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Seanad Éireann díospóireacht -
Thursday, 25 Nov 1943

Vol. 28 No. 4

Appropriation (No. 2) Bill, 1943—(Certified Money Bill)—Second Stage (Resumed).

As I can see that there is a desire that the House should not sit to-morrow, I do not want to delay the proceedings unduly, but I should like to point out that the matters which I am raising and which have a cultural and industrial value, are at least equally as important as the matter of shooting cattle. The allocation of time for the discussion of the various matters brought forward should, in my opinion, be based on some system which would give us an opportunity of dealing adequately with the matters which we wish to bring to the notice of the House. I am raising the matter of the Manuscripts Commission. I should like to point out that my information is that the number of manuscripts available and being dealt with is so colossal that it will take the present staff something like 25 years to deal adequately with them. These manuscripts are of the greatest historical importance. A careful investigation and a careful annotation of all the data are necessary, and in view of the amount of work involved I think the amount which has been voted to the Manuscripts Commission this year is rather small. I am raising this point now in the hope that the Minister might be enabled to increase that amount in some fashion on this Bill. I am also trying to get, as it were, some focalised direction on this whole matter of manuscript collection and annotation. There are documents in solicitors' offices and in other places in this country which should be available. These are of great historical importance and I understand they are not being collected at the moment. I am told that some short time ago in the premises of a wastepaper merchant in this country a big number of documents was discovered which on examination proved to be of great historical importance. I am focussing attention on this matter only because of the fact that, due probably to an oversight or probably due to a lack of the sense of values that would be necessary to evaluate properly the importance of manuscripts in our national life, sufficient attention is not being devoted to this question.

Another matter calling for attention is the manner in which our public records are housed, and I think in this connection the time has arrived to establish a national archive of some kind. At the present moment if one desired to investigate papers of national importance, one has to visit seven or eight different places—the Public Records Office, the National Library, the Birmingham Tower, the Royal Irish Academy, Trinity College and various places of that kind. There appears to be no general direction in the collection of the data essential for the preservation of historical records in this country. They may not be of the same practical value as the mere killing of cattle but they are in the long run of great importance to the nation. The work of the Manuscripts Commission and the manner in which these valuable papers should be housed is a question of great importance.

If I may, I should also like to raise the question of the local historical society which seems to be nobody's child at the moment. These societies in the countryside are working under great difficulties annotating or collecting work which will be of great national benefit in the years to come. They are the historians of to-day and of yesterday and any help that the Government could give them to develop and extend that cultural work should be given wholeheartedly. With the efflux of time, local place names are passing away and people possessed of a peculiar knowledge are dying out. I doubt if a sufficient effort is being made to assist the local historical societies in the collection and preservation of essential material. If there was a commission somewhat on the lines of the Folklore Commission to direct it, it would be of great assistance, and it would give at least some recognition to the work of the local historian. These are aspects of our public life that are not usually referred to in either of the Houses of the Oireachtas, but, to my mind, they are of as great importance as any other aspect, and anything we can do to develop and extend the cultural qualities of this country is deserving of all our support.

Throughout the country, too, there are national monument committees. Some of these committees, I understand, are active, but, in other counties, they have for one reason or another died away. Such committees could do a good deal of useful work in investigating local conditions and preparing local histories. They could look after the local monuments and keep them in good repair. I am told on relatively good authority that in this country to-day many of our cairns and monuments carrying Ogham inscriptions which are of historical value, are now being weather-beaten because they are not getting the care they deserve as national monuments. I want to raise that point only because we are inclined to be careless in this matter of our national monuments. I can only instance the case with which many of the Senators here are familiar, the condition of countryside graveyards where tombstones carrying inscriptions of great genealogical value are knocked down and trampled upon, and, in the course of years, are grown over and matters which would be of historical importance are lost. Much additional knowledge would be available for historians through the preservation of these tombstones and monuments in our graveyards, but because, either through oversight or carelessness on the part of our people, they are not getting the care and attention they deserve.

These three matters are related, the collection of manuscripts by the Manuscripts Commission; the collection and annotation and housing of the manuscripts, the preservation by historical societies of local history and of our national monuments. I do not think it is necessary for me to enlarge on the necessity for doing anything that can be done for their preservation, and I am sure that the Minister will do all that lies in his power towards their development and preservation.

The establishment of a civil list is the last question I want to refer to. I know that other Parties have approached members of the Government on it, and I do not think it needs any eloquence of mine or any great arguments to point out the necessity there is for it. There are very few countries in the world to-day that do not attempt in some way or another to show appreciation and to give recognition to their brilliant sons and daughters who have fallen on difficult times. There is hardly any country, as I see it, which has not some form of civil list in order to provide their distinguished sons and daughters with a way to live.

In this country there are old men who have fought the national fight in olden days and have fallen on evil times. They have been left to the care of the general public. They have a claim upon us and upon this nation. Those who gave of their best should not have to depend on the generosity of foreign countries to provide them with the wherewithal of existence in their old age. Some years ago, you had the case of one of the greatest poets this country has produced, one of our finest story-tellers, having to accept a pension from the British Government. That should not be. That man gave good service to this country as a good Irishman, as a man who has added to our culture and literary eminence in the world, and yet we have no method here whereby we can show appreciation or recognition of his work.

