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Seanad Éireann díospóireacht -
Thursday, 21 Jan 1960

Vol. 52 No. 2

Statement of Taoiseach on Export of Horses for Slaughter: Motion of Approval.

I move:—

That Seanad Éireann approves of the statement by An, Taoiseach regarding the export trade in horses.

In our community, the great bulk of the people are so concerned with their own affairs, and are very often so diffident about expressing opinions on other matters, that very often, the idea gets abroad that the loud talker represents public opinion on a particular matter. Before I proceed to deal with this motion, I want to make three or four preliminary points.

First of all, every Senator received yesterday, in an envelope, without authentication or any evidence as to where it had come from, a copy of the Daily Mirror for Friday, January 15th, 1960. I have been a member of the Parliament of this country for nearly six years and this is the first time I have received a document without authentication. I want to ask two questions. Who was responsible for sending me the document and was whoever sent it to me ashamed to attach his name to it? Since the word “shame” was used so frequently last night by Senator Sheehy Skeffington, was the person who sent me this copy of the Daily Mirror ashamed to let me know he sent it?

If I think of the British people as a whole, I might say that I think they have a certain right to make observations about this trade in the export of horses for meat because they do not export horses themselves. I do not think that any newspaper has a right to produce this kind of material. I do not know what one would call it; it certainly is worse than the worst kind of American Yellow Press matter about which we used to hear so much.

There was a former campaign about this matter which started in 1955 and I have here my cuttings in relation to it. Nobody can suggest that it has not received sufficient attention in this country. Here are the cuttings relating to January to June 1955. Here again are the cuttings relating to July to December 1956, again from January to June 1957, and yet again the cuttings for July to December, 1957. Look at the mass of cuttings for a period of over two years! Can anybody suggest in that context that there has not been considerable concern and attention paid to this matter in this country?

I want to suggest that the campaign in 1956 primarily battened on a particular political situation and subsequently the particular people concerned in that campaign backed a number of people as candidates for the Dáil who were elected in 1957. What happened? For months nothing at all happened and then eventually a licence to export horse flesh was granted in November of 1957.

I should like to know how much horse flesh has left this country following the issue of that licence in November, 1957 and following this tremendous campaign by certain persons—whether they were well-intentioned or ill-intentioned does not matter very much but their efforts certainly seemed to me to have been ineffective. My information is that one trial consignment of horse flesh went out of this country, that it was condemned in the country to which it was sent and that there were no subsequent exports.

Another preliminary observation is that from the evidence it seems to me to be obvious that the boat which took the cargo of horses in which 45 died or were drowned recently, did put to sea after a gale warning was available. It seems to me that in these circumstances there are really two people to blame—the particular shipping company and the particular person who was in charge of the boat. It also seems to be pretty noxious and odious to see the shipping company washing their hands of responsibility in that particular instance, instead of telling the public straight out that it would not happen again.

Let us think about this problem in a serious way. A most serious accident occurred in the Irish Sea not so very long ago in which a boat, I think it was the Princess Victoria, travelling from Stranraer to Larne, ran into heavy seas and, owing to its having been improperly looked after prior to the voyage, more than 100 people were drowned, including Major Sinclair, Minister of Finance in Stormont, who certainly was a liberal man and a man for whom we in this country had a great regard. Did we make a scene about that particular incident? On the contrary we, in this part of the country, were extremely concerned and expressed grave concern but the whole thing, so far as being one of a chapter of accidents in inefficiency—if one could call it that, putting them all together—was as bad as could be. I understand that the Coronia, in which people travel the world at £2,000 per trip, has frequent fatalities on board because the passengers are old. I give these two examples in relation to humanity.

Last night, we heard a disquisition on the iniquities of a large part of the Irish nation and, though that disquisition may have worn a veneer of intellectual conviction about the treatment of animals, it was, I think, really intended to demonstrate how much better things would be managed if Senator Sheehy Skeffington were in charge of them. The Senator used the expression "muck-raking". This phrase originated amongst a number of journalists in the United States, one of the most famous of whom was Lincoln Stefans. They muck-raked in American politics. Now, I have a view about muck-raking. I think anybody is entitled to muck-rake in something in which he is really interested. Some years ago, a man might muck-rake with regard to tuberculosis. At another stage, he might muck-rake about malnutrition in children; he might muck-rake about the punishment of children in the schools. But I object to a man muck-raking all over the place.

As I see this issue, there is a serious problem. Ours is a free economy. A small farmer may have a horse that has served him well; he feeds it up and he sells it for £50 or £60. That enables him to buy another and, perhaps a better, horse. If he is a fairly large farmer and he sells two horses, he may use the money as a down payment on a tractor. Will we create a situation now in which, by prohibiting this trade, a horse will become worth perhaps £5 or £10 instead of £40 or £60?

Harking back to the penal laws when a horse had to be sold for £5.

I took out the figures for the export trade in order to show the extent of it. One cannot get exactly accurate figures because racehorses are included. One can take it, I think, that on the whole the horses sold to Belgium are probably all for slaughter. In the year 1957, 11,000 horses, worth £600,000, were exported. In the year 1958, 5,500 horses worth £295,000 were exported to Belgium. I have not got the figures for the last year because they are not yet available, but I think the export will be bigger than 1958, though possibly a little lower than 1957. The export to France in 1957 was 2,000 horses, worth £150,000, which rather suggests that there were some racehorses among them. In 1958, it was 1,400, worth £150,000, which clearly indicates there were some racehorses among them.

Let us not forget that twice in the last decade, a number of people have been put out of employment here because of steps taken to rectify the balance of payments position. Many of those people were heartbroken at being compelled to leave the country in search of a livelihood. Many businesses were destroyed on those two occasions. In those circumstances, there appears to me to be undue concern about a particular shipment of horses, the first shipment for many years in which misadventure occurred. Clearly the blame lies along a very narrow front. When viewed in a proper perspective, the concern shown is altogether out of proportion to the merits of the case.

I never like to make a statement without making some constructive suggestion. When I worked in the Treasury, contrary to the system in operation, I never drafted a destructive statement or minute without adding some constructive suggestion. I have a few constructive suggestions to make now. They may not be feasible, but at least let me make them. First of all, if bad weather periods are confined to the months of November to March, the export of horses during these months should be prohibited. I notice that at the moment the trade is spread fairly evenly over the year. I take it many farmers sell their horses in the autumn when the year's work has finished. I suggest that is one feasible solution. I do not say that it will be easy to persuade the trade to adopt it, because, after all, from the point of view of shipping and the people engaged in it, it is better to have an all-the-year round trade.

The other global solution that occurs to me is that the State should establish an abattoir—a small State company. If the optimistic views of Senator Sheehy Skeffington proved to be correct, it might well be that after a while a great deal of money would not be involved. A small State company established with a small subvention would be able to attack the problem from the point of view of exporting the hind quarters as meat and turning the fore quarter into dog food for which there is a very large market, using the other by-products, like the hides and hooves, for the various purposes for which they are useful.

A company has been established here with the title "The Irish Horse Abattoir Investment Company Ltd." People of goodwill have subscribed to that company close on £20,000. I am very pessimistic as to the results of that voluntary effort. We can only wait and see how it will get on. The experience over the last five years of the activities of the people concerned would not lead one to be in any degree optimistic. They are not experienced in business and one of the most active of them caused a very serious financial loss, through gross inefficiency, to a charitable organisation with which that person was connected.

I think the public have been very foolish indeed in putting their money into the keeping of these people. However, it is their own money and they are entitled to do what they like with it. They possibly believe they are putting it to a good purpose. I think they have put it in the wrong place. This is a free country, however, and they can do what they like with their own money. I shall certainly not try to stop them, but I am extremely pessimistic about the success of the Irish Horse Abattoir Investment Company Ltd.

