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Seanad Éireann díospóireacht -
Wednesday, 14 Jun 1967

Vol. 63 No. 6

Private Business. - Local Government (Planning and Development) Bill, 1967: Second Stage.

I move: "That the Bill be now read a Second Time".

This Bill is a Bill to amend the Local Government (Planning and Development) Act, 1963. The principal purpose of the Bill is to provide that some authority or person who is concerned not merely with private profit and private gain will, in the interests of the community, have a look at a proposal to demolish certain types of buildings in our cities and towns. The type of buildings that we propose in the Bill should be the subject of this objective consideration are buildings of aesthetic, historic and architectural interest. We do not say that every building should come within the ambit of this Bill. What we do say, however, is that buildings of the kind to which I have referred and which are what one might call the ordinary buildings one finds in the streets of our towns and cities should not be demolished upon the say-so of some speculator or some company who want to demolish these buildings for the purpose of building offices and gaining from such a transaction.

A second purpose of the Bill is to prevent the demolition of buildings which are habitable. We are all aware of the dimensions and severity of the housing shortage all over the country. I believe it is not right or proper, when there is an acute housing shortage, when many people are living in cramped housing conditions, and when young families and young married people suffer the tensions and anxieties of living with in-laws or in unsuitable accommodation, to allow the indiscriminate demolition of buildings that can be made habitable. I have seen around the city of Dublin shacks which have been constructed by Dublin Corporation for the purpose of housing our citizens and, at the same time, we have seen in various parts of the city of Dublin perfectly good houses which have been inhabited by families, by one family or as multiple dwellings, converted into flats or bedsitters, which have been demolished. Of course the effect of every demolition means further pressure upon our limited stock of suitable houses.

The Seanad should express its concern for those who are living in bad housing conditions by enacting this Bill to prevent the indiscriminate demolition of houses which could otherwise be made available for human habitation. I think it is quite true to say that it is the person whom the shoe pinches who really squeals and I feel that the present Government, and perhaps it is true to say the country as a whole, do not realise the continuous suffering, privation and mortification which far too many families undergo because of the acute housing shortage. It seems to me a scandal and almost criminal that on the one hand, we have a housing shortage and on the other, that perfectly good habitable houses are demolished upon the "say-so" of some foreign or Irish speculator. It does not matter what his nationality is.

In this country we do not possess a great deal of material wealth but we do have some things to offer. We have some fine buildings that have commanded the admiration of our own people and of foreign visitors. We have seen in various parts of the city of Dublin that private interests and private greed have demolished buildings. We see the yawning gaps that have been created for the purpose of forcing the town planning authority to give permission to build other kinds of buildings in order to fill up the gaps. The modus operandi at the present time seems to be that you may not be able in advance to get planning permission for the type of buildings you want to build but you will certainly get it much more readily if you demolish the buildings because you cannot leave the yawning gap in a street or terrace indefinitely. In this way pressure is put on the planning authority and on appeal, on the Minister for Local Government, to give permission to erect the type of building which the demolishers have in mind.

The Local Government Planning and Development Act of 1963 is an Act which has the most far-reaching consequences for virtually every citizen in this State. It applies to anybody who owns any kind of property, whether it is snipe grass or property in St. Stephen's Green. There is virtually nothing that one can do nowadays in relation to any property that does not require permission under the Act The wide scope of the Act was responsible for the insertion in the Long Title of a reference to the common good. There are so many restrictions placed upon the use of property, the development of property, even the change of use of property, by this planning Act that it seems that the draftsmen thought it well to invoke the common good as a justification for the kind of interference and restrictions that the Act would inevitably impose upon all property owners and those who wanted to acquire property.

So it is that in the Long Title the Act is described as

an Act to make provision in the interests of the common good for the proper planning and development of cities, towns and other areas, whether urban or rural (including the preservation and improvement of the amenities thereof).

The common good required the intervention of this Act in the view of the Legislature and I insist that the common good requires that there should be some restraint on the licensed demolition which was subsequently provided under regulations made by the Minister for Local Government in accordance with the legal provisions of the Act but certainly not in accordance with the spirit of the Act. It is for that reason that I say that the Bill aims at getting some person concerned with the common good, with the interests of the community, to take a look at proposals to demolish certain types of buildings in our cities and towns.

The Act in its operation has given rise to a great deal of unrest and criticism, and that among supporters of the Fianna Fáil Party no less than supporters of the Fine Gael Party or any other Party. People have been surprised by the sweep and variety of powers which have been vested in planning authorities under the Act and have been dismayed to find that the individual citizen has so little recourse, so little recourse by way of appeal, to restrain the planning authorities in the exercise of their powers. It is quite true to say that there is an appeal provided by the Act to the Minister for Local Government but it is equally true to say that no Minister for Local Government, however endowed with intelligence, however endowed with the virtue of hard work, could possibly devote his mind individually to the number of appeals that come before him in any year. The Minister must necessarily act on advice tendered to him. Equally one might say that that is the position in regard to the regulations which are made and which were made under the Act when it came into operation. The present Minister can well claim to be exculpated from the charges which it is necessary to make about the planning and development exemption regulations which were made under the Act. I shall come to those in a minute.

In order to consider this Bill, it is necessary to have a look at the manner in which the Local Government Planning and Development Act, 1963, is framed. The Act is concerned with planning and development and any person wanting to find out what development meant would turn to section 3 which defines "development" as the carrying out of any works on, in or under land or the making of any material change in the use of any structures or other land. "Works" is defined in subsection (2) as any act or operation of construction, excavation, demolition, extension, alteration, repair or renewal. It is significant that the description of "Works" embraces equally the construction, alteration or extension of a premises or property with demolition, so that in the eyes of the Legislature when it was passing the 1963 Act, I think Members of both Houses of the Oireachtas would have regarded themselves as attributing the same importance to demolition as they would to extension, alteration or repair.

The Act of 1963 gave power to the Minister to exempt certain developments from the requirement to obtain planning permission and again I think it would be fair to say that Members of both Houses of the Oireachtas who looked at this would have thought that the exemptions concerned the fringe areas of development and that the fringe might be related to works but less important elements in relation to either construction, excavation, demolition, alteration or renewal. It would be fair to say that if anybody had directed his mind to the type of regulation the Minister would make, exempting certain works and developments, he would have said: "It is a minor alteration or extension of a house. That is the kind of thing that can be exempted. If it is the construction of walls around a house to a normal level, again there would be no requirement to seek planning permission and equally in relation to repairs, such as putting in a new window or doors or the erection of a chimney stack, it would be right, proper and sensible that such construction work or repair would not have to be made the subject of an application to the planning authority for permission."

But I am quite certain that nobody in either House of the Oireachtas would have thought that one whole aspect of development included in the term "works", that is to say, demolition, would have been the subject of a complete exemption as is provided for in the statutory instrument, the regulations made under subsection (4), which has this horrible title "Local Government (Planning and Development) Act, 1963 (Exempted Development) Regulations, 1964." Nobody would ever have thought that the extensions, for instance, could be the subject of an exemption regulation because extensions are equally as important as alterations; but what, in fact, has happened is that while the legislature and both Houses of the Oireachtas in 1963, when the Act was being enacted, specifically provided that demolition of premises, equally with extensions and alterations, was a proper matter for planning and development permission, nobody could have thought that the whole area of demolition could have been the subject of exemption as was the case under the regulations to which I have referred, it would have been such an enormous error to have included demolition in an exemption regulation, but what, in fact, we find is that demolition, which is the subject of a specific definition or is part of a definition in the Act, is concealed in a regulation where nobody would expect to find it; and I think it must be said that this concealment was deliberate, and if not deliberate, was the worst possible form of drafting that anybody could be guilty of.