We had the case of a poetess who died in poor circumstances a few months ago, a woman who has given us a grand balladry and love of Ireland. That woman died under distressing circumstances when she should have been one of those people benefiting under a properly established civil list. We have men living in public institutions who fought for the rights of our country before many of us were born, men who are now living on public assistance, men who on their rights alone are entitled to recognition from the people for what they did in days that are gone.

It would not entail tremendous expenditure by the State to sustain a civil list. I am not pleading for it alone because of the morality and righteousness of it, but because of the fact that we have been so peculiarly unconscious of the fact that people who have given us, out of their minds, literature, and out of their work an added strength to the culture of this country, are in their old age neglected. It is because of that I appeal for the establishment of a civil list, and I need not stress the matter in this House.

Leas-Chathaoirleach

That concludes the discussion on this point and we can now have a general debate.

It is an unusual thing to have a discussion of this kind in the Seanad at this time of the year. Normally, discussions of this kind would arise in the Spring on the Central Fund Bill, the Appropriation Bill, and the Finance Bill, and I think it is a very useful thing that a discussion like this should take place at this particular time of the year, particularly a discussion that would approach in general terms the general economic and social circumstances of the country. It would guide the minds of the Seanad as a whole at this time of the year to the general condition of things in the country. It would lead to a certain preparation facing the general discussions that would again come before us in the Spring when the Finance Bill would be in front of us.

I hope the Minister for Finance will be able to tell us that some progress has been made in considering the question of changing the financial year. When the matter was raised some time ago, the way in which he replied to a question on the subject encouraged us to think that he thought there was something in the idea. At that particular time, it was urged that Parliamentary time generally was not being used to good effect. Both the Dáil and the Seanad met in the Autumn. There was very little business to be done, and there was normally no matter that would bring up a general review of the situation in the country as a whole. On the other hand, all the financial business was done in the Spring. Three occasions would occur for discussions in the Seanad on the general situation, but they were all crowded into the Spring months, and as legislation usually crowded itself on top of that, from the point of view of the Oireachtas, that was the way in which the work had to be done.

Again, when you consider the type of community we are, and how largely we are dependent upon proper attention being given to agriculture in the country, it is clear that when Parliamentary work is concentrated so much in the Spring, country representatives cannot attend the Oireachtas as easily as they might at this particular time of the year. From every point of view, if the financial year was changed to end on the 31st of December, Parliamentary work would be much better attended to. It would come easier in the first place, and a lot more successful work would be done in the other.

Therefore, I ask the Minister to let us know to what extent he has followed out the examination of that, and what promise he can give of favourably looking on that change? I suppose the Estimates for the coming year are already being prepared. Unless the Government has already taken a decision on the matter, they will be prepared on a 12 months' basis.

Perhaps we cannot expect that the Estimates this year will be prepared upon a nine months' basis, but I hope the Minister will be able to tell us that, either for the coming year or the year after, the financial year will be changed to the 31st December. If these changes are not brought about under conditions such as we have at present, there will be a tendency not to bring them about at all. At present, if you want to study any aspect of our social services, you find that some statistics are prepared for the calendar year and some for the financial year. Often times, two sets of statistics have to be kept for the same subject. So far as Government administration is concerned, the change would simplify things very much and the change would also serve to focus things better in the national mind by having our statistics prepared for a fixed period for all purposes. I do not know how the change would affect the commercial community. If it would affect them at all, I think it would be for the better.

We are now making a general review of things and it is because of the importance of speaking of things generally at present that I intervene at this stage of the debate on the Bill. The Minister has had a couple of long days here. We should like to spare him further trouble, particularly after his recent illness, but he has been assisted by a few Ministers, and I hope he will be able to sit out the debate to-morrow, if we have to meet to-morrow. We are all conscious of a tremendous change in the world. When we have writers stating that, after the war, Europe will be politically, economically, and morally shattered, we must admit that there is nothing but truth in the words. We must consider what the effect on our position, politically, economically and morally, is likely to be. Neglect of one thing or another during the past 20 years has brought the world to its present condition. We all recognise that, in one way or another, we, in this country, have missed opportunities and have lacked co-operation of a particular kind and that this has left us during the past 20 years politically, economically and morally weaker than we might be. We all thank Providence, that, whatever our position, we are spared the great disasters that physical warfare is bringing to other countries, but we must consider what is likely to happen us here and what the reactions on the conditions of the outside world are likely to be.

Everybody listened with considerable interest to the discussion that took place on the use of the humane killer. I do not mean in any way to disparage the interest taken in that matter or the amount of sympathy which subjects like it arouse, but I do often feel, when I hear discussions of a certain kind proceeding, that I would like to have woven on the gates coming into Leinster House the Irish inscription: "Fulaingíonn fuil fuil i ngorta ach ní fhulaingíonn fuil fuil a dhortadh." Translated, that means that blood will tolerate blood being starved but will not tolerate blood being spilt. When we hear of the things that are passing through the minds of statesmen and churchmen with regard to the conditions in the world, we are driven to the conclusion that the Gael who expressed his critical outlook on humanity in these words was not simply expressing his mind on his own people but that the same reflection could be made with regard to other people—that they shrank from the horrors of blood-spilling and very often allowed the blood-spilling to be brought about by permitting starvation and neglect.