To revert for a moment to Senator Sheehy Skeffington's statement last night, in so far as there was a grave thesis running through it, it was that we are responsible for what happens the horses once they leave us. One could argue the logic of that "until the cows come home" or equally well "chase the fox". Senator Sheehy Skeffington referred to foxes. I wonder has he any sympathy with the fowl? A fox is an extremely destructive animal when he gets into a hen run. He is not content to kill just one hen and eat her; he kills the whole lot, and he kills them in a very painful manner indeed.

I try to avoid foul play when I can.

In so far as there was a thesis running through his statement last night, it was that thesis. It is all right if you are the kind of person who thinks he can regiment other people, that he can do their business or anything else for them. The two parts of the Taoiseach's statement yesterday, to the effect that we have done the job well here so far as the Legislature could do it, so far as the Administration could do it, and that if there was anything else we could do about it, we would do it, are correct and they deserve support.

I wish to second this motion. I was always a strong advocate of the slaughter of horses in this country for export for human consumption and I was very pleased when the Order was made allowing it. However, I never at any stage advocated that the export of live horses should be stopped. I went into this matter a few years ago. I explored the market in Belgium for carcase horsemeat and I found that the Belgians would not allow any horseflesh to be sold in Belgium, unless it was slaughtered there.

If these people who are running this campaign succeeded, we would find ourselves with about 20,000 horses a year for which there would be no outlet, except for dogs' food or something like that. These people are doing a grave disservice to the Irish nation, disseminating false propaganda suggesting we are cruel to animals. That is completely untrue because the Irish people always have been renowned for their kindness of heart. This campaign has sinister undertones and seems to be confined to groups who have been traditionally hostile to Irish national interests. Such agitation is carried on by a fringe element who are not really representative of the people. The public reaction towards those who are interested in denigrating everything we do is one of indignation that the facts should be so distorted and twisted to give the impression abroad that we are a heartless race. The Irish public are satisfied that our authorities are taking every possible precaution and care to ensure that these animals are not allowed on board ship unless they are fit and able to travel.

Senator O'Donovan mentioned the human disasters which occurred on ships a few years ago. Something like 180 people lost their lives in a shipping disaster between Belfast and Scotland. We did not hear anybody advocating that transportation of people by ship should be stopped. We very often hear of plane crashes. We learned recently of a plane crash in America where 40 or 50 people lost their lives, but we did not hear, anybody advocating that people should not travel by plane. Those who are conducting this campaign, especially in the British newspapers, are being very unjust to the Irish nation and I believe the Taoiseach in his statement yesterday was quite right in the attitude he adopted.

This campaign could be sinister. If those who are conducting it succeeded in getting the export of horses stopped, the next thing they probably would advocate would be stopping the export of live cattle, an industry worth £40 million or £50 million a year to the country. The strongest voice possible should be raised from this House against the people conducting this campaign.

I wish to support the motion. I disagree entirely with the remarks made by Senator Sheehy Skeffington yesterday evening. That is what prompted this resolution before us today. No sensible body could do otherwise than agree to a motion such as this, asking the Seanad to approve of the statement of the Taoiseach, because it is a factual statement. It is a sequel to the tirade of abuse, I shall not say throughout this country but to a certain extent in this country and especially in Great Britain in what I must call the gutter Press.

The statement made by Senator Sheehy Skeffington last night in this House reflects no credit on him. I recollect that he began by saying that people who had no interest in children being beaten would have no interest in what happened to animals. That seemed to me to be an indictment of the Irish race because we would not agree with him in protesting against what was an act of God.

I have received a letter from somebody in England which I could not quote in this House. It would be unprintable. That is further evidence of this campaign against the Irish people. None of what has happened can be laid at the door of the Irish people. The whole complaint arose from what happened aboard ship because of an act of God and what happened subsequently in a foreign country.

If Senator Sheehy Skeffington had moved that representations should be made to the French Government to prevent cruelty or to avoid cruelty to animals which reached their shores there would be some substance in it. Not one word of censure has been uttered in regard to any firm in Ireland nor could the Senator make any accusation against the Government because of the regulations or any complaint in relation to the implementation of those regulations by the veterinary staff of the Department and the veterinary officers supervising the exportation of horses. Subsequently, unfortunately when it was too late, somebody, either Government officials or the shipping agents—I think it was the shipping people—brought other inspectors down to supervise the exportation of horses on the next occasion.

A decision on this motion should be a very simple matter because the statement issued by the Taoiseach is factual. We could not do anything but adopt the statement made by the leader of the Government and the leader of the Irish people. He has to answer nothing against any accusation in relation to what has happened in Ireland.

Horses are temperamentally different from cattle. By reason of that very fact, tremendous care is taken to prevent any damage to these animals on board ship. The meteorological people were not to blame because they did not supply the captain of the ship with a report. All this was an act of God and when it did happen, there were bound to be casualties aboard ship and, unfortunately, there were.

The Taoiseach pointed out that he favoured the slaughter of these animals at home. We just cannot get anybody to do it. Years and years ago, horses were slaughtered in a private slaughterhouse in Dublin and I examined them myself. Things were tightened up and it could not be done any more. The fact of the matter is that there were so many regulations attached to it, even at that time, as to make it difficult for the trade to be carried on.

There are very great practical difficulties involved and the Government ran a risk in allowing the export of horseflesh from this country. Why? Because of the fear that it would be said we were slaughtering horses and putting them into stewed steak and other canned meat and exporting the product as prime beef. That was the thing that had to be avoided all along. We had to avoid irresponsible, badlyminded people accusing us of anything wrong.

All this propaganda so far has not accused us of doing anything wrong but that we exported live horses. We have really done everything possible to see that they were exported in the most satisfactory conditions possible. Nobody here or anywhere else has denied that and nobody has made the accusation that there was any negligence by anybody.

Personally, I should like to see no live horses exported because they are so difficult to export in bad weather conditions. I should like to see provision made at Dieppe whereby the animals would leave the ship and go to a slaughterhouse. At present they have to be taken in wagons from Dieppe to Paris, which is a long distance. Subsequently, they have to be taken from the railway station at Paris and transported again by lorry to the abattoir. The journey by boat normally takes almost three days and temperamental animals are not too happy to be aboard ship and tied up for three days, even in the best of weather. The transfer from the boat to a railway carriage and from a railway carriage to motor lorries reacts against the trade.

I should like to see a slaughterhouse provided. That might be pretty easy to do because the structure need not be so very elaborate. The machinery would have to be far larger and higher than that for cattle carcases. It is some suggestion like that I should like to see coming from Senator Sheehy Skeffington rather than this attack on the Irish people generally. That is how I class Senator Sheehy Skeffington's representations to us here yesterday evening.

I am not imputing any low motives to him but I am afraid that he did endeavour to substantiate this mudslinging campaign by the British guttersnipe papers. One was circulated to every member of the Seanad —the Daily Mirror. The letter sent to me was addressed to me as the Chief Veterinary Inspector and Superintendent of Abattoirs. That was my designation as veterinary officer in the Corporation. I have now retired. That is an example of the type of confusion which is in the mind of the person who sent this guttersnipe letter to me. It is addressed to “Seán Ó Donnabháin, M.R.C.V.S., Dáil Éireann” and the word “Éireann” is misspelt. I shall not read it—it is just vulgar abuse.