Nobody looking at these planning and development regulations and seeing that there was a schedule with small print would ever have thought that in these regulations demolition was provided for in one of the classes in the schedule. The schedule is brought into operation by Article 3 of the regulations:

Subject to sub-article (5) of this article, development of each class specified in column 1 of Part I of the Schedule of these Regulations shall be exempted development for the purposes of the Act, provided such development complies with the limitations specified in the said column 1 in relation to that class and with the condition specified in column 2 of the said Part I opposite the mention of that class in the said column 1.

When one is thinking in terms of development, I rather think that is a positive act: one is thinking in terms of construction, alteration, renewal or improvement but reading an instrument of this kind, I personally would be inclined to think of demolition as development. It seems to be the antithesis of development or part of development. Under the Act it is included as development. From the point of view of the layman, I think nobody would regard demolition as not being development, but what happens under the regulations is that the matters exempted from development are set out in various classes. The first one concerns the extension of a dwellinghouse by any addition to the rear thereof, provided the original floor area is not exceeded by more than 120 square feet and that the height is not exceeded. Straight away one would think that was a reasonable exemption.

There are others in relation to construction of walls, television aerials and things of that kind and then in class 7 we read:

An alteration consisting of the plastering or painting of any external part of any building.

That is fair enough.

or the demolition of any building.

One would certainly think that the demolition of any building would be put into a class of its own, that it would not be included in a class that dealt with plastering or painting any external part of the building and that the manner of phrasing in relation to this class was especially misleading— whether deliberate or bad drafting I do not know but whoever is responsible for it can take his pick. The wording continues:

save where the preservation of such building is an objective of any development plan or, during the period prior to the making of a development plan, is declared by resolution of a planning authority to be an objective which they propose to include in a development plan.

That is the warrant. Class 7 of this regulation is the warrant of any speculator to demolish any building he likes, no matter how much the public may wish to have it preserved or how much it ought to be preserved in the interests of the community and I think it was a mistake and a grave error to have put it into the regulation in that way. I know the Minister will say that under the new town plan provided for Dublin and other cities and towns which will come into operation on 1st October, 1967, certain buildings will be isolated as being necessary and desirable to preserve for the purpose of the plan. That may be so. That is again as far as the type of building we are talking about is concerned but there is a whole range of other buildings which will not be the objective of any development plans made under this Act of 1963. There are a lot of those buildings which ought to be the subject of an objective appraisal as to their worth and value before they are demolished.

As I said already, there are some buildings which in any event because of the present housing crisis ought not be demolished pending an increase in our stock of houses. Therefore, this Bill while its effect will not be very great to some extent in the case of those buildings that are objectives of preservation in the development plans made, will continue until such time as the housing crisis has been resolved.

Let there be no mistake about this, that the threat to most of the buildings and most of the houses comes from those who want to build big, expensive luxury blocks of flats and big office buildings. As far as my information goes, there are blocks of luxury flats in this city which have not been inhabited because the economic rents are so high. There are just no tenants prepared to pay the high rents the speculators find it necessary to charge in order to get the returns they want on their investments. There has been altogether too much development of that kind of luxury flats and office buildings and too little of the development of flats for the ordinary man in the street.

The Bill has been framed in a manner, let me say quite frankly, I would not approve of. I do not like, and I condemned it before, the drafting of Bills by reference to other pieces of legislation, but I have not got, nor has any other Member of this House got, the resources which are available to Ministers of State. I would have this Bill drafted, if I had available to me the resources which a Minister of State has, in a manner which I would like. The Bill certainly is quite clear in what it does.

Under the Exempted Development Regulations, to which I have already referred, certain classes of buildings are defined. The first is an industrial building which means a structure, not being a shop, or a structure in or adjacent to and belonging to a quarry or mine used for the carrying on of any industrial process. We do not intend that the demolition of those buildings should be subjected to planning authorities. There are light industrial buildings which mean, industrial buildings, not being special industrial buildings in which the processes carried on or the machinery installed are such as could be carried on or installed in any residential area without detriment to the amenity of that area by reason of noise, vibration, smell, fumes, smoke, soot, ash, dust or grit. A general industrial building means an industrial building which is not a light industrial building or a special industrial building. A special industrial building means an industrial building used for one or more of the purposes specified in classes 5, 6, 7, and 8 in Part IV of the Schedule to these regulations.

We are saying in the Bill, and we say it quite clearly in paragraph 2, that the Minister should not be entitled to make regulations exempting from the necessity to obtain planning permission if those buildings are buildings other than an industrial buildings, light industrial building, general industrial building or special industrial building. In other words, you exclude from the scope of the Bill, or rather you include within the Bill all buildings except those industrial buildings, light industrial buildings and so on and these in the main will be the ordinary houses in our streets, towns, squares, promenades and terraces and will, I think, meet the purposes which I and the other sponsors of the Bill have in mind in trying to preserve for our own enjoyment and for posterity those buildings of an architectural and aesthetic quality.

It is also correct to say that the wholesale demolition of buildings which has been going on without any let or hindrance from any public authorities has caused a great deal of public concern and there has been a good deal of correspondence in the papers about it. There has been a good deal said in speeches by different societies condemning this unbridled or permitted demolition of buildings in the manner in which it has occurred.

A good test oftentimes of people's sincerity is the extent to which they are prepared to suffer financially for the views they hold. In this connection it is right and proper to refer to the fact that a group of architects in the city of Dublin—I am not certain I can lay my hand on the reference at the moment—but certainly quite a number of responsible and respectable architects in this country have recommended to their members that they ought not be a party to any assignment which involves the demolition of the type of buildings which we say ought to be preserved. When you get professional people whose incomes are going to be affected by a voluntarily imposed ban of this kind doing this it is a test of their sincerity and a test of the rightness of the cause which they and others are espousing.

I hope that what is becoming fashionable nowadays, in my experience, the practice of bringing over from London Sir Somebody, who is an architect, or some foreign architect, to lend some authority to proposals to demolish certain buildings and to erect different kinds of offices and blocks of flats, will not be adopted by companies in this country who have to demolish buildings. I hope that the commendable professional integrity displayed by architects will not result in an influx of foreign architects to the detriment of the way of life of Irish architects.

I know the Minister for Local Government has been anxious to be present at this debate. Personally, I think he is free from any blame for the regulations which have been framed. As I said, I know of his interest to be present at this debate. I trust that he will urge the House, or will join with us in urging the House, to accept this Bill. There may be amendments which will require to be made. I do not think these are likely to be very far-reaching. Certainly if they are necessary, I am quite sure we will be quite anxious to accept them. I also hope that if it comes to that we will have available to us the expertise and skill of the Minister's staff in the framing of these amendments.

I should like to support this Bill which we have put down for what I think is a good purpose. The purpose is obvious —the preservation of buildings from demolition, contrary to the public interest on one of several grounds: the loss of housing at a time when housing is particularly needed, or the loss of amenity provided by buildings of historic or architectural interest. Senator O'Quigley has said something about the origin of this problem and the way in which under these regulations demolition has gone on as an exempted activity. I do not want to go over that ground again in any detail, but I should like to say that there is, in fact, a quite strong legal case for these regulations being ultra vires in this respect. This has not been decided in the courts, and to do so would require some individual citizen to put his own money at risk. In the absence of such a test the correct and appropriate remedy is either a motion to annul the regulation or a Bill to annul the power to make regulations of this kind. In order to make doubly sure it is this latter course that we have chosen.