For the past four years, reams have been written about the things that must be brought about after the war if we are to have a civilisation worth boasting of. Nothing that has been so written is in any way new. I found nothing in any of the papers or books published recently that better summarised the position we ought to keep in mind than an article published in the London Times on the 11th March, 1941. In a leading article on that date, they spoke of two scourges—the scourge of war and the scourge of unemployment. They said that unemployment had to be got rid of, that people should be as vigorous, energetic, self-sacrificing and effective in their organisation to deal with unemployment as they were in their organisation for dealing with the war and that that could only be done by positive and constructive action. Here is a further quotation from the same article:—

"It is a problem less of means than of ends. It can be solved (or transformed, as at the present moment, into a technical problem of fitting supply to demand) when we recognise in time of peace a social purpose as compulsive and as worthy of sacrifice as the purposes of war. In 1940, the manufacturer forgoes profits, the worker forgoes trade union restrictions on conditions of employment, the consumer forgoes luxuries and lends to the Government to finance expenditure from which no material return is asked or expected. In 1930, a small fraction of these sacrifices would have sufficed to avert the unemployment crisis of the ensuing years, and, at the same time, to bring to the countries now involved in war better housing, more ample nutrition, better education, and more amenities for the leisure of the masses. These sacrifices were not made because they were not called for by any political leader; they were not called for because the lesson had not yet been learned. There is no longer any reason for failure to understand."

That was stated in the London Times in March, 1941, and was re-echoed, either shortly before or after, by the Christian churches generally in Great Britain, and it is nothing new as far as we are concerned. If we turn our minds to these things now, we are not learning something from the people outside, but we are hearing from them what is natural and instinctive in our own people here. Both in the Declaration of 1916 and in more detail in the democratic programme issued by the Dáil when it first met in January, 1919, these things are enshrined. Taking one sentence from the democratic programme of the 21st January, 1919: “It shall be the first duty of the Government to make provision for the physical and mental and spiritual well-being of the children to ensure that no child is suffering from hunger or cold, from lack of food, clothing, or shelter, but that all shall be provided with the means and facilities requisite for their proper education as citizens of a free and Gaelic Ireland”.

The Dáil at the present moment is dealing with a Bill for family allowances, and the Minister for Industry and Commerce, concluding the debate last night, said: "The mere fact that all Parties in the Dáil are agreed on the principle of this Bill, and that there has been throughout the country, so far as the opinion of the people has been expressed, a similar agreement, is a dangerous situation. Bringing forward a Bill of this kind on a principle on which we all agree is not merely an occasion for cooing at one another. There are dangers and problems associated with the inauguration of a service of these dimensions which, in such circumstances, the Dáil might neglect to give full account to". We can understand the Minister's warning in that respect, but I doubt if either the Minister or his colleagues would think, on fully considering the matter, that where in honesty a people such as ours agree that a particular line of action is necessary and are unified in that thought, and that the general line of that thought is such as is suggested by the sentence from the democratic programme, I do not think such a people can go wrong if they approach the problem they are dealing with in a systematic way, if they take suitable steps to examine the situation and see that the public mind is fully informed. The Government have been criticised that they introduced this important Bill without either fully informing the Parliament or the people of the statistics at the back of it. I think it would be infinitely better if we here were in a position that we could fully appreciate the extent of the problem in the country, what is being done, and have some idea of what the likely result of the application of this measure is going to be.

Leas-Chathaoirleach

We are not discussing the Family Allowances Bill.

I am just taking it as a sample which points to something fundamental in the approach to our Parliamentary work. If Parliamentary institutions are going to serve the people by maintaining a state of civilisation here, and are going to defend the rights and liberties of all our people, then we have to work in a systematic way and we have to approach our work with a full knowledge of the facts. After the last two days' discussion here I do not think anyone can be really satisfied that they got all the information they could get, or that they have achieved very much in putting their individual matters right. We are a body of 60, and there is no piece of Government machinery that cannot be placed at our disposal, not a piece of information that the Government has that cannot be given to us if we approach the getting of it in the proper way. We are unable to put questions here, although I think it should be possible to arrange that Senators would get written answers to questions. But I think it should be possible for us to realise that there are certain things that are really fundamental and to use the machinery at our disposal here to get the facts put carefully down. It is pointed out that in every direction what the people want is employment, housing, clothing and food, and everybody is pointing out that some kind of machinery can be arranged by which the great powers of production in the world can be put into operation so that everybody will have food, clothing and work. Very few countries have brought about that situation yet, and it is indicated to us, without our getting very much information about it, that so far as basic government can go, with the machinery they have at their disposal, they are working very hard to see that there will be employment, food and shelter for everybody in the country.