I am justified, at any rate, in pointing out to the Seanad that these were personal accusations against an individual member of the Oireachtas addressed to me in my professional capacity, in the past at any rate. I maintain that it is the lowest type of attack that can be made on public representatives. I insist that we should readily pass this motion. There is no charge of cruelty or anything else against us, despite bloody advertisements and abuse.

Thirty or 40 years ago, I said that the prevention of cruelty to animals was necessitated more because of the effect of such cruelty on the human subject than on the animal. Senator Sheehy Skeffington said he did not know how much cruelty was inflicted. For instance, you get all kinds of exaggerated ideas as to how much a sheep going to the slaughter suffers. You are told that it knows by its eyes where it is going. I must give my personal opinion. It was always insisted upon by me that the prevention of cruelty to animals was necessitated more because of the effect of such cruelty on the human subject than on the animal itself. With that approach, you would better appreciate treating animals humanely and kindly.

That is as much as I wish to say on the matter—I was asked whether it was I who put down this motion. I certainly have the greatest pleasure in supporting it and I think the Seanad will not delay passing it. I did take a note while my namesake was speaking. It was most unbecoming for these British papers to appeal to His Holiness, Pope John, to intervene, to use his influence, with us Irish people and with the French people in this case. That irritates me as a Catholic and should irritate people of every Christian and non-Christian denomination. It irritates me as much as the campaign of mudslinging. The suggestion is that in a Catholic country the Holy Father should use his influence in getting us to stop this disastrous traffic. It is extraordinary that any British publication should descend to these tactics in order, if they cannot get us one way, to get us another. That is very bad.

I examined animals slaughtered for export in Dublin. There is at present a dogfood canning factory in Dublin, where horses are slaughtered and the flesh used for dog food. The thing could be done easily enough. As far as the Government are concerned, we cannot get anybody to slaughter the animals and cannot get anybody to accept them slaughtered and have to send them alive. We do everything possible to see that there is no cruelty inflicted on them and that they will be transferred across the Irish Sea and the English Channel satisfactorily. The Titanic could not sink but it did not reach America on its first trip. Very often an act of God will prevent our best arrangements from being effective. Why should the whole system be indicted because of a single occurrence? There may be other occurrences because there is practically no voyage with cattle that there is not some injury. It cannot be expected that there will not be a casualty on a boat carrying horses, even if there is not catastrophic weather such as was experienced by the City of Waterford. There will be casualties and they cannot be avoided.

If Senator Sheehy Skeffington devoted his attention to asking the Government to make representations to the French Government, it would be better than this speech of his which was an indictment of me and of practically every member of the Irish race, which suggested that because the Seanad would not agree with a motion about punishment in schools, it was natural that we would not agree when it was a matter of cruelty to animals. It is probable that it was his statement last night that necessitated the putting down of this simple resolution, which I have great pleasure in supporting.

This is the off-season for bathing beauties and therefore papers like the Daily Mirror must have something. In the issue they sent us, we had the horse agitation, which is a very powerful agitation indeed. On another page, we had the details of a sordid divorce case and a full description of a young lady who had been disqualified from a bathing beauty contest because she was too good. That is the sort of paper that is pressing forward this very powerful agitation. The history of this agitation was quickly passed over by the proposer and I want to add something to what he said.

This agitation was centred particularly, at the last general election, in a certain constituency and from my constituency, which is 40 miles distant, there went at least five cars, to my knowledge, to drive for the horses and a gentleman who is now a Deputy of Dáil Éireann, Deputy Dr. Browne, had espoused this cause. That was a situation in which a present Minister of State was put up against the wall by this agitation, where the man could literally have been defeated on what was a fad agitation and had to give an undertaking that he would license somebody to export horses, which he did. Therefore, we can see that this is a very serious agitation.

There are three places where horses may well be ill-treated. One is in Ireland; one is at sea; and one is on the Continent. Nobody has suggested that they were ill-treated in Ireland. On sea, there is a risk, as has been pointed out. We have heard about the Princess Victoria and the Titanic. I got on a plane at Collinstown about the same time as the first agitation was going on. I wanted to go to London to do an hour's business, to sign a document and to return home that evening. I got on the plane in London that evening. The plane arrived over Collinstown. There was a raging storm and it was not allowed to land. We got back to London and landed with considerable difficulty. I was brought to London from the airport, a journey which took about one and a quarter hours. I was put to bed and was awakened at 4 a.m., brought out again to the airport, got into a plane and was landed in Collinstown. I could not telephone to my home. There was no means of communication. There was no bus to meet us. I started to walk down the road to see if I could find a bus. There was no taxi waiting at that hour of the morning at Collinstown. A dog came out of a house and bit me severely.

I was an ordinary person who had set out the previous morning to do something which should be quite easy, in which there should be no snags. There was I the following morning in a dirty shirt, severely bitten by a dog 30 miles from home, with no telephone. I tell that story because I want to show how these things can happen and did happen to me. I have most painful memories of it. Nevertheless, if they do happen, as long as the regulations are complied with, there is nothing more that can be done. That safely disposes of the second place where cruelty can happen, at sea.

The next point I am coming to is the economics of a horse. These horses are old and if they do a rough run once in three or four months, some of them may be in pretty poor shape. I have seen the pictures in the Daily Mirror. I wonder if anybody here has ever shot a horse? I have. Senator Ó Donnabháin has, of course, many times. I can assure the House that as rigor mortis sets in, as the horse falls down, the most harrowing pictures could be taken. Yet, in the particular instance in which I shot a horse, it was the only humane thing I could do; he had broken a leg. Senator Ó Donnabháin could verify that you can get the most harrowing pictures if you have a horse under a wagon, while getting him out in the most humane way possible.

If there is occasional abuse on the Continent, the proper representations should be made to the French Government, but not one picture I have seen has convinced me of anything and I do not think any countryman, any man who was ever kicked by a horse, would be convinced by any picture. A picture of a horse's head lying on straw, with a lady speaking gently into his ear, conveys nothing to me. A picture of four men lifting a horse up if he is lying down, conveys nothing to me because I know a little about it —not too much. Therefore, I am not convinced by any of the pictures I have seen.

I have reports from 1955, from the Blue Cross and from the Officers in the Department of Agriculture to assure me that there is nothing wrong, but now I want to produce an argument in regard to the economics of horses which has not been touched upon before. I want to ask Senator Sheehy Skeffington and the Daily Mirror what would they do if there were 50,000 old uneconomic horses in a bad state of health in this country?

Grant them old age pensions.

The most dreadful thing that one can see is an old horse belonging to a tinker, not a horse of the piebald variety which grows long hair and seemingly can exist on the grass along the sides of roads. I mean a farm-working horse, a cob that was ridden by a girl or boy, that knew better days, dying behind a ditch and bought up by a tinker to try to take him four or five miles to his next parking place. If there was not an export market for old horses I can assure Senator Sheehy Skeffington that they would be bought up by tinkers at from £10 to £20 each, and ill-treated in their last days. I will include farmers in this allegation, small farmers who, when they could not dispose of worn-out horses for £60 or £70, would let them lie in the fields all through winter. It would be far better to export such horses and for the farmers to use the money they get to buy other horses.

Still dealing with the economics of horses, when a horse comes to the time it is to be broken, if he is a full sized horse of 16 hands, he is probably worth £70. His value may increase to £100 as a good working horse and, if he is a good hunting horse, may go as high as £300. Such horses love their work and enjoy their life and no horse would be better cared for than the good working horse of a farmer, or the horse which carries a man out for an odd day's hunting. Does Senator Sheehy Skeffington want these horses in existence or not? I want them in existence and when their day is done I want some way in which they can be disposed of and, as has been pointed out to me, there is no other way to dispose of them.