The case for these regulations being ultra vires takes the following form. First of all, as Senator O'Quigley said, exempted developments are of two kinds. In section 4 (1) of the Act there is a long list of operations which are clearly defined and obviously in the public interest and of administrative convenience. Section 4 (2) provides:

The Minister may by regulations provide for any class of development being exempted development for the purposes of this Act and such provisions may be either without conditions or subject to conditions and either general or confined to a particular area or place.

I emphasise "for the purposes of this Act" because the Act tells us what it is for in its Long Title, which is admissible in construing it—

To make provision, in the interests of the common good, for the proper planning and development of cities, towns and other areas, whether urban or rural (including the preservation and improvement of the amenities thereof)...

The word "amenities" on any reasonable construction includes amenities such as existing, physical features, or objects which are of historic or artistic value. It is clear that this was the intention in using the word "amenities" because the White Paper that accompanied the Act made this quite clear. So we have this Act stated to be for the purpose of the preservation of amenities, and amenities are clearly intended to cover physical features of artistic or historic value. The Minister is given power, after a long line of specific minor exemptions, to make further exemptions for the purpose of this Act, which is designed to preserve and improve amenities. The regulations which have caused this trouble are grouped under the heading—and this alone is evidence of a mistake, to put it at its lowest—of "sundry minor works." Class 7 refers to:

An alteration consisting of the plastering or painting of any external part of any building or the demolition of any building, save where the preservation of such building is an objective of any development plan or, during the period prior to the making of a development plan, is declared by resolution of a planning authority to be an objective which they propose to include in a development plan.

Class 7 itself is hidden among other minor exemptions designed for public and administrative convenience and headed "sundry minor works", which could scarcely be more misleading. There is hardly a more major work that could be done on a building than its complete demolition.

There are two grounds for saying that in the light of this background the section is ultra vires. The exempted development contemplated by section 4, some of which are specifically listed in section 4 (1) clearly are intended to be all of the same minor kind; the conferment of regulatory powers on the Minister in section (4) 2 after rather than before the nine cases specified in the exemption clause, implies—and I have been given good legal authority for this—only a Ministerial power to extend the exemptions by making regulations of a similar character ejusdem generis. Clearly, therefore, the regulation regarding demolition which is so different in character and which is so opposed to the objectives of the Act can hardly be described as being of the same kind or ejusdem generis, and consequently an attempt in this way to provide power of exemption for demolition, it is argued, is ultra vires.

Moreover, these regulations were published on the 2nd October, 1964, the day following the coming into effect of the Act. By that day no planning authority could have made regulations about individual buildings and no area plan could yet have been made. Consequently, in those circumstances, in the absence of either any development plan being in existence or any possibility of that, and in the absence of any possibility of a resolution by an individual planning authority, the effect of this regulation at the time it was made was to make possible the demolition of every building in the country whether of artistic or historic importance or not, without the permission of any planning authority. That clearly would have frustrated from the outset the expressed principal purpose of the Act, the preservation of these amenities. Consequently, on this ground also, and in the light, I am told, of the Supreme Court view on the Petty Sessions Act, 1851, in the Quinn case the regulations are, I am advised, ultra vires. It would be open to any citizen resident in this country to challenge these regulations by injunction or declaratory action. Since the law was passed for the benefit of all citizens equally and refers itself in its Long Title to the common good, any citizen resident in this country is damaged by the abuse of the functions conferred by the Act and would, therefore, have power to challenge it, similar to the power to challenge the constitutionality of a statute.

These are the legal grounds on which this regulation could be over-ridden as ultra vires, but it has not been over-ridden. Meantime with these regulations still there unchallenged serious damage has been done, is being done and is being threatened to be done to the amenities in particular of this city. How serious this is we can now see, because we know of the intention of the planning authority, or at least of the officers of the planning authority, in this instance endorsed by the planning authority and put on display in the Black Church—an excellent display which indeed every Member of the House should have an opportunity of seeing if he is concerned with the city and county of Dublin. We know from this display which buildings the planning authority intend to preserve either absolutely or at least to the extent of examining and considering any proposal to change or destroy them with a view to considering whether they would wish to preserve them.

Examination of these proposals which are mapped out there and listed in the Dublin city development plan shows that in many instances where buildings have been destroyed in the recent past, and certainly in St. Stephen's Green in three instances, these are buildings which would have been preserved in the plan had they not been demolished under this regulation. I say that because the buildings demolished were of similar character to the buildings on either side of them, and these buildings on either side of them are subject to either clause A or clause B of the list devised of preservation proposals in the Dublin plan. List B covers cases where it is stated to be the objective of the planning authority in the interests of amenity to secure the preservation of buildings or other structures and groups of buildings specified in the list, and List A covers cases where it is the intention of the planning authority in the event of an application being made for permission to alter or demolish buildings or other structures to consider the preservation of such buildings or groups of buildings.

The three instances in St. Stephen's Green which have been demolished in great haste in advance of the coming into force of this plan were quite clearly of buildings which would have been preserved, as they were of the same character as buildings on either side of them which, in fact, it is proposed to preserve. The existence of this demolition exemption unqualified in any way has already seriously damaged amenities which the planning authority seek and intend to preserve. The cases in question are Nos. 47, 48 and 49 St. Stephen's Green, and Nos. 69 and 76 St. Stephen's Green and Nos. 35 and 38 St. Stephen's Green. In regard to the first case, following the demolition of Nos. 47, 48 and 49 it was clear that other buildings on either side were in danger, buildings the property of the Government. Fortunately, a public spirited group agitating on this matter eventually secured the belated and not entirely wholehearted disavowal by the Government of any intention to sell these buildings and to enable them to be demolished.

The fact is that these other buildings in the immediate neighbourhood of Nos. 47, 48 and 49 are the subject of proposals for development and the developers are the Green Property Company and their architects Messrs. Stephens and Gibney. Proposals are put forward which involve quite a considerable stretch. This company control No. 2 Hume Street, 46 St. Stephen's Green and the demolished buildings Nos. 47, 48 and 49 and Nos. 18 and 19 Hume Street as well as Nos. 44 and 45 St. Stephen's Green. They do not own No. 1 Hume Street because that is in the possession of the Government.

The intention of this company is, in fact, to proceed to demolish these other buildings, in so far as they are within their control, and to rebuild. There is there an immediate and serious threat. The threat lies in the fact that they have not put forward any positive proposals as to what will be put in the place of these buildings. They can demolish them and having demolished them, there is no use in anybody saying that they should be rebuilt as Georgian houses, for our desire to preserve the character of the city does not go so far as that concerning the Communist government of Poland which rebuilt so much of Warsaw after the war in the character of the pre-war and mediaeval parts of the city. If certain buildings in Dublin are demolished they are gone for good. The whole character of the area is changed. Once a company like this company have power to demolish and once they get ownership there will be no control over the buildings. What they put in their place will be the subject of planning permission later on. It would be inconceivable in practice that the planning authority would require the buildings to be restored in the form in which they were previously, so that once demolished the character of the area is destroyed.

A similar situation has existed in regard to Nos. 65, 68, 69 and 71 where two new buildings exist in the place of buildings which clearly would have been preserved if this demolition order without any control by the planning authority had not existed thereby frustrating the intentions of the planning authority as now disclosed. In that instance the property on either side is on the A list, whereas in the case of Nos. 47, 48 and 49 the property on either side consists of Government-owned buildings which are exempt from control and buildings on the B list.