Here in the Seanad we cannot do very much about it, but there is a way in which we can approach things. There is no question that we have not the power to set up a select committee with powers to get whatever facts we want. It means that we will have to be prepared to sit down to work, and there is no member of the House who does not realise that we are living in a time when everything we do from day to day is of the utmost importance. What the members of the Oireachtas will do to-day is likely to have a very important effect on the years to come. I would like to see the Seanad, as a body, realising the importance of the present situation, and realising that there are certain facts that require to be established. One of the questions that must be dealt with is that we must set ourselves to the task of seeing that our people are adequately fed.

The first thing that I think the Seanad Select Committee might do would be to examine the proper standard of nutrition, taking into consideration the circumstances say of the people of Dublin who cannot grow their own sustenance in their own garden or in their own field. I take the City of Dublin not because it is important in one way or another but because there you have a definitely urban population and a large population. I would like to see the Seanad Committee, bearing in mind the circumstances of the people of Dublin, examine what would be the normal standard of nutrition and what would be the likely cost of that so that in a completely detached way we would have, what we had not up to the present, an idea of the amount of food our people ought to have if we are to keep them in health. That is fundamental. This being happily detached from any party or any kind of sectional outlook is the foundation stone for a considerable amount of development in the country. You can take up very few reports of county medical officers of health that do not suggest that there is a very considerable expenditure falling upon our institutions due to disease brought about by a lack of so that we suffer loss in health because we have not a proper outlook upon the nutrition of our people. We lose education because children cannot take full advantage of education unless they are adequately nourished. I do not think anyone will deny that health is absolutely indispensable.

There is another work to which I should like to see the Seanad Committee address itself and that is to inquire into what are the social services that are available to-day for the purpose of assisting people who, through unemployment, sickness, accident or old age, are unable to maintain themselves and their families. While it is quite true that we have good social services, nevertheless, there are grave gaps between them and these gaps are the source of very grave distress and injury to our people. It would be of the greatest possible advantage to us here and even to people outside if, as a result of a committee of the Seanad addressing itself to this matter, there were assembled in an intelligent and full way a complete picture of what our social services are that are available to people who for these reasons are unable to maintain themselves and their families. We would be thus, as it were, building up milestones or rather throwing out sheet anchors to the nation's mind upon a matter on which there can be no disagreement. We would be showing clearly a picture of that part of our people which must be the test of our civilisation as well as the test of our political stability. People are complaining in various parts of the world that what has brought this war about is that the problem of poverty and of unemployment was not attended to nationally and was not given any consideration internationally.

In the same way the political life of a people, who have this weakness down at their roots is that there is an uncared for poverty in their midst that is not likely to be stable. None of us working in the political life of the country can have that full courage and assurance that we would otherwise have because there is always this weakness that we are shutting our eyes to things that are fundamental and that are important. It has been argued in other countries that people should be provided for adequately with such a personal income as would give them sufficient clothing, sufficient food and sufficient housing. The question has arisen that if that is done, you may undermine their natural incentive to go and earn their bread and you are introducing a condition of things that is morally unsound. Well, at any rate, let us look at the facts. I do not think with the national unity that exists in the heart and mind of our people that the poor and the young must be looked after, if we examine the facts fully, we are likely to proceed on lines that are morally unsound. It is much more likely to be morally unsound to neglect to look at the facts properly. It is really because the debating of this Appropriation Bill at this particular time of the year brings my mind to a review of our general national circumstances that I speak in this particular way.

I urge the Minister again to consider the effect it would have on our Parliamentary institutions as a whole if he did make the financial year the same as the calendar year. It would bring us into a routine and into a rhythm with regard to the review of our national affairs that would get a lot more work out of us. We would have in future in the Seanad at this particular time of the year a review of our national circumstances in the discussion on the Central Fund Bill. I do not think in a review of that particular kind we could approach the discussion without a certain amount of systematic preparation for it nor could we leave it until the late spring came along and we would be dealing with the Budget without adding to our preparings. The Seanad is a body of some 60 people. It has been criticised for the way in which it is formed and for its usefulness in the public life of the country but if it realised the power at its disposal and if there was a certain amount of co-operation and if it were to use the machinery it has for the examination and assembling of facts, we could make ourselves a very useful body even though we are deprived of power of interfering with the finances of the country on the one side and the executive on the other. If we were pre-eminently a body that sat down to examine the facts it would be made easier for us to approach the examination of them because we would have the responsibility for discussing the affairs of the country in a more suitable way instead of being thrown, as they are under present, normal circumstances, on into the spring, where you have three opportunities, which ought to be three big opportunities, all thrown on top of one another in such a way that full advantage is not taken of any of them.

Being a novice in the House and, therefore, not familiar with its procedure, I should like at the outset to apologise for bringing forward, without notice, the matter to which I am going to refer. I believe that it arises in connection with the Bill under discussion, but I understand that I should have availed of the facilities afforded to me by the Clerk by sending in notice of my intention to raise the matter. This is a matter which vitally concerns not only my native county, but practically every county in Ireland. I refer to the delay that has occurred in introducing the national drainage scheme, from which people expected so much. I am encouraged in bringing this matter before you, Sir, and the House, seeing that the Minister for Finance is present, because the few words that I say in a pleading way, on behalf of the people for whom I speak, may perhaps touch the Minister's heart, and have the effect of getting something done that has been delayed for quite a considerable time.