I have already mentioned the Minister who had his back to the wall as a result of the previous trouble and afterwards a licence was granted. The people who got the licence did their best. They sent a trial shipment and there is no other way of sending out these horses. They are sent out under regulation from the Department of Agriculture and the 1955 report says there was no cruelty, even on the Continent. From 1957 until the present, horses left this country and there was not one word about them. Now 47 horses have died at sea, a most unfortunate event, but if I had died on that plane I mentioned earlier I would not be here, and I do not think there would be an agitation about me because I probably would have a funeral.

May I point out to the Senator that he was a voluntary passenger? These horses were not voluntary passengers.

There is no question of a horse being a voluntary passenger.

My point is that when a human being dies we go to the obsequies, sympathise with the relatives and then forget all about them but, because these unfortunate horses' bodies were washed ashore, there is trouble about it. I do not think that a horse can be given a funeral and nobody loves a horse more than I do. There would not be half the shouting if 47 people had been killed in a plane.

In regard to the point raised by Senator Stanford, the horses were not voluntary passengers but I believe we, as human beings, are allowed to use the animals God gave us, either for work, for meat or any other purpose, and my main argument is that if these people have their way there will be no hunting or working horses in Ireland in ten or 15 years' time. Do Senator Sheehy Skeffington and these other people want that, or do they want to run the danger of horses being sold to tinkers for £10 or £20, to be ill-treated in their last months and years until they die at the back of a ditch? The lesser of two evils, with the occasional risk of pain to horses, which is a risk we all must take even as voluntary passengers, is far more preferable than to have a situation in which old horses will be in pain and hunger without any hope of relief.

I should like to support the motion. I believe that this campaign against the export of horses has been exaggerated out of all proportion to the facts. The very fact that the less respectable of the English papers have gone to town on this subject should be almost conclusive proof that the campaign is not a bona fide one. I have no doubt that these papers will have some new subject next week, certainly the week afterwards, and that they will drop this subject of the export of horses. Possibly they will dig up another Loch Ness monster or tell us some sensational episodes in the life of a film star; possibly there might be some news item from Africa. There might be the beating to death of another 11 prisoners. If my recollection is right, the English papers which have been headlining the export of horses for slaughter did not give anything like the same prominence, or the same headlines, to the fact that 11 negroes were beaten to death in a prison camp as they have to the fact that, through misfortune and inadvertence, a number of horses died on a ship during a winter gale.

The Observer printed the entire Devlin Report.

What about the Daily Mirror?

I am talking about the papers which have headlined this incident. I am not talking about The Observer which I am quite sure will approach this matter with a sense of proportion.

The fact is these newspapers will tire of the subject as soon as they feel they have got as much of a sensation value out of it as they can, and they will then leave these horses to their fate. In other words, they will leave the welfare of these horses to the Government and to the people of this country and in leaving these horses to the Government and the people, they will be leaving them in good hands.

It is true, of course, that there is some cruelty involved in the shipping of horses, and it is true that there appears to be some cruelty in the way they are treated on the Continent, but this occurs in only a very small number of cases. Certainly, whatever about their treatment on the Continent, which is not my concern, not the concern of this country, so far as the shipping of horses is concerned, very far-reaching precautions are taken to ensure their safety and comfort and the casualties have been extremely small. As the Taoiseach and the Minister for Agriculture have said, if any further precautions are seen to be necessary, they will undoubtedly be taken.

I am convinced that 99.9 per cent. of the people of this country are genuinely concerned about horses and the export of horses. They are concerned that no unnecessary cruelty should take place. I am also convinced that they are satisfied that adequate precautions are taken, and if it should be disclosed that any further precautions should be taken, I believe that the people of the country are satisfied that these precautions will be taken.

There has been talk of simply prohibiting the export of horses, as though, by a wave of the hand, the Government could make an order and that would be the beginning and the end: nobody would suffer in any way and there would be no effect on the economy. There would be a very definite effect on the economy of the country. It would mean that some thousands of farmers who, up to this, have been able to dispose of horses at a certain stage, and those farmers who want to dispose of a horse or horses because they can make no further economic use of them, or because they can make better economic use of the money they can get for the horses, would no longer be able to dispose of them in that way.

Those farmers would be deprived of a very important market for horses, if they wanted to dispose of them in that way. Most of them, I am sure, are small farmers, and the amount of money involved is very important to them. Each one of them is being asked to make a sacrifice. Each small farmer is being asked to make the sacrifice of not having a market worth £60 or £70 or £100 for the horse he is getting rid of. It is not the people who are protesting so loudly who are making any sacrifice. It is easy for them to talk, but they are not making any sacrifice in asking that this prohibition on the export of horses should be put into operation. If they had to make a sacrifice, it is possible they would not be so voluble in their protests.

The solution of this problem would undoubtedly be to slaughter the horses at home if it were possible. At present, no commercial group seems to be able, or willing, to carry on that operation. It may be that one of the reasons for that is lack of money. If money were available in abundance, or if adequate money were available, it is possible that that could be done. If each one of those who advocate a prohibition on the export of horses, who advocate, in effect, that these small farmers should be asked to make this very big sacrifice, before he registered his protests, put in a cheque for £100—which is approximately the same sacrifice as the farmer is asked to make— towards the building of this new factory to slaughter horses in this country, then it might be possible to achieve the ideal solution of this problem.

On a point of order, I am not quite clear whether we are getting two hours, or whether it was decided to sit on.

It was agreed to take two hours.

So we have until 6.15 p.m.

The export of livestock is a legitimate trade. When I say livestock, I mean cattle, sheep and horses, and it is a trade on which this country to a large extent depends. We all know that precautions are taken, but accidents will happen at sea. We know that accidents happen, that cattle are lost in transit and that sheep are often lost. The horse is a high-spirited animal and I know from experience that you can lead a horse into a field of lush grass and come back in an hour and find him dead. He will have reared up at a gate and fallen back and broken his back. I have known that to happen to farmers' horses in my own locality. You can have a horse on the road and the same thing can happen.

We all agree that precautions are being taken at present with regard to the export of horses, but, due to the Hand of God and things over which we have no control, accidents happen at certain times. The present Press campaign leaves a lot to be desired, not alone in the interests of humanitarianism, but also in the interests of the Press. This Press campaign, in my opinion, was initiated by people who want only to smear the Irish people. They have sought opportunities of doing so in the past and they will not lose any opportunities of doing so at present. The unfortunate thing about it is that they always seem able to get Irish men and women to go with them, and also a small section of our own Press to give a helping hand in their efforts to smear and throw dirt at the Irish people.

We know that the gutter Press at the present time is playing on the minds and hearts and affections of a people who are acknowledged the world over to be humanitarian, by making mountains out of molehills. There is no denying that. I claim, Sir, that the Irish people now or in the past, have had no reason to hang their heads in shame. We have always been a peace-loving people and we abhor cruelty of any description, whether to human beings or animals. We abhor it in any shape or form. Our missioners were preaching and carrying Christianity throughout the world before the British people knew anything, or at least very little, about it.

We certainly have nothing to be ashamed of, even at the present time, because we would not dare to do to horses, or to any animal, what the British soldiers have done to innocent men, women and children in different parts of the world. If we read the papers, we all know that thousands of people in Kenya were killed, or maimed and brutally treated, in the last few years, in their fight for independence. I think every Senator has read of the cruelty and brutality and the loss of life in Cyprus. We can never forgive the rape and the murder of Irish men, women and children who were brutally shot down. We can never forget that priests were bayoneted! We can never forget that our people were beheaded—without any outcry from the gutter Press or from the people who indulge in sensationalism now.