Again, Nos. 35 and 38 have been demolished and rebuilding is taking place although buildings beside them up to No. 34 are similar in character and on the A list. Nos. 35 and 38 would also have been subject to a condition of preservation if they have not been demolished in time. Many other buildings are threatened. No. 52, St. Stephen's Green was previously owned by a representative church body. This is a building in respect of which several applications were made for outline permission. One, which sought to destroy the building, has been refused. Another, I think, is still with the planning authorities. I am not sure of its present status. This is one which would make the end of the sixth storey obtrude on Ely Place.

Nos. 65 and 68 are also now on the list for preservation. I should add that No. 52 is on the B list, that is, where the objective of the planning authority is to preserve it. Nos. 65 and 68 are on the A list, that is, the planning authority have stated their intention, in the event of an application being made for permission to alter or demolish any of these buildings, to consider their preservation. In that instance outline planning permission has to be granted to the owners of Hainault House next door. If these are destroyed the whole view of the east side of the Green would be completely changed.

Nos. 75 to 100 St. Stephen's Green are believed to be endangered by the stated intention to build a hotel on the site of Wesley school. These are on the A list. In other words say, if not frustrated by the action of these developers in getting in before next October in order to have these buildings destroyed in time, using for this purpose this regulation under the heading "sundry minor works", the planning authority intend to consider the preservation of these buildings.

Other premises in St. Stephen's Green in respect of which demolition is threatened are Nos. 18 to 21, the development of which has been mooted for some time past but where development has been held up because of difficulty in removing tenants—tenants standing in the way of "progress" in this instance.

St. Stephen's Green is not the only area in which this problem arises. There is the case of Mountjoy Square, where, on the one hand, you have public-spirited people seeking to preserve and recreate some of the houses. The Irish Georgian Society are working on Nos. 47 and 50, reconstructing them so that they will be open to the public and provided with proper furnishings and fittings. While this public-spirited group are operating in this direction, others are letting buildings decay so that they can become dangerous and so that these people can claim the right to destroy or, in fact, demolish them. Consequently, Mountjoy Square is already half-wrecked because of the actions of these people operating under this regulation.

One could go on with the list indefinitely. There is the threat to Mespil Road, after what remains following the building of the Irish Life Insurance building. This is an excellent building in its own right, but I wish it had not intruded into the terrace. You have Wilton Place where the houses have gone. There is a case in Ballsbridge referred to in Business and Finance where a group of buildings the future of which was actually under appeal by the Minister for Local Government was summarily demolished by their owner so that the appeal to the Minister became pointless at that stage in regard to development once the houses were destroyed. Dr. O'Driscoll of Bord Fáilte in an article is quoted as saying that when such demolition takes place it rapidly removes the future of the building from the sphere of argument.

An Taisce, the National Trust for Ireland, which has a function in regard to the whole question of planning and development in a notice issued not long ago said that the corporation development plan is due to appear very shortly —we now have it on display in the Black Church—and that it may contain reasons for preservation which should not be compromised now by demolition of properties which are thought to be worthy of preservation. An Taisce also points out that Dr. Myles Wright made a strong appeal for the preservation of the best parts of Dublin within the canals.

In connection with this Bill I had correspondence with An Taisce who welcomed the promotion of this Bill by those of us who support it. I would emphasise at this stage—and I shall come back to the matter later—that this Bill is not put forward as a Party Bill. We have sought support throughout these benches and we welcome support from the other side of the House. We do not seek any particular credit from any one side of the House or any one Party in this regard. If we can all work together on this—perhaps the Bill requires some amendment—we can all share the credit of preserving what remains or what has not already been destroyed of the city of Dublin and, indeed, of the other cities and towns in our country.

Various arguments could be put forward on this Bill suggesting that it may, in some respects, go too far, or criticising it in various ways. First of all, as Senator O'Quigley has said, the argument may be put forward that there is no problem now; the plan has been published. This merely highlights the danger. We know now precisely what we could only guess at before but could not state with certainty, the areas in Dublin which the Dublin Planning Authority seek to preserve. We know where these areas are and, what is more, the developers know where they are. The developers have been served notice that unless this Bill is passed or equivalent measures taken by the Government in the near future —and the Houses of the Oireachtas will adjourn in the near future—unless that is done, they can achieve their purpose if they get these buildings demolished during the summer months before the Dáil and Seanad resume. If they fail to do so, then they will be subject to planning controls in regard to the demolition of these houses or anything they wish to put in their place. It is, therefore, a matter of great urgency that this Bill be passed and the fact that the plan has been published enhances that urgency, pinpoints the danger and serves us with notice that we must now shoulder our responsibilities and take action to save the situation in the months ahead, and prevent irreparable damage being done by those who seek to secure financial advantage out of the destruction of parts of our cities and the replacement of buildings by others, some of which may be buildings of distinction but many of which are not.

It would be tragic and unforgiveable if we did not take the minimum action necessary to save the situation before it is too late. It might be argued that if this is the purpose of the Bill, could it not put a time limit on this restriction, on the power of exemption of demolition. I am open to the Minister's arguments on that. I should like to hear him on that point. My main concern is with this dangerous interval over the next few months but I do not think the problem is confined to that. I think demolition should in any event, be the subject of planning and control, even in respect of buildings which are not specified as worthy of preservation by a planning authority. First of all, a planning authority can make mistakes. I must say that, having examined fairly briefly the plan as set out in the Black Church I was impressed at the care taken to select those parts of the city which ought to be preserved because they have a character of their own, because the buildings concerned have particular architectural merit or historical interest. But it was not possible for me to examine it minutely, building by building, all the buildings; nor would I have the knowledge of Dublin, or the architectual or historical knowledge to do so adequately, in any event. I can only say that at first sight they seem to have done a remarkably good job. But they may have made mistakes; there may be omissions. There may well be buildings which now or later we would wish to preserve and which, simply because they have been omitted from the plan, should not be opened up to destruction without a second look by the planning authority when the proposal for demolition comes forward. On these grounds alone, I feel we do require to have a Bill of this kind enacted, not just until next October, but running beyond that. Another reason for leaving the Bill open in its application as regards time is that the Minister has power to exempt a planning authority from the requirement to have a plan made by next October. The Minister may well find it necessary to exercise that power in cases where plans are not ready or where the number of objections to them is such that it has not been possible to deal with them in the time. Therefore, to put a time limit to next October on the Bill would, for that reason alone, be dangerous.

Again, on a matter of general principle, people should not be entitled to demolish houses where they have not got plans ready to replace them. This city is a mass of ugly gashes and gaps in rows of buildings where buildings have been pulled down with nothing to replace them. In some cases, this was necessary. The buildings had become dangerous either through the neglect by their owners or because they were badly built in the first instance and time has taken its toll but, in many other cases, buildings have been pulled down which were perfectly sound and a gap left which has not been filled. As a matter of good planning, I think any demolition should be the subject of a plan submitted to a planning authority, accompanied by proposals to rebuild, because the only purpose of demolition is to rebuild; unless, perhaps, it is to make a car park. In any event, a proposal to demolish should be accompanied by plans for the alternative use of the site. A demolition can be of no value to a developer unless he can rebuild or use the site for another purpose. He cannot use the site for another purpose or rebuild until he has got permission. Therefore, he might as well get permission for the demolition as well as for the rebuilding. It would impose no hardship on him to do so but it will save us from the ugliness which mars not only this city but other Irish towns and cities where buildings have been wantonly pulled down because, perhaps, of some vague expectation of rebuilding, but no plans being ready to do so. For that reason, there should be some permanent control on demolition.