If the Senator will permit me to intervene, I regret that notice was not given of the intention to raise this matter so as to afford the Minister an opportunity of dealing with it. I might point out that drainage is a matter within the concern of the Parliamentary Secretary to the Minister since it is administered by the Office of Public Works.

But it is the Minister who finds the money.

Yes, admittedly, he finds the money, but he does so for all Governmental activity, and this is really a matter within the immediate administration of the Office of Public Works. However, I will allow the Senator, unfamiliar as he says he is with procedure, to make his point briefly.

Well, Sir, I believe that this is a really important matter, and as the Minister for Finance is aware, the scheme I refer to has been pigeonholed for a considerable time. I am referring to the drainage of three rivers in my part of the country, and this scheme was drafted as far back as 16 years ago. At that time the scheme was not accepted by the county council because it was felt that it was really a trivial matter so far as the Department of Finance was concerned. The Department of Public Works indicated at that time that it was prepared to provide a grant to the amount of 50 per cent. of the estimated cost of £12,000, the rest to be made up by the contributing area and by the county council in payments spread over a number of years. At the time, the county council did not accept the suggested conditions, which would place a very small burden on the council's finances, and the matter was shelved.

Subsequently, it was raised again, and the county council agreed. As a result, we thought that all was ready, that the scheme would be implemented at once, and that work would be gone ahead with. That has not been done, however, and the result is that a very big area of bog-land is flooded because these rivers were not drained—a very serious matter when we realise how valuable bog-land is at the moment. Not only that, but there is a large amount of pasture-land and meadowland, belonging to people who have not very large holdings, which is flooded periodically. If an effort was made, even at this stage, to implement the scheme it would mean the employment of a number of people in an area where there is an annual trek to Britain by men and women in search of work. If the scheme were put into operation now, it would also be valuable from the constructive point of view, because holdings of lands would be increased, hundreds of acres would be reclaimed, and turf from the bogs would be made available for people, and I may say in that connection, that it is the best of turf.

I do not wish to delay the House any longer, except to repeat that this is a matter with which we are very much concerned, and we feel that, pending the introduction of the national drainage scheme, the Department of Public Works should do something in this matter, particularly since the scheme was drafted over 16 years ago.

Many of us, I suppose, feel rather tired after the lengthy discussion on this matter to-day, but I think that the House will feel compensated for the time spent in that discussion after hearing Senator Mulcahy's speech. It is indeed gratifying to know that the Leader of the Opposition Party in this House—as I presume we may take Senator Mulcahy to be—has put forward those views, and has changed the whole policy of his Party from what it was previous to the last general election, and, from that point of view, it would seem that the general election has had very good results.

I hope, Sir, that the Senator does not invite controversy on that.

Since we came into office, and particularly when this Bill was under consideration in this House in the past, we have been blamed on account of the amount of money involved, particularly with regard to the increased expenditure since the time of the former Government. That increase, as all Senators know, was mainly brought about by the amount spent on social services, and had to be raised out of taxation. As I have said, we are indeed gratified to hear an appreciation of those services being made now, and not alone an appreciation of them, but a wish and desire that they should be extended, and that whatever help or assistance that would be necessary for their extension would be forthcoming from the chief Opposition Party. The only fear I have is that, in this sudden rush of appreciation the Labour Party may feel themselves rather snowed under, and I would issue a warning to them that they should look up their programme again and add some further attraction to it, or add something to it at any rate.

Senator Mulcahy was elected to the Seanad on the Labour Panel.

Well, if I remember correctly, on the last occasion there was some question as to whether he was a proper person to represent that panel. However, I think we can go on now to a portion of the discussion that has taken place. We had a big controversy here during the day on this question of the suspension of the Slaughter of Animals Act, and I suppose it was right that such a question should be brought up in this House, but I had a feeling that that issue was availed of by some of the Senators who spoke, not so much to speak of the Order concerned as to use the occasion to criticise and to poleaxe the authority of the Government to make any emergency Order at the present time.

I think the Senator is rather overcome by his new seat.

With regard to the speech made by Senator O'Sullivan, I think that a good deal of it was uncalled for, in regard to the matter under discussion. However, I had mainly intended to refer to what Senator Madden said yesterday evening. He referred to what he called the new rural improvements scheme, and while he paid a tribute to that scheme, I believe that it could be greatly improved if, instead of asking a contribution from the people served under the scheme, that contribution would be made by the county council.

This improvement of village roads was indeed very essential. Under the rural improvements schemes recently introduced, a number of farmers can come together and have a village road repaired provided they guarantee that they will contribute 25 per cent. of the cost. I would suggest to the Minister, instead of asking the people concerned to contribute, that that contribution should be forthcoming from the county council, that the county council should carry out the necessary work and also be responsible for the maintenance of the road afterwards. I can see great difficulty arising in cases where a scheme is carried out and a number of people guarantee that they will pay the 25 per cent. That may be all right while the work is under way, but the question of maintaining that road will arise afterwards and lead to many disputes between the county council and the people concerned. I think it would be a better scheme if the 25 per cent. were asked from the county council and levied on the rates in general.