We saw pictures in the Daily Mirror yesterday of horses being dragged from a ship. We did not hear or read much in the gutter Press when Irishmen were dragged half alive behind lorries in this country not 30 years ago. With only one or two exceptions, the British Press failed to mention anything about those atrocities.

We hear very little in this same British gutter Press which goes in for such sensationalism about Irish men, women and children who have to wait at Dún Laoghaire, when they miss a boat, for a whole night and some with children in their arms. They have to wait out in the cold until another boat comes the next morning to take them across to England.

We hear very little about the Irish people who have to emigrate to England and who are living there in lodgings and in slums and under conditions that no Irish or Christain person would dare to put a horse into. We hear very little in the British gutter Press even about the slums that exist in London, Birmingham, Liverpool and other large cities in Britain. We hear very little about the slums and the houses and the back streets in London and in all those cities that Irish people themselves would not dare put a horse in.

There is religious discrimination in Northern Ireland. There are Catholics there who cannot get a job——

On a point of order, did the Taoiseach's statement refer to this?

I think the Senator is going outside the scope of the motion.

Senator Sheehy Skeffington stated last night that he felt for all victims of suffering, human and animal. If he feels for all victims of suffering, human and animal, why the silence over those happenings and over those things that have happened in Northern Ireland?

On a point of personal explanation, the Senator knows perfectly well that I have spoken repeatedly here against such discrimination. I am astonished that he should make such a statement.

Inside the past two months on the Queen Mary, on a voyage to New York, two people lost their lives and hundreds were injured as a result of a storm at sea. It was an act of God. Nobody recommended that the Cunard Line should cease sailings or that the Queen Mary should not sail again.

A few moments ago, Senator Prendergast referred to the fact that 42 persons lost their lives in an accident a few days ago. Another forty-eight persons lost their lives in an accident about a week or ten days ago. No section of the Press in any part of the world is recommending that an end be put to the operation of any of the airlines or that people should stop flying.

The question has been asked: "What are the people to do with the horses?" Are we to leave them on the small farms until perhaps they starve or do they expect the people to shoot them and throw them into bogholes, or what do they expect the farmers to do with them?

An abattoir was opened and licensed in Limerick over three years ago. They are prepared to kill horses and to export the horsemeat. However, we have not got the market for it. We are a small nation. We cannot make anybody, whether in England, France or Belgium, buy our horsemeat. We must live and we must export to live. If they want to buy our horses and if we have them for sale, then they must be sold to them.

As I have already said, all precautions are being taken. Accidents will happen and unfortunately some accidents have happened. There is far too much publicity and propaganda about this matter.

I should just like to say that we have all been deeply touched by the disinterested altruism shown by the English Press and the English radio in this case, and, I should add, the English television. We are confident that as long as they continue to play the role of keepers of our social conscience in such matters we cannot go far wrong in offending the high-minded principles to which they invariably adhere.

I find myself this afternoon very much in agreement with what Senator O'Donovan said. I agree with him in his presentation of the facts about the disaster in the storm. I agree with him that the Government are not to blame in that matter. I also very strongly agree with him when he suggests that in view of what did happen, whereever the blame lies, the Government might take further measures. It is a reasonable suggestion and I support it.

The measures Senator O'Donovan suggested are (1) the possible prohibition of sailing in the stormy months and (2) the establishment by the Government of an abattoir to export dead meat. I would add a third: I think Senator Ó Donnabháin suggested it. I think our Government should make strong representations to the French Government about what is apparently happening to our horses there. But I disagree with him—this is a matter of ethics and there is plenty of room for disagreement— about his analogy of the disaster to the Princess Victoria. However, there is this point of difference. Those passengers voluntarily chose to go on that ship, and they were unfortunate.

Any passenger can choose to go by ship or not to go by ship. He accepts the risk and he knows the risk. I see Senator Donegan shaking his head. There is room for disagreement. But obviously the horses have no choice about how they will travel and where. We are their guardians. We are the trustees before God for those horses. If we drive them into those boats with a knowledge that they will suffer under other people's hands later on, I honestly think we are to some extent morally responsible. I say there is room for disagreement there, but there is no room to get angry about it.

Frankly I am not greatly concerned, personally, at the accusation of anti-national bias which has been suggested this afternoon. I am not concerned personally because my own conscience, as far as I can see, is clear on the matter. I am a little concerned from the national point of view that when a matter of this kind is raised sincerely and when a sincere desire is expressed for possible improvement in a minor matter of national politics, there are references to "aliens", the "fringe", "the penal laws", "the wicked English", "1921 and 1922"—in other words, the battle between the Gael and the Gall springs up again. I really think it is to a certain extent a sign of political immaturity if we allow some evil-doing people across the water— and there have been some of those— to provoke us into thoughts of that kind.

It is the old diabolical way of dividing Ireland. For a moment, our divisions have sprung up again in this House, through no fault of anyone in this House but through certain diabolical slanders which have been spread abroad. That is what makes me sad in this debate. Anyone who likes can call me an "alien" or "the fringe" or anything else. There have been people of my name in the city of Dublin since 1243 and that is a fairly long time. I think we must this evening put out of our minds those angry ancient prejudices. We must consider the matter simply in terms of justice and injustice. Is injustice being done to the horses for which we are responsible? When we use words like "agitation", "campaign", "shame", "mudraking", we are really only trying to make each other foolish through anger.

I do think sometimes—perhaps I should not say this but I shall—that it is to the advantage of the less intelligent politician to make everyone angry, because when an intelligent person becomes angry he is just as unintelligent as the unintelligent person. I think it is the duty of all of us in this House—who are, I hope, intelligent politicians—not to allow our minds to be obscured by emotions like that.

I know others want to speak and I hope I can put the matter calmly as I personally see it. Could we not consider this question simply in these terms: can we or the Government do anything now to improve the condition of these horses which are being sent to the Continent? If we can do that, will we do it?

I personally agree, and strongly agree, that the interests of the Irish people must come before the interests of the Irish horse. Let us all be quite clear on that. But I do think the two can be reconciled. I do not, frankly, see that it is practical politics for me to urge or suggest that the traffic can be prohibited at the moment. I doubt if it would be just to prohibit it at the moment. But I do think it is practical politics—and I appeal to all the members of the House to support me in this and Senator O'Donovan who has put down this most valuable motion—to ask for three simple measures, perhaps two simple measures and one that is not quite so simple.

That is guaranteed already.

May I just mention them and then I shall welcome that confirmation? The first is a definite approach to the French Government. I think that would make it quite clear where we think the essential blame lies. I should like tomorrow to have our diplomatic representatives take it up, and let the English papers report that as fully as they have reported other matters.

The second thing is—although I think this may be a bit difficult—to be very stringent about preventing sailings in times of storm. It might even be possible to have some kind of statutory penalty. I know that horse lovers—and there are many in this House besides Senator Donegan— would support that. Also—although this costs money and we are not very well off at the moment—it would be a fine gesture if the Government could do something to help towards setting up a fully efficient abattoir and meat-processing factory in the country.

I hope that those suggestions may be considered calmly and effectively and I hope that the anger that has been aroused—I think by exaggeration and misrepresentation—will not continue to divide us in the House and in the country on this matter. I think there is room for moderation which can reconcile all of us on this controversial matter.

Mr. Lenihan and Professor Quinlan rose.

Is Senator Quinlan giving way? In that case I think I should call on Senator Lenihan. I would ask Senators to have regard to the time available for the debate.

I intend to be very brief. I agree with the last speaker in that it might have been better if this question were discussed strictly on its merits. Unfortunately that opportunity has been denied us because of the attitude taken by the sensationalistic Press on the other side who have clouded the matter to such an extent now that we cannot discuss it strictly on its merits.