However, having said that, I should like to hear the Minister on this point. The Minister and his Department have great experience and knowledge of this problem. They may well have reasons for feeling that the Bill, as drafted, is unduly wide, that it attempts to do too much, that by seeking to preserve everything except industrial buildings more or less indefinitely, or until the planning permission is sought, it goes too far. If the Minister has good reasons for seeking to narrow the Bill in some respects, we on this side of the House are open to his views and, on Committee Stage, we will be open to consider any amendments he may suggest. Indeed, we may put down amendments to meet points he makes on Second Stage.

I would not wish the Minister to feel that, by accepting the Second Stage of this Bill, he is committing himself to this absolute ban on the exemption of demolition. We would be entirely reasonable on the question of any amendments he may wish to put forward which will modify the operation of the Bill so as to prevent it doing more than it needs to do or more than it is desirable to do. We, in drafting this Bill, have not had the full knowledge of the problem which the Minister and his Department have and it would seem right to us that we should, therefore, bring in a Bill couched in wide terms. Then, in the light of the debate on Second Stage in the light of the views which he and others in the House may express, we could narrow it down or modify it slightly. He can be assured of our goodwill in any proposals of that kind which are reasonable.

One argument sometimes put forward in regard to the question of control of demolition is that the cost of preserving vast areas of our city would be enormous and that the public authorities cannot be expected to pay this. This is, first of all, irrelevant on this Bill because the Bill does not require that anything be preserved indefinitely, but merely requires that planning permission be sought before a building is demolished, and it is up to the planning authority to decide whether or not it is reasonable that the building should be demolished and whether or not it should be replaced in a particular way. In any event, this argument is one I am suspicious of because most of the parts of the city which bodies like An Taisce, the Dublin Civic Group, the Dublin Georgian Society have sought to preserve are areas which, in fact, are improving in value, becoming more fashionable, where private individuals or companies are putting money into the preservation of houses and, if left alone to do so, and if the lure of large profits from redevelopment were removed, they would be happy to continue this work.

I have heard of one case in one of our Dublin squares where a private company purchased a building, a normal house in one of these squares, as an office building, and spent—between the price of the house and the repair and improvement of it—a sum of well over £50,000. They were willing to do so because they felt it worth their while to have an office which they regard as a prestige office in that situation in a Georgian building, with the interior improved and preserved and modern fittings put in, not in any way damaging the character of the house. The fact is that in many of these areas it would not be necessary now or for a long time to come for any public money to be put into preserving these buildings if it were made clear that they are to be kept. This is the intention of the planning authority and they will, in fact, preserve the external character of most of these buildings under this plan when they are in a position to do so next October. If that action is taken and if they decide to preserve them, then private interests will be prepared, in most of these cases, to put the money into these buildings to preserve them. They are not asking any taxpayer to put his hand in his pocket for this purpose.

Has the Senator an assurance of that?

The position in this respect is clear enough if we look at the particular areas most involved. If we look along lower Fitzwilliam Street we see how buildings there which had gone down the hill are being retrieved and recovered by private interests now. The same thing is happening in Lower Pembroke Street. Spreading out from the squares now is an area of restoration where buildings are being improved, preserved, raised in value as property but preserved as far as their character is concerned.

However, in this Bill we do not require that such action be taken in respect of any building. We merely require that before its demolition, the planning authority should have the opportunity of taking a decision in regard to this building which they want to take and in respect of which they have given notice of wanting to take. We merely want to ensure that the planning authorities are not frustrated in this respect.

We hope for a constructive debate on this Bill. We believe we will have it. We hope that from the other side of the House we will get support for this proposal. We believe it is one that will command the support of public-spirited people in all Parties. We have no monopoly of public spirit on this side of the House. We hope also for a speedy debate because unless this Bill goes through in the very near future and passes through this House before the Dáil adjourns and in time for the Dáil to put it through all stages we will be in the difficulty that in the crucial months ahead there will be no protection for the buildings which our planning authority are seeking to preserve.

I do not think any of us wants on our shoulders responsibility for any more destruction of this kind. I do not think any of us wants to be in the position that people can point to us and say: "Because of their neglect, because they did not do their work of legislation, parts of the city of Dublin or other cities and towns of Ireland which would have been preserved for future generations have been destroyed". We have a duty in this respect. We have now an opportunity to exercise this duty. I hope the Minister will work with us on this. As I said, he may have difficulties about the breadth of the Bill. He may have good reasons for wanting to narrow it. We will listen to these reasons and consider them and we will consider any amendments he wishes to put forward or any points on which he thinks we should introduce amendments but we must have regard to our heritage and to our reputation as a country. In the earlier part of today's debate and last week, a number of Senators, myself included, spoke of the damage we have done to our reputation throughout the world by the way in which we have, over the decades, operated our censorship system. Many Senators felt this, and felt it deeply. In the last few months we have done ourselves damage, too, outside this country, because people think that we must not care for our country that we should allow it to be pointlessly and thoughtlessly destroyed in the way that has taken place in recent months. We have the opportunity now to stop this and I hope that out of this debate will come not necessarily this Bill in this form but a Bill in some form enacted by the Oireachtas before it adjourns for the summer that will ensure that no more of our historic buildings or buildings of architectural merit will be gone and that when we come back from our summer holidays there will not be further huge gaps in the squares and streets of Dublin or other cities of this country.

I rise to support what has been very ably and fully put by the proposer and seconder of this measure and to add my voice to an appeal to the Minister and to the rest of the House to accept this Bill, the aim of which is to ensure that the demolition of buildings shall not any longer be exempt from the necessity for seeking the permission of the local planning authority. It is quite clear that if a building can, from the community point of view, be legitimately demolished, then the permission of the planning authority will not be withheld. Consequently, to place the obligation on those who wish to demolish buildings or seek authority to do so from a planning authority is not to place an unreasonable requirement on them.

"Development", of course, has become almost a dirty word today. It ought to mean something that is related to the embellishment of a city but I think we would find it difficult today to look about Dublin and find 1966 and 1967 buildings which would be considered worth preserving. I feel that there are very few of the newer buildings which even today might be considered worth preserving. What will be thought of them in 50, 60 or 100 years time? My guess is that they will not be regarded—most of them, there are exceptions—as buildings of outstanding merit. However that may be, development as mentioned by Senator O'Quigley in relation to the making of material changes in structures and amenities, roads and so on is an important factor in our urban life today. It would be wrong to place all the emphasis on Dublin. Other cities and towns in Ireland have their proportion of architectural beauty and it, too, deserves to be considered at least before demolition is carried out as it can now be without permission from anybody under this statutory instrument which is the object of criticism, Statutory Instrument No. 236 of 1964 which refers to "exempted development". The aim as Senator O'Quigley has mentioned is to prevent indiscriminate demolition. Nothing could be more reasonable. Senator FitzGerald pointed out that the heading under which class 7 which we are asking in this Bill to have deleted falls is "Sundry minor works." We have a number of categories in Part I of the Schedule to the Statutory Instrument. Column I is "Development within the curtilage of a dwellinghouse." Then we have "Sundry minor works", "Changes of Use", "Temporary structures and uses", "Development for Industrial Purposes", "Development of statutory undertakers", "Development for amenity or recreational purposes", "Miscellaneous". One cannot stress too much the fact that all demolition becoming exempt falls within class 7 which is referred to under "Sundry minor works". Not only that, but as Senator O'Quigley pointed out, the notion of demolition itself is thrown in almost as an afterthought in class 7 which refers to the type of development that will be exempted under this statutory instrument:

An alteration consisting of the plastering or painting of any external part of any building

This is the way in which the Clause starts off.

or the demolition of any building, save where the preservation of such building is an objective of any development plan or, during the period prior to the making of a development plan, is declared by resolution of a planning authority to be an objective which they propose to include in a development plan.

