt. of oats, and with that price relationship it is not economic to feed concentrated foodstuffs to large animals in winter. Consequently stall feeding disappeared and farmyard manure as a consequence is scarce. I noticed that the fixed price of oats in Britain is 14/- or 15/- a cwt. The price of home-bred and finished cattle in Britain and Northern Ireland is at present about 77/6 per cwt., which is more than five times the price fixed for oats. What we want to get is a price for fat cattle which will be at least five times the price of oats. When we get that price it may be possible to get more large animals fed during the winter and more farmyard manure, and consequently more wheat and other cereals without undermining the fertility of the land. There is another aspect of this matter. I have sometimes had occasion to criticise and express disapproval of an agricultural policy which I regarded as a racket in favour of small farmers. In that I was trying to express what I believed to be the point of view of general interest. There seems to be some danger that this wheat growing may develop into a racket in favour of the large farmer.

May I protest against that? We, who are behind this motion, have not moved it with any political or commercial idea in view, and I strongly object to the word "racket".

The Senator will have an opportunity of replying at the conclusion of the debate.

I did not intend in the least to impugn the motives of the movers of the resolution, who, I may say, are my good friends, but however high and lofty the motives of the advocates of a policy may be, it nevertheless remains possible that the policy, for reasons they do not foresee, may develop into a racket on behalf of a sectional interest. I hope that it will not, and I know that the movers of the motion least of all desire that it should. In this matter I think there is a definite conflict of interests between small farmers and large farmers. It is possible that wheat growing by large farmers could be encouraged to an extent and in a way that would positively injure the interests of small farmers as well as of the community. Wheat is more a large farmer's crop than a small farmer's crop. I doubt whether there are 50,000 farmers with wheat in a worth-while quantity, or who could have it in a worth-while quantity without injury to the whole of their agricultural economy. I imagine most of these farmers are farmers of 50 acres or more. They can and should in a time of national emergency devote a greater proportion of land to the growing of wheat, but it is not possible for small farmers to do that without disorganising their whole agricultural effort. In the ordinary way the small farmer derives a larger proportion of his income from what are called farmyard products rather than from those which are sold direct from the fields. There is a distinction between products such as wheat, which are sold, and farmyard products such as poultry, eggs and pigs, which are worked up in the farm. The small farmer derives a very high proportion of income from the use of cereal raw materials, and it would be doing him very grave harm to raise their cost. It would be making it difficult, if not impossible, to specialise in the production of poultry and pig products, which must be an important element in our total economy.

As a matter of fact, the present emergency is bearing more seriously on and doing more injury to the smaller farmers than the larger farmers. It is compelling every farmer to cut down practically everything to the scale of what he can produce on his own farm. That will inconvenience the large farmer, but it is disastrous for the small farmer. It accounts for the fact that pig and poultry production have diminished and possibly it has some relation to the fact that dairy production is not as vigorous as it should be. This aspect of the matter should not be overlooked. In whatever policy the Minister finally decides to adopt, the interests of all farmers, small and large, should be realised and brought into harmony with the common interests of the nation.

There is one other point. We have now 100 per cent. extraction of so-called flour from wheat, and we have complaints that wheat offals are no longer available for farmers in the quantities they would like. I am told, on the highest authority, and I believe the information has been conveyed by the proper channels to the Government, that the extraction of more than 85 per cent. of the wheat is a waste of effort, as the other 15 per cent. now extracted simply passes through the human stomach, which is incapable of deriving any nourishment from it; whereas animals — pigs, poultry, and so on — derive considerable advantage, when they can get more bran, pollard, and so on. Therefore, from the point of view of food for human beings, it would be doing a greater service if we went back to 85 per cent. extraction and made these offals available for animal feeding. It would be adding indirectly to the food of humans after wards, instead of wasting that 15 per cent. at present uselessly passing through human bodies. That is an aspect of the matter which I hope the Minister has been considering, and I hope it will lead, in the near future, to a whiter loaf than we have had, since there is no sense in eating something which does not do any good.