First of all, this matter has been worked up by what is probably the lowest Press in the world—the lowest gutter Press in the civilised world to-day. Anyone who goes through the publication that every member of the Oireachtas got yesterday will find ample evidence to bear that contention out. I refer to the Daily Mirror in which some of these scurrilous tainted photographs were published and which put the whole question of the export of horses entirely out of the context of reasonable discussion. Apart from the question of horses, on various other pages in this issue there is ample evidence of sex and sadism and practically every other form of harmful matter. It is in practically every line of that paper that has been campaigning about the deaths of a few horses in a storm in the Irish sea.

It is a far more important matter that human minds be protected, developed, educated and encouraged by a responsible Press than that we should pay heed to the sort of gutter comment we see in papers such as this. Thanks be to God, that particular paper does not normally circulate in this country. It is far more important to protect human minds than to carry on a sadistic campaign which, I seriously believe, was designed not so much for the protection of horses but to horrify people with screaming headlines and tainted pictures in order to encourage other emotions than the emotion of love for animals or anything else.

That same Press—and I do not deny this is a comparatively harmless pastime—gives encouragement to and comments on horse racing. Most of these papers derive a large measure of their circulations from their tips, encouragement, banner headlines and so on in respect of horse racing. I have nothing against horse racing but in this particular issue—the very issue of The Daily Mirror so concerned about the export of horses to the Continent—I notice there is a whole page devoted to the coming Grand National with a headline: “Brilliant Mare may get maximum 12 stone 7 lb. in National; It is Going To Be Tough on Kerstin.” Poor Kerstin was a mare who went around the gruelling four miles 850 yard course in the Grand National last year.

What happened to poor Kerstin in the course of that gruelling four and a half mile race and its 30 jumps? This commentator states that the handicapper will have this mare at the top weight of 12 stone 7 lbs. and then continues:

Last year he gave her 12 stone and she was going extremely well when she collided with another runner in mid-air over Becher's Brook the second time round.

Last year poor old Kerstin had to carry 12 stone round the four and a half miles of the Grand National course and going over Becher's Brook she went up in mid-air. This year the British sense of fair play and sportsmanship decrees that she will not carry 12 stone but 12 stone 7 lbs. I think that puts the thing into perspective.

Does the Senator really think so?

I think it does. I think that the reality in this matter is not the horses at all. Senator Stanford just said he would much prefer if this discussion could be conducted on the basis that we could devise regulations so that this legitimate export trade could be carried on in a satisfactory manner and with the least possible cruelty to the animals involved. If the discussion on this whole controversy were purely on that basis, I would welcome it and I am sure Senator Stanford would welcome it also. But the reality is that the discussion has never been on that basis. Far from discussing the matter on its merits, it has degenerated into a scurrilous, gutter, fantastic, headline-hunting attack in which the merits of the matter are completely lost and in which attempts have been made to disparage this country and to disparage what I think is a legitimate trade.

We have other trades in this country. Most agricultural countries have to export animals and the export of horses is no different from the export of bullocks, pigs, sheep or anything else. There is nothing at all wrong with it. I do agree that the fullest possible inquiry should be carried out into the recent incident—and the Minister has assured us that there will be such an inquiry—and the best regulations devised, within the scope of human ingenuity, to prevent that sort of thing happening and to ensure that the horses are freed as soon as possible from any harm. That has already been done; the regulations are already there and the Minister told us that an inquiry will follow.

I defend the trade. I see nothing wrong with it. It is perfectly legitimate; every country in the world exports animals. If the matter had been discussed purely on that basis, it would have been all right but unfortunately what I describe as, in my view, the lowest Press in the world, got hold of this incident and have been playing it up for all they are worth. That is the only real issue that is being debated here because the other issue has long been lost sight of by that Press in its desire for sensationalism.

As has been said here previously, that matter will pass out of the headlines when they get some other matter, some other piece of sensationalism or sex, anything sensational, and it will be featured in turn. Horses will be forgotten so long as there is something to satisfy sadistic minds and make them still more degenerate. That seems to be the whole object of the particular Press about which I speak. I am very glad that Senator O'Donovan put down this motion because it has enabled representatives of all political Parties here to express what I feel is the decent opinion of 99 per cent. of Irishmen who are disgusted at this attack on the good name of the country by this scurrilous Yellow Press.

I understood that this was a motion in support of the statement of the Taoiseach yesterday. I have not heard very much about the statement from any of the speakers. I wonder if they have read it. The proposer of the motion spoke for 18 minutes and it was only in the eighteenth minute that he made his first reference to the statement of the Taoiseach.

On a point of fact, that is not so. I made two previous references to it.

I accept that but the main part of his statement referred not to the statement of the Taoiseach but to my statement last night. Senator O'Donovan waved a lot of Press cuttings and said that they proved our "concern" about this matter. I should like to see proof by action rather than by bunches of Press cuttings. He also asked how much horse meat had been exported since November, 1957. I should like the Senator to relate that to the fact that any industry if it were to start could not, without some form of protection in the first few years, compete with the already established marketing system. If the export trade in live horses were stopped now, no doubt in a relatively short time the amount of horse meat that could be exported dead from our abattoirs and industries would be very great indeed.

Senator O'Donovan also said that I had referred to the iniquities of a large section of the Irish people. That is quite untrue, and nothing like that will be found in the record. I should like to pass now to what Senator Seán O'Donovan said about establishing a slaughter house in Dieppe. I think his speech was full of good heart, good intentions, but it seems to me to be fantastic that we should plead with the French Government to have our own horses slaughtered in a slaughter house set up in Dieppe so that they can pass the last part of their journey in a refrigerator on a French train. Why should we let them undergo the three days of the sea journey? If a new slaughter house is to be set up, why should it be in Dieppe; why not establish it in Ireland? In regard to old horses, as Senator Donegan said, a certain danger exists, and there is no doubt in my mind that there must be active consideration of such old horses and their humane slaughter, when they reach the end of their time. If an abattoir were set up here, with subsidiary industries, we could, in my opinion, deal with that problem also.

Senator Ryan dealt mainly with the Daily Mirror. I am afraid that is a lawyer's device; if you have not got a good case you abuse the plaintiff's attorney. For Senator Ryan and Senator Lenihan to refer to the British Press and then deal solely with the Daily Mirror and not with the Observer, the Times, the Manchester Guardian, the Daily Herald and other reputable newspapers, betrays the fact that they were afraid to mention the decent British Press, because they too have been gravely concerned about this subject. Senator Ryan ventured to say that the Daily Mirror would drop the subject next week. It well may, but I feel that we should not drop it. Senator Ryan thinks that further precautions will be enough, but I beg leave to question that. He mentioned the sacrifices we are asking from the small farmers. For horses sold abroad for £50 the small farmer may get as little as £35 or thereabouts. There is a very big margin of profit for the dealer involved.

I should like to deal now with the statement of the Taoiseach because this is what the motion is about. I shall take it seriatim. The case I should like to make is that we should not approve of it, under nine different heads, with each of which I shall deal very briefly. The first head is a preliminary one, that the Taoiseach was afraid to make this statement to representatives of the British Press. He did not say: “I shall exclude this paper or that”; he said he would exclude the entire British Press. Why is he afraid to make this statement to them? The second point is that when he was asked to comment on what happens the horses once we hand them over and get our blood money, he says he will make no comment: a grave gap in this statement.