I underline the fact that the six words "or the demolition of any building" are thrown into this paragraph about painting and plastering which, in their turn, are in the category of "sundry minor works"; and the only basis for the extensive demolition of buildings—buildings of value which should be preserved and for which at present, unless this Bill is passed, no planning requirement is necessary in relation to demolition. Planning permission is required after the demolition, when it is being decided what to do on the site but they can destroy, under the provisions of this statutory instrument, in this most peculiar way.

I feel the Minister will be most reluctant to justify this introduction of these six words into a long paragraph primarily concerned with plastering and painting of any external part which in turn is included in "sundry minor works". How could the Minister say that sundry minor works will include the possible demolition of every building in the country, because that is what it amounts to?

It does not.

There are exceptions—industrial buildings.

There are others.

When it comes to anything that is not directly concerned with industry, light industry——

That is not so. Go ahead.

I am making the point—perhaps I am wrong in putting it so sweepingly—that demolition can be carried out under this statutory instrument in a very wide number of cases, and has been so carried out in the heart of Dublin city in the case of buildings the demolition of which, no matter what the Minister said, could not in any circumstances be called minor works, whether sundry or not.

A town in France which I know very well, the native town of my wife, Amiens, was pretty well destroyed in the last war. Something more than one-third was flattened, including the centre in which there was a very beautiful old theatre. It was not left standing, only the facade. It was an eighteenth century building and only the facade remained after bomb attacks and incendiary practices immediately before the withdrawal of the Germans. It was decided by the town council of Amiens to rebuild, and it was deemed necessary to widen the main street where the theatre was. The query arose about the beautiful facade behind which there was no building left standing. They decided (a) that the facade in itself was worth preserving and, (b) that it was essential to widen the street. With a good deal of ingenuity they moved the facade on rollers back four feet.

I mention this as an example of the lengths to which municipal authorities of taste will go for the purpose of preserving something which they regard as worthwhile, solely from the point of view of beauty. I am afraid that in Ireland, though there is quite a highly developed visual sense—visual arts are arts in which many Irish people excel —nevertheless, local authorities tend to be indifferent to questions of visual beauty. I notice in Paris—I do not speak about the oldest part—the island in the middle behind the island on which Notre Dame stands, the second island in the Seine, the Ile Saint Louis, contains dozens of seventeenth century dwelling houses virtually intact as they were in the seventeenth century. They most certainly might have fallen down if they had not been propped up, but now one can walk through the Ile Saint Louis, in the heart of a big modern city, and enjoy the seventeenth century buildings. The Musée Carnavalet, which contains many of the souvenirs of Napoleon Bonaparte, the town house of Madame de Sévigné has also been beautifully preserved by the municipal authority in the heart of Paris. I might mention also that the palaces which housed many kings who were regarded as being just as tyrannical as ever the British were regarded here have not been blown sky high as a gesture of defiance against dead tyrants. The Louvre is no longer regarded as the palace where a tyrant lived: it houses one of the finest collections of paintings and sculpture in the world.

I suggest we should try to take an example from that. As a Dubliner, I was sad when Nelson Pillar was blown to bits by a person or persons unknown plus the present Government, one half by a person or persons unknown and the other half by the Government with indecent speed. Presumably this was done because shopkeepers in Dublin in the early nineteenth century had placed on top an Englishman who I do not think ever did any harm to this country, but indeed turned a blind eye to many things, which might be a practice we may have adopted from him. After 45 years of independence we did nothing about replacing him, with the result that this monument of the early nineteenth century was stupidly destroyed.

It was not a monument of very great beauty but it lent character to a street which, with its disappearance looks more and more every day like a street in Nottingham or Birmingham. The nationalists who blew up this nineteenth century monument, in fact achieved the opposite of the purpose they professed—they made Dublin look more like any city in Britain today. No one looking at O'Connell Street and the ghastly array of advertising matter and the buildings, with the single exception of the GPO, would recognise that we lost something with the loss of this picturesque pillar which, in childishness, we destroyed.

The beauty of Dublin consists of many different aspects but much of the beauty of building is eighteenth century Georgian building. Not everybody can see beauty in that; not everybody can see beauty in the various squares or in a place like the beautiful curve of Harcourt Street. The beauty that is preserved, in the proportion of the building, the harmonious size of the windows and their panes, is something which one can learn to enjoy—the harmony and simplicity, the simple elegance of these buildings, in contrast to the over-adornment of many modern buildings. These represent a very precious heritage which has been well illustrated by the exhibition recently put on by An Taisce which showed what could be preserved and should be preserved, what could be improved, and what fresh amenities could be added to Dublin. They directed their attention first of all to Dublin but the same attention can, of course, be directed elsewhere and has been implemented in many other towns besides Dublin. In Cork, Galway, Limerick, Kilkenny, Drogheda and even in a little town such as Birr, there are buildings of outstanding merit in which we can take legitimate pride, which it would be horrible to see demolished and which will be abolished if the statutory instrument which contains this class 7, the right of demolition is maintained. Consequently, in supporting this Bill I am not opposed to legitimate demolition but to the insistence by those who want to demolish certain buildings of artistic value on being released from the requirement to seek permission from the responsible planning authorities. I cannot see how anyone in this House could be opposed to such a suggestion.

Would the Senator please tell us who are to decide the buildings of artistic value?

The planning authorities only, not the demolishers.

Not Senator Sheehy Skeffington?

I would be quite prepared to give an opinion if asked.

If it is anything like that on the Nelson Pillar it would not be much use.

I have no hesitation at all in supporting this Bill. It is true that Dublin has taken on a very ugly appearance with the great demolition gaps grinning like toothless spectres at the citizens. It is also true that many perfectly sound, habitable houses, capable of conversion into good flat accommodation have been pulled down and the sites either left derelict or converted into office blocks, amusement centres and such like.

Recently, I noticed a fine specimen of a solid, well-designed, red-brick house in the Baggot Street-Waterloo Road area being bulldozed to ground level. I do not know what is to take its place. I have made inquiries and I am informed that it will be turned into a bowling alley.

Throughout Dublin in the very area, where this particular house was demolished, many young married people occupy flats for which they pay around £6, £7 and upwards per week. The accommodation which they have comprises kitchenettes, bathrooms and even bedrooms with no windows or other outlet to daylight or fresh air. Good houses in Northumberland Road and Pembroke Road have been razed to the ground. It is tragic in a situation where there is such a grave and increasing housing shortage that the demolition of sound houses should be permitted. This is making more acute the already heart-breaking situation of those young people who are seeking to set up homes. Some of them are in quite good jobs but are not able to buy houses at the very excessive prices charged nowadays. They are very anxious to bring up their children in healthy, wholesome surroundings.

The destruction of good houses is apparently not confined to Dublin city alone. A few weeks ago on the Stillorgan Road a great gap appeared in a wall exposing to the view a very large and lovely old house set in a fine garden—a type of house very rarely seen nowadays. A few days later a large bright yellow crane appeared in front of the house and it looks as though another beautiful specimen of house-building is about to disappear. I do not know what is the state of preservation of the house or the condition of the structure but the Bill before us would ensure that it is examined before the demolition demons move in for its destruction.