I do not know if the House expects me to be most grateful for the opportunity they have given me in the last few days to improve my education by sitting here so long listening to the eloquence of those members and the eloquence of my colleagues on such a variety of subjects. Honestly, I think my time might have been more usefully spent elsewhere but, I suppose, perhaps I should be grateful for the variety of information I have gained. We have travelled from the North Atlantic to the Pacific, touching at many ports on the way. Of course we had to go by air naturally.

I am afraid we sometimes went by hot air. We discussed many matters from abattoirs to artificial manures—a great and interesting variety. I heard two Senators yesterday evening discussing the matter when leaving the Chamber. I could not help overhearing one of them remark about the number of red herrings that had been raised. I thought that the greatest red herring of all was the killing of bullocks, with all respect to the Senators who discussed that matter—and I do not mean to be disrespectful at all—looking at the matter from my point of view, having to sit here and listen to debates that had not the remotest connection in my humble judgment, with the business I was brought here to discuss. However, Sir, having said so much, I think I have learned the lesson that if such a discussion is to take place again, I shall try to arrange that my time—and the Minister for Finance is a fairly busy man; people are waiting on him, or wanting to see him, every five minutes of the day— will be so arranged that I shall try, while my colleagues may be here, to look after the business that, as Minister for Finance, I am paid to do.

A number of questions were directly addressed to me of which notice was given. The first two or three of them were raised by Senator Sweetman. May I thank Senator Sweetman for his kindly references to me and to my restoration to health? I wish, indeed, to thank Senators in general for their courtesy and kindness on this occasion. On every occasion, in fact, that I have come here, I have received nothing but kindness, courtesy and a patient hearing from every member of the Seanad. I inquired from the Revenue Commissioners in reference to the matter raised by Senator Sweetman with regard to the examination of vehicles that were suspected of using certain oils improperly, and they assured me that the methods adopted are in strict conformity with the exercise of their powers by the various persons concerned. The Senator described properly and correctly what exactly takes place, and I need not go over that. He was concise in putting his case, and I hope to be as concise in replying. I do know as a matter of fact of the methods that are adopted in testing samples of milk that are taken. I have reason to know something of that procedure, but whether it would be possible to adopt the same procedure in regard to the examination of hydro-carbon oil, I am not sure. I have got no information on that point, but I shall have it looked into.

The second point raised by Senator Sweetman had reference to the provision of an office for stamping documents at the Registry of Deeds. I do not think you could say that there is an office, but there is an official appointed who attends every day at Henrietta Street to facilitate people in having their documents stamped there and then. He goes there supplied with a number of stamped forms and, judging by the value of the stamps on the documents, not a very considerable use is made of the facilities available. It would not be possible to have machinery placed in Henrietta Street for stamping. The stamping machinery is a highly complex affair, very big and ponderous, and even if it were decided to place it there, it would not be possible now to get new machinery. I am told that a number of blank forms with stamps embossed on them and adhesive stamps required by solicitors for these deeds are sold at the Stamps Office in Henrietta Street and that a revenue official is there for the purpose. Probably that does not meet what the Senator had in mind, but there are facilities there to a certain extent. A third point raised by the Senator was the absence of provisions for the payment of costs by local authorities in deducing title to premises under the Neutrality (War Damage) Act. I understand that this matter is at present under discussion between the local authority and legal people who are interested in the matter. The Department of Local Government and the Dublin Corporation have been in correspondence on the matter and I understand there is nothing to prevent the local authority paying. It is not compulsory on them to pay, but there is nothing to prevent their paying.

The local authorities say they are not empowered so to do, and they would like to do it.

I am informed that it is open to the Dublin Corporation to pay if they so desire.

I shall have great pleasure in reminding the law agent of that to-morrow.

Senator O'Donnell raised the question of making available the discoveries of the Emergency Research Bureau to manufacturers. I think the Taoiseach gave a fairly full explanation of the position in introducing his Estimate. I do not know whether the Senator has read that or not, but that is a matter the Taoiseach knows more about than I do, and he is very interested in the subject—he is, in fact, an enthusiast—and is always looking for more money for it. This year I had very definitely to stick my heels in the ground and say: "No, you will get no more, this year anyway." I would refer the Senator to the statement of the Taoiseach, but I do know that the Emergency Research Bureau is in close and intimate touch with manufacturers and industrialists. In fact, it is because of the variety of suggestions made to them, and inquiries at the office by manufacturers, and by people engaged in industry, that the Bureau has grown to the extent it has since it was first founded. When it was first founded not so long ago, I was told that all that would be required for it would be probably not more than £5,000 a year.