I will try to keep as closely as I can to the motion. I would like to join issue with Senator O'Callaghan, but I would like to have this question discussed in a clear atmosphere. It is an important motion and should be examined coldly, calmly and realistically. As to whether the Minister or the Taoiseach is or is not responsible for having an abundance of food or the shortage of food, I am not going to join issue with Senator O'Callaghan. The question for all of us, for the Minister and his Department and for every responsible citizen, is to do our best to provide food for all our people. Senator O'Callaghan will admit that, since the beginning of the emergency, people who did not agree with the Minister politically have done their best—both farmers and public men — to ensure that there would not be a shortage of food. If we are short to-day — and we are short — it is not because the people who differed politically from the Minister did not do their best.

I have held the view for a long time that the agricultural policy pursued here never has been what it ought to be, as it has never been truly representative of the country or in the best interests of the country, agriculturally or nationally, because the head of the Department of Agriculture is a political figure. I am quite convinced that, if the present Minister for Agriculture and the Minister who preceded him, were responsible to the whole Dáil, instead of to a political Party, our agricultural economics would be on a sounder basis than they are. They would be representative of the common sense and the widest experience of all our agriculturists, regardless of their political beliefs. In our time and generation, we have discovered that the land does not respond to political economics.

I intended to make a comment on Senator O'Callaghan's reference to the view of an expert on the effects of wheat growing on the soil, but I notice that he said, as I did on a previous occasion, that he did not quite agree with the expert in regard to what wheat would take out of the soil. The problem confronting us now, and which will confront us for the next few years, is that of getting enough food out of the land. I am not impressed by the argument put forward by Senator Johnston on a certain aspect of this question, much as I respect his views generally and much as I find that we can agree on many points. He says it is inadvisable for us to decide on a long term wheat policy, in view of the colossal stocks of wheat stored up in the wheat growing lands throughout the world. He gave us a quotation from a Canadian commercial bank indicating that the stocks of wheat are somewhere around 1,750,000,000 bushels and that the average was somewhere around 830,000,000 bushels.

That is the carry-over.

Yes, the average carryover in a normal period is somewhere around 800,000,000 bushels, and to-day it stands at 1,700,000,000 bushels. That in itself meets the case made by Senator Johnston, who knows as much about conditions in the European Continent and in the Continent of Asia as any of us. It seems to me that the shortage of food throughout the world to-day is such that a three years' supply of wheat, even with ships available to convey it, will not meet the conditions of starvation that have to be faced in Europe and elsewhere when the war is over. As far as we are concerned, the emergency in the European Continent will continue for a long time after the war, perhaps for three or four years. Apart altogether from what the dying Greek and Asiatic peoples may need to keep them alive, and apart altogether from giving them sufficient nutrition, the ships available to convey food in any part of the world will be very few, and they will be required to convey the minimum requirements to any country. Therefore if for no other consideration, apart from our own selfish interests, from the Christian standpoint, in order that people in a much worse plight than ours — and in a plight which I hope it will never be our misfortune to get into — may be fed, we should do everything we can to feed ourselves, and not call on the resources of any other country. It will be a physical impossibility to feed those peoples properly, and we ought to carry on by making as much provision as we can to feed our own.

What will our problem be in the next few years? We can agree that the farmer likes to know where he stands at least 12 months ahead. His tillage campaign has to be planned ahead, and he has to know, when going into a green field, what he intends to do about rotation of crops and so on. If you want to grow wheat and you have mixed soil on your farm you are not going into the poorest field or the middling field; you must go into the field with the best soil if you want to secure the best return. It is important therefore that the farmer should know a long time in advance what the plans of the Government are in the matter of payment for the respective crops which he intends to produce. It is not sufficient to tell him a week before he sows or a week after he has sown what the price for a particular crop is going to be, as he may then discover that the price for the crop which he had sown was lower than he expected and that the price of another crop had been raised. Accordingly, it is essential that the farmer should be given notice a long time in advance as to the return he is likely to get from a particular type of farming.

Wheat, of course, is most essential for our people but I believe myself that in this country it is the most fickle of all crops and the experience of a great many farmers — I think we might as well be frank about it — is not calculated to make them more enthusiastic about the growing of wheat. There is a great deal which our farmers, and indeed which a great many of our technical people, did not know about the growing of wheat. If there is one thing that has been definitely established about wheat-growing it is that the advice given by the experts was not justified by the results. For that reason, it will be very difficult to create enthusiasm amongst many of our farmers for the growing of wheat over the long period for which I think wheat must be grown. We have had in every county, in some counties to a greater extent than in others, very considerable failures in the winter wheat sown in the month of February. Considerable areas have had to be ploughed up and sown again with Spring varieties or with oats. Some of these areas will give a very poor yield and no matter what price a man gets, his return from his crop of wheat is going to be very poor. Such experience as that is likely to render more difficult the production of the necessary amount of wheat. Our experts did not know apparently all that was to be known about the difficulties of wheat-growing in this country. In such a situation as that, we cannot afford to take risks because after all is said and done, we must have wheat. Wheat is the basis of our bread supply and we must get a considerable area under wheat every year, a much greater area than we had last year.