In so far as this Bill would make it impossible, or at least more difficult, for money-grabbing speculators to exploit the home seekers I have very great pleasure in supporting it. In doing so, while it may not be quite in order, I would ask the Minister to consider suggesting to local authorities the wisdom of having flats inspected before landlords are entitled to offer them to the public for renting purposes. I have, therefore, great pleasure in supporting this Bill.

I should like very briefly to support this Bill, too. Its aims are clearly most desirable. They are to protect the houses of our city and to preserve buildings of historic and aesthetic importance. We have only to walk across Leinster Lawn and Merrion Square to see the kind of appalling damage done even by so responsible a body as the ESB. At the far side of Merrion Square we have an architectural vista, which is possibly one of the finest of its kind in Europe. It is quite irreparably ruined by the gap which the ESB have made in it. When passing that vista and when introducing visitors to our lovely city it is sad to have to say: "This is one of the melancholy things which happened in the last few years."

On the other hand, one must not forget, as Senator Miss Davidson emphasised, the need for houses among our citizens working in the city. In other words, the aims of this Bill are clearly desirable. As Senator FitzGerald pointed out, the matter is urgent. Within the next couple of months more of those appalling gaps may appear in our noblest architectural sites so I sincerely hope that the Minister will be sympathetic. I hope the House will give the Bill, after amendment if necessary, a speedy and favourable passage.

I have a great deal of sympathy with the motives or at least some of the motives which prompted the introduction of this Bill. As a Dublin man myself, I hate to contemplate the distinctive architecturally attractive areas of the city being replaced by the type of buildings which are likely to replace them. I doubt if there is anyone who is more disgusted than I am to see some habitable houses demolished to make way for massive office blocks. I appreciate the importance of the tourist industry to the country's economy. It is, however, completely unrealistic to pretend that the problem with which the Senators who sponsored the Bill are concerned is a simple one which can be effectively dealt with in this seemingly simple way.

I say "seemingly simple," because while this is a simple Bill the confusion and the volume of unnecessary work which it would create for my Department would be very great while it would not effectively achieve what is, in fact, desired. When the Local Government (Planning and Development) Act, 1963, was enacted it was never contemplated that development control would be applied merely for the sake of control. The fundamental purpose of the Act was to secure the working out of practical and coordinated planning objectives and to utilise the various powers available to secure those objectives. It is clear that this applies to development control because of the specific restrictions written into section 26 and other relevant sections. It was never the intention that works which had little or no planning significance should be subject to control. Section 4 of the Act exempts certain works of this kind and enables regulations to be made giving further exemptions. It was in this spirit that the Local Government (Planning and Development) Act, 1963 (Exempted Development) Regulations, 1964 dealt with the particular classes of development which this Bill seeks to bring under control.

Class 7 of Part I of the Schedule to the Exempted Development Regulations relates to "an alteration consisting of the plastering or painting of any external part of any building or the demolition of any building." The effect of this provision would be to allow such work to be carried out without the necessity for giving public notice, making application to the planning authority or obtaining planning permission. Class 7 goes on to make it clear that the exemption does not apply where the preservation of a building is an objective of any development plan or, during the period prior to the making of a development plan, is declared by resolution of a planning authority to be an objective which they propose to include in a development plan.

It is not true, then, as Senator Sheehy Skeffington says, to say that the demolition of any building is, in fact, listed as "sundry minor works" because what is listed is the development of any building save where the preservation is an objective of any development plan, and so on. It is presumed that other buildings which do not come into this category which is mentioned here, and which was omitted by Senator Sheehy Skeffington will be considered by the planning authority not to be of any particular planning significance, so that, therefore, from the planning point of view the demolition of such a building is, in fact, a minor matter.

It is clear that under class 7 as listed here in the regulations a planning authority can bring under control any building whose preservation appears to be desirable without having to regulate cases where there is no planning need for such regulation. This seems to be a reasonable and practical approach, because even in Dublin where the preservation of large areas is being sought the number of such buildings is still only a small percentage of the total. Yet because of what has happened or what it has been alleged has happened in Dublin this Bill is introduced to apply control to all buildings of every type not only in Dublin but throughout the whole country.

What exactly has happened in Dublin? What has happened is not, in fact, what some Senators said has happened. The corporation did not immediately define by resolution those buildings where preservation might be warranted, but they have now done so under the draft Dublin plan which is now on exhibition. Following their own investigations and having received specialist advice, they found it necessary to try to work out a comprehensive policy of preservation, and the complexities of this problem are well illustrated in Chapter IX of the Wright Report which deals with Central Dublin.

It should be clear to everyone who studies the corporation's approach, as set out in the written statement which forms part of the development plan, that the control of demolition is only the first step towards preservation. In the meantime a number of buildings were demolished in order to carry out redevelopment. In some cases groups or individuals have protested that the buildings should have been preserved, but so far as I can see, and despite what some Senators have implied, in none of these cases was a building demolished until after permission or outline permission had been granted for redevelopment. Consequently, it is difficult to see how control of demolition would have had any different effect in those cases, since, in fact, permission for redevelopment was given before those buildings were demolished. If permission for redevelopment was given permission for demolition would also, in fact, have been given in those cases and, in fact, permission for redevelopment implied permission for demolition.

That is the question.

By the planning authority?

By the planning authority or possibly in some cases on appeal to the Minister. I do not know if it happened in any single case that the Minister over-ruled the planning authority. As far as I can ascertain, permission was granted for redevelopment in the case of all those buildings which were demolished, and that certainly was the position in the case of the houses in St. Stephen's Green to which Senator G. FitzGerald specifically referred. It may be that certain properties were at some risk during this period, but the point I want to make is that apparently no developer was prepared to pull down a substantial building until he was assured that it could be replaced profitably.

That period is ended now with the publication by the corporation of proposals which I imagine will be accepted as reasonable by most persons interested in preservation. In my statement to the Dáil on the 15th February last I indicated that I wished to have the corporation's preservation objectives before deciding what amendment of the exempted development regulations was necessary. Now that the form of the objectives has been settled, I propose to bring the regulations more closely into line so that demolition will be controlled to the extent necessary to underpin the corporation's proposals. In other words, now that I know what the planning authority desire to preserve, I am in the process of amending the regulations to cover the period until the development plan is actually adopted.

That is a step forward.

If there has been any delay in this regard it has not been on my part. It is only now that there is an indication of what exactly the planning authority feels should be preserved. I presume that it is not necessary for me to quote from the draft development plan. Senator FitzGerald certainly has studied it. It refers to three lists of buildings. The first is buildings in respect of which the corporation consider preservation should be considered. In the second case they have made a definite decision that they should secure preservation, and demolition is to be controlled so that preservation might be considered. The third is a list of buildings owned by the State the preservation of which it is considered should be secured.

Could the Minister tell us the approximate date on which he hopes to introduce this amending Order?

It is being drafted now and its drafting is probably almost complete. My Department have had consultations with other county boroughs as well as Dublin, and we believe that this approach would suit them also and, consequently, would be infinitely more preferable than a general control of all demolitions of all buildings whether they have any planning significance or not. This Bill which we have before us would remove from me the power to make the amendments I propose, and the effect of the Bill would be to bring under control a great deal of alteration, clearance, and demolition work without serving any useful purpose.

Property owners and developers would have to apply for permission to carry out works which have little planning significance, or which might be desirable or essential in the public interest. Some expense, delay and inconvenience would be imposed unnecessarily. In addition, planning authorities would be burdened with extra work in dealing with these applications.