Now, I know that it is well over six times that sum. And, if I know anything about the Taoiseach, it is going to cost a great deal more, if he encourages the Research Bureau to spread and develop in the manner in which, naturally, they desire to do. But, I have to keep an eye on the cash, and I have to find money for the Industrial Research Bureau, and for the Manuscripts Commission, and the Monuments Commission, and I assure you, this time of the year when we are making up our Estimates—from this time to the Budget—finding that money is not an easy job. It is all very well for Senators—Senator O'Donnell is no exception—to come along here and make recommendations that there should be much larger sums—three times or four times the sum available —for the Industrial Research Bureau, but when the Minister comes next year, perhaps, to look for additional taxation for a variety of things, I do not know whether income-tax would interest Senator O'Donnell.

A Senator

Surtax.

That would be one subject that would have to be discussed, and the boot would be on the other foot and there would not be so many jumping up to tell the Minister that he should spend another £500,000, or £1,000,000 or £2,000,000 even on useful projects—I will not say £1,000,000 on the Manuscripts Commission, but that is one among a variety of other things. We spend out of our resources a very considerable amount of money annually on cultural matters, among them the Manuscripts Commission. The Manuscripts Commission, with the comparatively small resources available to it, is doing excellent work. I would like to see it—and I am not speaking as Minister for Finance—with capable men, trained, educated men, in all the libraries of Europe where there are Irish manuscripts, with knowledge and all the skill that would be required for them to investigate these manuscripts, but I am afraid we will have to wait, at any rate, until after the emergency, because we have increased our taxation from 1939 to 1943 by nearly £10,000,000.

That is a huge sum of money, and I do not think that can be discontinued as long as the emergency continues. This high rate—this crushing rate—of taxation falls on all, rich and poor, because it makes life very difficult for the poor, and it makes life difficult for those engaged in industry and manufacture to a certain extent, too. Until we can ease the burden, I do not see that we can do very much, if anything, more in the direction of spending money, desirable though the objects may be, on cultural subjects like the Manuscripts Commission and extending the work with regard to national monuments.

I think the same applies to the last question raised by Senator O'Donnell with regard to the civil list. I agree with the kind things he said about men who have served this country well in generations gone by—some of them are still living, thanks be to God; some of them died serving their country two or three generations ago, and they served it well, to their own credit and the country's benefit—but we already out of limited resources spend nearly £6,000,000 a year on pensions. That is a hefty sum. It is almost £6,000,000. How are we going to face increasing that? I agree there are people, artists and poets, litterateurs, scientists and others who had perhaps no opportunities to be artists or scientists, but who served the country faithfully and well and made many sacrifices who are broken down in health and find it difficult to live. One hears of cases of that kind every day. I am sure that practically every Senator gets a circular if not every day in the week, very nearly, about somebody you would like to help and contribute to, but you cannot afford to give it to them all. We cannot, at present, at any rate. We have discussed this thing many times. Certainly since this Government came in, the question of looking after certain men who served for many long years in the British House of Commons, served this country in their day to the best of their ability, and who are now not able to look after themselves, has been considered. It has been raised more than once and discussed on a number of occasions by this Government, but when we started to look around and to see the variety of claims that could properly be put in from people in Ireland and out of Ireland who have served the country in a variety of capacities, the problem was so great that it was not possible to look it in the face.

That is the position now, and I am afraid we cannot look at it, at any rate, so long as this emergency lasts, and the present very high rate of taxation continues in operation. It is not for want of feeling, not for want of knowledge that there are people who are deserving. I know that, and I think every other member of the Government knows it equally well, but honestly, I hesitate to ask the Government to start such a list. Already, when such things were mentioned in the Dáil, floods of applications came into my predecessor as Minister for Finance—floods of them—many from deserving people. You might think you would be able to keep to the modest sum you would allow, but once the fund was established every Senator and every Deputy, possibly every priest and clergyman in the country would be bombarded with letters, applications and appeals, every day, to have so and so's name added to that list. Certainly, under present conditions, I would not face it.

Senator Mulcahy raised an interesting question. He mentioned before in the Dáil the possibility of changing our financial year. I have often heard it discussed in an informal way among members of the Dáil and Seanad and outside, and there were always two opinions about it, sometimes more than two. When Senator Mulcahy first put the question to me, I felt like saying: "Yes, we ought to do it; we ought to change." I looked with favour upon the idea and I started inquiries around the country, but so far as the inquiries have gone—they have not gone far—I do not think I have got anybody in a position of authority in commerce or industry who has been asked who agreed that it ought to be done.

They have opposed the idea?

They have. My own view is that it would be the more natural way to arrange matters. However, that is the opinion so far as we have got it from people in responsible positions in industry and commerce— members of chambers of commerce and bodies of that sort. Anybody who proposes such a change will have to travel a difficult road.

As regards the other interesting subjects mentioned by Deputy Mulcahy, there would not be much difference of outlook as to what it would be desirable to do for the welfare of our community between Senator Mulcahy and myself. We, probably, got more or less the same kind of national upbringing. Therefore, our outlook on social problems would not differ very much, if at all, as to the aims and objects. As to the method of achieving those aims, there might be some difference. I agree that it would be much better for everybody, not alone in this country but elsewhere, if they were to exert all their powers and spend their energies and their savings, if necessary, in ending the social ills to which they are heirs, rather than spending their energy and their money in terminating with awful brutality the lives of so many millions of decent people of all nations.