The third point is that when he was asked to promise to make representations to the French Government about what happens our horses in France he would make "no comment." I do not think such a "statement" is a satisfactory one. In the light of what several Senators have said about approaching the French, I cannot begin to think it satisfactory. The fourth head is that he is reported as saying that "the Government would much prefer to see the trade in horses converted into a trade in horse meat. We hope this will happen". Why does he "hope" that? Why would he "much prefer" it, and if he is sincere in saying that he would much prefer it, why did he not give any explanation of this preference? I would much prefer it too, but he does not agree with my reasons, and he should give an explanation as to why he would prefer it. Why is he content with wishful thinking when one positive action is required: to stop their export?

The fifth head is that he says "our regulations apply equally to working horses as to bloodstock and are the same for both." I believe that to be a dishonest statement because in dirty weather and in stormy weather horses above a certain value are not subjected to these three days on sea but are flown across. Therefore it is not stating the facts fairly to say that our regulations apply to the valuable horses as well as to the cheaper ones. The valuable ones are not subjected to the same conditions. The sixth point is that the Taoiseach says he is satisfied because "an inquiry was immediately instituted." But no findings, after all this time, have been published, and the horses are still going out of the country. It is true that certain changes have been made on the boat. The horse boxes which are often temporarily knocked up have been somewhat strengthened, but in order to be "satisfied" I think the Taoiseach should ask for a swift report and not a report whose findings after a month have not been disclosed. This is not, as the Taoiseach claims in this statement, an inquiry set up "without delay," because this inquiry is apparently still going on. Also of course—and I think this, too, highly unsatisfactory—the Government in this particular inquiry is judge and jury in the case in which they themselves are indicated by world opinion.

The seventh point is that the Taoiseach refers to the low percentage of "casualties", but fails in his statement to define a casualty. A horse that is at its last gasp when it gets off the Irish boat is not considered a casualty because it did not die on the boat. Unless you define a casualty, the percentage quoted is, therefore, quite unreal, because if a horse is battered nearly to death, totters off the boat and can still breathe, he is not "a casualty", and he does not appear in our statistics.

Eighthly, his statement that "the newspapers that are campaigning do not seem to understand the resentment felt in Ireland at their unjustified assumption that we are not concerned about the conditions under which the trade is carried on." In my submission, it is the Government's attitude of indifference which produces this assumption. The Blue Cross Society made a complete report in 1955. It was splashed all over the Irish Independent yesterday. I would ask the Taoiseach, if such great respect is paid now to what the Blue Cross said in 1955, why is not the same respect paid to what the Blue Cross says now in 1960? I should also like to answer the question as to what in fact should the Government have done after this disaster on the City of Waterford? I suggest the first thing they should have done was to express grave concern and distress in the name of the Irish people. They did not do that. Furthermore, I believe that they should immediately have set up an inquiry to report to them, and should have published that report before any other shipments were authorised, published it within a few days—even a week, or ten days.

Various false analogies have been made and Senator Stanford dealt well with them. Just as one example, however, I would ask the Seanad to suppose that on some ship there were 150 passengers and 47 of those were battered to death on a three-day trip and had to be buried at sea. Would the Taoiseach in such circumstances be satisfied with the setting up of an "immediate inquiry" to report in five or six weeks, and would he be satisfied to allow such traffic to continue until the results of the inquiry were known?

The ninth, and last, point is that he says Irish regulations are "the strictest in the world." If that is true —I suggested yesterday that quite possibly it is true—it is quite clear that no regulations are enough. That is the answer also to Senator Ryan who talks about "further precautions" to stop the transport of these horses on this three-day trip in bad weather; that must be dealt with by a total prohibition. I do not think a prohibition during certain times of the year is enough. I believe this trade must be stopped altogether. It is also quite true and quite clear that under Irish regulations, no matter how strictly applied, once the horse is off the ship, the regulations cease to apply. It is also clear that, as soon as our regulations thus cease to apply, these horses are subjected to the most horrible conditions, conditions which must lie upon our consciences. Therefore, in my submission, if we really want to stop all this suffering both on shipboard and on the Continent, if we are really "concerned", our first duty is to stop the export of horses under a certain value—under £105, for instance, as is done in Britain.

For all these reasons, therefore, I shall vote against this motion to approve the Taoiseach's statement, in which it seems to me there is a mistaken attempt made to protect the Irish honour and the Irish name merely by pretending that there is nothing wrong. If it were only the Daily Mirror talking in this way, it might well be that the kind of speech Senator Lenihan has made would be justified, but when it is the responsible British Press, as well as the Daily Mirror—for which I have no regard at all—I think we owe a graver and more serious answer to public opinion—world and Irish—than simply to say there is no truth in the charges.

I propose calling on Senator O'Quigley and, if he has not finished by 6 o'clock, I propose to call on Senator O'Donovan to conclude at 6 o'clock.

It seems to me the storm is dying down. Senator Stanford has shifted his position since last night when he supported the strong indictment of the Irish people and the Irish Government.

On a point of personal explanation, in my statement last night, I supported Senator Sheehy Skeffington's appeal to the Minister. If Senator O'Quigley consults the record, he will find that that is so. I did not say I supported any censure of the Government. Let that be quite clear.

On a point of personal explanation, I made no "indictment of the Irish people." I went so far as to say on the contrary that I thought all decent Irish opinion, which is in the majority I hope, agrees with me. I emphatically did not indict it.

We have to depend on our interpretation of what was said, and that was the clear interpretation I got. However, as I say, the storm has died down. As I interpret Senator Stanford this evening, he has suddenly rebuked, among others, Senator Sheehy Skeffington, for the speech he made last night. That may not be any harm. Senator Sheehy Skeffington may be disposed to listen to his colleague from Trinity College much more rapidly than he might listen to others.

It seems to me that the criticism in relation to the export of horses turns upon what happens to them once they land on Belgian or French soil. I gathered that to be the burden of Senator Stanford's speech and a great part of Senator Sheehy Skeffington's complaint. I think Senator Stanford has been impressed by the regulations made by various Ministers for Agriculture in relation to the export of live horses and the insistence upon compliance with these regulations by the Department of Agriculture. I should be much more impressed with the case made by Senator Sheehy Skeffington, had he come along when there were no storms and put down a motion, saying that he asked the Government and the Minister for Agriculture to do certain things in regard to the export of horses because of the cruelties Senator Sheehy Skeffington holds occur on the Continent. This trade has been going on since 1956. During all that time, these alleged cruelties have been taking place and, to his shame, Senator Sheehy Skeffington has remained silent and said not a word about them. He would not have said a word about them at this stage but for the Daily Mirror——

That is quite untrue.

——and other papers which stand in judgement on the character and outlook of the Irish people. Had he come along in a time of calm, we might have listened to him with a great deal more sympathy.

With a great deal more sympathy because, in spite of the differences we have in the Seanad, we have the highest regard for his point of view. I am forcibly reminded of something I learned in Roman history; when I remember what is now going on in the British Press and Senator Sheehy Skeffington's attitude here, I am reminded of that famous Roman Emperor, Caligula; his full title was Caius Julius Caesar Germanicus. He ruled from 12 A.D. to 41 A.D. The point about him is that he was mad. Historians have no doubt at all about that. Because he was mad, he appointed his horse a senator. I am wondering if Senator Sheehy Skeffington may not have a fellow-feeling for horses on that account.

It might be an improvement on some.

There may be asses in the House. I do not dispute that with the Senator. At any rate, if we keep a proper balance, we shall not do what Caligula did : we shall not equate horses with human beings. Senator Stanford made the point that horses do not voluntarily undertake the risk of travelling. That argument applies equally in the case of the parent who compels his child to get into a motor car which may be involved in an accident. The Senator is equating parents with horses.