Section 3 of this Bill would have the effect of bringing even external plastering and painting under control. This particular exemption followed an undertaking given in the Dáil when the Act of 1963 was in Committee Stage. I am at a loss to see why it should now be removed, even in the case of buildings which are not likely to rank for preservation.

As regards demolition, there are several classes of such work which would be affected by the Bill. First of all, there is the removal of any structure in pursuance of a requirement under any enactment—for example, a dangerous building notice. This is exempted under Class 26 (d) of Part I of the Schedule to the Regulations, and I think it would be nonsensical to require permission to be obtained. The clearance of derelict sites which is also mentioned would be brought under control. If this Bill were passed, such control would impede this very desirable work.

Thirdly, demolition which has no planning significance and which occurs every day in the course of building alterations, renovations and reconstruction would be subject to control. There is an exception under section 4 (1) (g) of the Act where the external appearance of the building is not materially affected but much of such work is exempted under class 7 of Part 1 of the Schedule to the Regulations and in this case I think other control would serve no useful purpose.

Site clearance for redevelopment is also exempted under class 7. The case for control depends on the objectives of the planning authority. In my opinion, control serves no useful purpose where it is desirable that redevelopment takes place and there is no preservation objective.

As I have said, I have considerable sympathy with the underlying purpose of this Bill, but I am satisfied that the amendments are misconceived. The Bill seeks to deal with a limited objective by employing provisions of an unnecessarily wide scope. I have already considered whether the general control of demolition would enable us to secure the preservation of habitable houses as such but I am advised that this problem would require to be tackled in another way. I am, as I said, concerned with the desirability of controlling the demolition of habitable houses, and ad hoc legislation may prove to be necessary since the planning legislation is not appropriate for this purpose, but the present Bill deals only with preservation of buildings of artistic, architectural or historical interest.

There is no such limitation.

In fact, it is not appropriate to enable us to secure the preservation of habitable houses. I am satisfied with that and I concede that it may be necessary to bring in special ad hoc legislation for that purpose, and I am considering doing that. Since the case for preservation rests largely on the fact that such houses are relatively few in number there can, in my opinion, be little justification for removing exemptions given in relation to other properties. The only exception for which the Bill before us provides is the demolition of buildings in industrial use. It would not prevent the demolition of any other building in whole or in part. This would interfere with much necessary or desirable work of reconstruction, alteration, extension or redevelopment, and I believe it would do so unnecessarily.

The preservation of the Georgian areas of Dublin or any other buildings or group of buildings is something that is not easily attainable. In considering this question, which is a difficult and complex one, there is no point whatever in ignoring such inconvenient, but, unfortunately, very relevant, details as the cost of preservation and the question of who is to finance such preservation. It is all very well for Senator Garret FitzGerald to say that the question of cost is irrelevant but if preservation is costly and if the expense cannot be recovered by the owner of the building then someone must find the question of cost a very relevant one indeed.

The Planning Authority can and has now in the draft development plan listed buildings and areas for preservation, and demolition may not take place in these cases without permission or at least as soon as the plan is adopted that will be the position. As I said, I intend to cover the intervening period by amendment of the Regulations. This in itself does not secure the objective with absolute certainly because the question of cost has not been dealt with.

When buildings grow old the cost of maintenance increases, and if the income obtainable from the buildings does not keep pace, and if the cost of preservation is to be borne by the owner, then compulsory preservation will be difficult to enforce, if, indeed, it would be consistent with the Constitution. If preservation is to be the liability of local or central government, then this objective of preservation of old buildings will immediately be in competition with urgent social problems such as housing, roads, water and sewerage services, swimming pools, libraries and other amenities for which public pressure is developing.

People who are adequately housed, perhaps adequately housed in different locations to suit the seasons of the year, who are in a position to live graciously, who can appreciate the distinctive character of Dublin because their resources have made it possible for them to become familiar with other capital cities, and who can say from their own experience that there is no other city like Dublin, may understandably consider it more important to preserve this distinctiveness than to provide minimum standards of housing accommodation for people at present living in grossly overcrowded and insanitary conditions, but those who have to consider social as well as aesthetic problems and who have to face the task of financing the solutions to them will find the choice a more difficult one.

I have to suggest, then, to the Senators sponsoring this Bill that they must say unequivocally how the preservation which I think we all agree is desirable is to be financed. If these houses are to be preserved, what is to be their future use? Can a person who may be of modest means be compelled to be a public benefactor by maintaining a building at a cost which may well exceed the income obtainable from it? If he does not do it, what will the penalty be? If the cost of preservation of these buildings of artistic and architectural merit is to be at the expense of the taxpayer or the ratepayer, if the preservation is to be at the expense of the taxpayer or the ratepayer, again the question of the use of the buildings arises.

There is no use our even listening to the Minister's questions, because they are certainly not to the point. We never made that case at all.

The question of cost is entirely relevant.

It is irrelevant on this Bill.

If they are to be preserved——

This Bill does not preserve anything. It enables the planning authority to preserve if they wish to do so.

If it is going to involve somebody in cost, then the question of the cost is of very great relevance indeed. It may prove to be beyond the resources of the community to retain everyone of these old buildings which, either individually, or as a group, is of architectural merit, merely as show pieces—as museum pieces, if you like—and as reminders of days that are gone. If a practical and economical use cannot be found for them, then we may have to face up to the fact that the number which can really be effectively preserved will have to be comparatively small and, regrettable though it may be, we will have to accept as a fact that eventually it may be possible to visualise old Dublin only through such means as paintings and photographs. I appreciate the feeling of satisfaction Senator Sheehy Skeffington experiences in being able to walk about what is in effect 17th century Paris— which has been preserved—and I should like to think we could enable him—during the periods he spends in this city—to experience the same satisfaction of walking about 18th century Dublin.

Unfortunately, I am aware of the difficulty involved in securing from our community the necessary resources to provide reasonable living accommodation for families living in overcrowded conditions, and to provide the essential modern amenities of piped water and sewerage in rural areas. I appreciate that the Senators sponsoring this Bill will brand me as a Philistine for saying so, but the fact is, that faced with the choice of ensuring that Senator Sheehy Skeffington can continue to visualise 18th century Dublin as he walks around the city, or providing houses and amenities for the 20th century inhabitants of the country, I feel I must choose the latter, if that is the choice that has to be made.

That is not the choice.

I cannot get from our community as much money as I require to provide houses for the people who are living in the country at present. I cannot get enough money from the community to provide regional water schemes and sewerage schemes for the inhabitants of the rural parts of the country. If out of the limited amount of money which it is possible to secure from the community, I am to devote a considerable proportion to preserving old houses——

Which nobody has asked the Minister to do.

Senators are assuming that all it is necessary to do is to say: "This building shall be preserved," and the building shall automatically be preserved——

Nobody said that.

——but somebody must provide the money in order to maintain such buildings and I should like to maintain them. What I have said is that if I have to choose between providing unattractive houses—without any architectural merit—for people who are without houses at present and maintaining houses of artistic and architectural merit—which are comparatively of little utility—then I must choose what I consider the important social objective of providing houses and other modern amenities.

That is not the choice at all.

An Leas-Chathaoirleach

Before the interruptions become repetitive, I should like to remind the Minister that it is now beyond the time for the tea adjournment.

Are there any other speakers interested in this Bill?

It was agreed already that it would be adjourned until the next sitting day.

Debate adjourned.
Business suspended at 6.15 p.m. and resumed at 7.30 p.m.
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