It is strange to find the London Times, which Senator Mulcahy quoted, telling the type of people who are its subscribers that they should spend even as much money as they are spending on the war in ending unemployment in peace time. I am glad that they give that advice. It is in line with my own thought. I do not know whether Britain could afford to spend as much, or anything like as much, in looking after the welfare of their own community in peace time as they have to spend on the war. After all, they are spending on the war to preserve their community from destruction. They could not continue, nor could any other country, to spend that amount of money because they are using up their savings and capital. An end would come to that some day. But they, probably, could have expended a great deal more than they did in the years referred to in the Times article. If they had done that in 1930-31, it is possible that the misfortunes which came upon them later and which necessitated the expenditure of colossal sums might have been avoided.

The social outlook that inspired the 1916 programme, to which Senator Mulcahy referred also, is the outlook of this Government. Virtually every member of the Government is a 1916 man. They were brought up in that tradition and they have that national, social and economic outlook. They have done their best, with the resources available, in the past 11½ years to implement that programme. The democratic programme adopted by the First Dáil in 1919 was—perhaps I may mention this as a matter of interest—written by myself. I sat at a meeting all the afternoon of the day before the First Dáil met. Some of those who were at the meeting are now dead. We had gone round to people who were for years advocates of social reform—Mr. Johnson, Mr. William O'Brien and others—and got a variety of notes from them. We discussed all that afternoon the drafting of the programme. But committees cannot write programmes. About 12 o'clock at night, somebody said: "Go and write it yourself." I took the material home, sat up the greater part of the night, wrote it and brought it down to Michael Foley to be typed in time for the Dáil. That is the history of the democratic programme.

As a matter of historical interest, would the Minister mind giving us the names of those who sat with him at that meeting?

I should not like to mention some and not to mention others because those whose names were omitted might feel sore. I shall look the matter up and see if I can get the names of all who were present. I should be happy to put them on record. J.J. Walsh was there and Harry Boland and, I think, Gavan Duffy. I am not sure whether Bob Barton was there or not. Six or seven, in all, were present. As one member of the Government, I have tried to implement that programme every day of my membership of it. There is not a Government in the world which has done more by way of social reform during the past 11½ years than this Government has done. I admit that our social legislation is not all that I should like to see it. But where would you get a Government that has done more with the resources available.

Are we not very far behind a number of other countries?

I think we are.

I can assure you we are not.

Surely the Scandinavian countries are ahead of us.

In some ways. We are behind Britain, if you like, in old age pension and unemployment assistance so far as the amounts they give, but we cannot go financially step in step with the greatest and richest nation on earth. We have that example thrown up before us all the time. Every day it is quoted against us:—"Look at what they are doing in Britain." No Government here can afford to walk step by step with Britain in the amounts given in social services. I could go over the Scandinavian countries, too, and I think I could show you that there are items in our social programme that are not known there.

Because they do not need them.

Do not run away now.

Their standard of living is higher.

Stand your ground; do not run away from your original statement. We can face up to any of them, and, please God, if this Government goes on, and I believe it will last a long time yet, it will do better. This year we are adding a very considerable sum in our circumstances, nearly £2,500,000 for family allowances. I would like for the benefit, not so much of members of the Seanad, but for others elsewhere, for those people who are claiming that they first mentioned family allowances and were responsible for its adoption by this Government, to say that the first person who ever raised the question of the distribution of family allowances in the Dáil was the Minister for the Co-ordination of Defensive Measures (Mr. Aiken), and before it ever was mentioned in the Dáil a Government sub-committee was set up to discuss the matter. It had been under discussion and examination for at least eight years. Three members of the Government set themselves up as a committee to examine it before ever it was discussed in the Dáil, and brought in a scheme which the Minister for Finance of the day threw out and would not listen to. But I want to give credit where credit is due and it is due to the members of the Government as much as anybody else in public life that I know.

Members of the Seanad and the Dáil can feel dissatisfied, as we may be, at the insufficiency of the amounts given in a variety of ways under social legislation, but, looking at our social legislation over the last 11 years, they can certainly be happy and their consciences free that have done good work. They are not going to rest there and say that they have finished the job. I am sure nobody here is going to say that there are not improvements that we could make. I would like to see the widows get more in their pensions, and the old age pensioners get more; but, please God, the Dáil and Seanad are going to live a long time, and so are the Irish people, and as time goes on, and as our population and our industrial and agricultural position improves, so will social legislation and social services. But we have got to try to put the country on its feet, and not to snow it under, and its industrialists, manufacturers and agriculturists, with the burden of taxation. You have got to watch that, and to encourage and teach them to carry the burden gradually and as well as we can, so that in the end the full measure of the promises held out in 1916 and in the democratic programme may be achieved for, not alone a free, but a prosperous and happy people.

Question put and agreed to.
Agreed to take the remaining stages now.
Barr
Roinn