I fear that our wheat yields are going to fall very considerably from now until the end of the present emergency. Some of the best farmers in the Twenty-Six Counties last year were only able to get a yield of five barrels to the acre. That is a very poor return. When the Government first started their wheat policy we were able to get 12 barrels, 16 barrels and sometimes 20 barrels to the acre, and some of us then pointed to the fact that in the Balkan States where the wheat crop must be cultivated and where, in fact, it is the medium of exchange, they were only able to get five bushels to the acre. I believe that in a great part of this country the yield will ultimately be reduced to that level. We shall come down to that average next year or probably the year after. We shall have exploited most of our fertile soil in the growing of wheat and used up much of the fertility of such manured land as we have. In face of a situation such as that, the farmer, who has got to make ends meet and who has got to cultivate the crops from which he will reap a sufficient reward to enable him to pay his way, must know what his return is going to be if he sows wheat. As the wheat yields fall, we must have a plan that will encourage our farmers to continue producing wheat.

It is not in this country alone that wheat is a very variable crop. Senator Johnston has referred to wheat growing in Canada and he could have told you that the Canadian Government have at least three schemes of assistance for the farmer. They have the prairie farm assistance scheme and a crop insurance scheme whereby the farmers, when the price of crops falls below a certain level, are compensated by the State. If we had such a scheme as that here our farmers could afford to takes risks which to-day they are not prepared to take. In the absence of such a scheme, the alternative is to keep the price of wheat relatively high and to give such security in the production of the crop over a period as will induce men to persevere in their production of it. We have to face a situation, whether we like it or not, in which we are going to have difficulties in getting our farmers to grow wheat, but we must have wheat. In conditions such as we are experiencing to-day it is, I know, popular to urge that prices are too high for the consumer, but there are quite a number of commodities now getting so scarce that even the poorest consumers would be prepared to pay a higher price than they were prepared to pay in the past in order to secure such commodities. That is the case with bread as with a number of other things.

I recognise that you can raise the prices of commodities or food to such a level that they are beyond the reach of the poorest amongst us. When we are faced with a situation like that — it might very well be like that before the end of the emergency — then the State, representing the community as a whole, has an obligation to come to the rescue of the poor, to ensure that they will get such assistance as will enable them to get the necessities of life, and that they will not go hungry. The first essential, however, is to make sure that the commodities are there. The only agency through which you can make certain that wheat is grown is that provided by our farmers. You may find all the fault you like with them, but if they do not do the job for you, I do not think anybody else in the country is prepared to undertake it. In circumstances like these, dependent as the whole community is on them, you have got to give them such conditions of security and such remuneration for their services as will ensure that a position is created in which the farmer has been given every encouragement to deliver the goods.

There is one point to which I should like the Minister to give some consideration. I feel certain misgivings about the position in which we appear to find ourselves at the moment. While we have an immensely increased area under tillage, certain other essential foods are becoming short, and the shortage is gradually becoming accentuated. I am beginning to wonder whether or not this whole question of our agricultural production and the type of production in which we should engage has been given that wide and deep consideration that the welfare of the nation demands. In spite of all our efforts to provide wheat and cereals and in spite of the hopes I have had, and the feeling and belief that we ought to be able to produce much more of food for human beings and animals on our own land, I see a situation where, apparently, we are not succeeding. That is an aspect of the question to which I should like the Minister to give attention. I do not want to stand between the House and the Minister in giving him an opportunity of dealing with some of the questions that have been raised. I say, finally, that I think it would be most unwise to press the amendment of Senator Byrne. It is not going to get us more wheat. There are great tracts of land on which, if you compel people to grow wheat rather than the grain crop of their choice, we are going to get no crop at all.

I move the adjournment of the debate.

Debate adjourned.
The Seanad adjourned at 9.5 p.m., until 3 p.m. on Wednesday, 3rd June.
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