But there is no slaughterhouse waiting for the child at the end of the journey.

I am talking about the risk in transit. As far as we are concerned, we cannot determine what is to be done in Belgium and France. We are concerned with transit from Dublin to Dieppe. On Senator Stanford's analogy, every parent who takes his child of tender years into a motor car is guilty of cruelty in exposing a child to an unnecessary risk. Of course, I do not accept that proposition at all. Possibly the British Press thinks we can do something about what is going on in France and Belgium. The British have a tradition for legislating for other countries. We cannot legislate for the French and Belgians. But we can hope that the French and the Belgians will form public opinion in the light of what is going on in the British Press and interpret what they read in the British Press as applicable to them and not in any way applicable to this country.

I wish to express my congratulations to the Seanad, and especially to the chief Opposition Party, for the way they took the lead in showing that we are all solidly behind the Taoiseach in his statement, as I hope the vote will show shortly. I hope that for once this will also show up those who arrogate to themselves the right to speak, as Dr. Sheehy Skeffington has said, for all decent Irish opinion. The vote will show that Senator Sheehy Skeffington has no such mandate from the Irish Republic. It will further show that it is high time decent Irish opinion awoke and refused to be misrepresented and led by such a journal as the Irish Times and its followers who speak, as they are perfectly entitled to speak, for the minority. They are not, however, entitled to arrogate to themselves the position of being sole custodians of Irish public opinion and of Irish decency and standards.

In some way or other the blame has shifted to France. It is not the first time the English gutter Press, and even the English respectable Press, sought to slander France and its great men. Read what they wrote over the past 10 years on that splendid Frenchman, General de Gaulle, who is leading his country so well. There is one other point, which makes the situation almost laughable. We export 2,000 horses a year to France.

A figure of 2,000 was given here by Senator Donegan, 2,000 down to 1,400 in 1958.

To France.

To France, yes. My figures suggest that in France at least 2,000,000 horses are slaughtered in the year because the French eat a great proportion of horseflesh. It is fantastic to suggest that the conditions depicted should prevail in France and equally fantastic to suggest that if they do prevail that they relate solely to Irish horses.

Nobody has suggested that.

It is as much a campaign against France as against us. However, the untruth has been exposed in relation to our side and an effort is made to pass it on to France. I look forward to the Seanad reaffirming where decent Irish opinion stands.

I am grateful to the Seanad for the manner in which Senators have dealt with this motion. It is a clear indication of what opinion about this matter is in this country. I am prepared to forgive any man, if he has a cause dear to his heart, for using very strong language about it—I am inclined to use such language myself—but I have the script of Senator Sheehy Skeffington's statement here last night and he uses the following phrase: "I know I am speaking for all decent Irish opinion." How does he know that? Again, after reading two letters he says: "In my contention I am speaking therefore for all decent Irish opinion as well as decent world opinion." Somebody made the comment to me that there are a big number of Hindus in the world and they regard the cow as a sacred animal. They are much more numerous and they would be much more entitled to regard themselves as world opinion than those for whom Senator Skeffington claims to speak. Subsequently he said: "I feel ashamed also that yet once more it is the money-grubbers who apparently dictate our national economy." I have occasionally myself suggested that the money barons have more influence in our national affairs than they should have.

The money barons, not the money grubbers. The fact is that this trade concerns very small people when you trace it back, people with very small incomes, people with a fraction of the income of any person in this House. What are we to do if we do not allow them to sell their horses at a reasonable price? We are creating human suffering.

I was in a remote part of the West of Ireland a few years ago, down near the seashore, and I was asked by a small girl if I would buy some lobsters. I was interested to see the awful conditions of the family in that house and yet the good condition of the horse outside in the haggard eating hay. It went to my heart to see the conditions in which the children were living. Are we to create conditions for that family under which when they come to sell that horse when it is old they will get only £5 for the horse instead of £20? Are we to create greater human suffering? It is well known that when people interfere in a situation without studying it, and without knowing the full background they create more problems than they solve.

Are we incapable of building the industry they have in France?

The Senator knows I have already tried to do something about this problem, and he must interpret my remarks in that context. There has been a great deal of talk about the Daily Mirror. I personally resent Senator Sheehy Skeffington's remarks in that connection for this reason. I got a free copy of the Daily Mirror, which was put in my pigeonhole downstairs yesterday. I did not ask for it. It was sent to me and I do not know who sent it. Why should I not refer to it? Why should I not say what I like about it? Indeed, if I really said what I think about it I am afraid it would not be Parliamentary.

Why refer to it only?

If people stick their necks out they must take what comes to them. I know an example was given by somebody about horses in the Grand National. We all know four horses were killed in the Grand National some years ago. I am not saying people who are conducting this campaign have not, and they have indeed, had a campaign against the Grand National. I am not saying that. I am saying that the very paper which has been campaigning against this has a big betting following who go to the Grand National where a few years ago four beautiful, valuable horses were killed.

It is just hypocrisy.

Of course it is just hypocrisy.

Why mention only one paper? Why not mention the others?

Let us put this in perspective. I never read the Daily Mirror. I usually get the Sunday Times and the Observer and I did not see anything very objectionable in what those two journals said on the last few Sundays about the horse export trade. I have been reading those two newspapers for many years and—I am just making this comment—for one period I thought the Sunday Times was better than the Observer and in recent years I have been thinking the Observer is better than the Sunday Times.

Senator Dr. Sheehy Skeffington made references to the statement of the Taoiseach. With many of his points I shall not concern myself at all but he said the Taoiseach was afraid to make that statement to representatives of the British Press. Does anybody believe that? I do not think Senator Sheehy Skeffington believes it himself.

Why were they excluded?

If the Taoiseach is giving a newspaper interview he is entitled to give it to whomsoever he likes. That is his business and I do not intend to dictate to him what is his business. It is not true to say that he was afraid to make it to them. That is just nonsense. The second comment was that when he was asked: "What about France?" he said: "No comment". Certainly he said "No comment" and he was quite right to say that. If he intended to make representations to the French Government, he was not going to make them through the British newspapers.

He was not going to act like Mr. Macmillan who put his foot in it in the North.

Senator Sheehy Skeffington went on to say he could not understand why the Taoiseach came down eventually on the side that he would much prefer to have a trade in horse meat. I have often criticised the Taoiseach on various aspects of policy but let me say that he is continually suggesting the establishment of further Irish industries and the use of our own raw materials so that we shall have by-products here. Is it not obvious that you would get out of the slaughter of these horses the hides, hooves and all the rest, the material for horsemeal, which is food for animals, and so on? Finally there was the comment that when this happened the Government should have expressed grave concern. I do not think that puts the matter in its proper perspective either.

I should like again to express my gratitude to the members of the Seanad, including Senator Sheehy Skeffington, for the manner in which this has been discussed, and particularly Senator Stanford for his contribution this evening. But I draw attention to the fact that this is World Refugee Year. Lest there be any doubt left in anybody's mind about the relative interest in suffering, I would draw attention to something that was drawn to my attention by another person and that is the remarkable contribution made to the Irish fund for the World Refugee Year by the students of University College, Dublin, singing carols around Dublin during the Christmas time. They produced an enormous sum of money and anybody who cares to look back on the record can see that. Lest it might be thought that concern about human suffering is in one part of the Irish people rather than in another, I do not think it is. I am glad I put down this motion and I am grateful for the manner in which it has been discussed.

Motion put and declared carried, Dr. Sheehy Skeffington dissenting.

The Seanad adjourned at 6.15 p.m. until 3 p.m. on Wednesday, 3rd February, 1960.

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