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Seanad Éireann díospóireacht -
Thursday, 25 Mar 1976

Vol. 83 No. 16

Social Welfare Bill, 1976: Second Stage.

Question proposed: "That the Bill be now read a Second Time."

The Social Welfare Bill provides for the implementation of the increases in rates of payment and of the other changes in the schemes of social insurance and social assistance announced in the recent budget. It provides also for increases in the benefits payable under the occupational injuries scheme and for a number of minor improvements in the social welfare code.

This year, the Bill goes beyond the budget proposals in so far as it is designed to give effect to an extension of the maximum period of entitlement to unemployment benefit and pay-related benefit. It contains the consequential provisions for increases in the contributions payable under the social insurance and occupational injuries schemes in order to ensure the adequate financing of the extensive services now provided.

Because this is a technical Bill, and also an annual Bill closely related to the budget, there is an understandable tendency to see it as a matter of routine. I would submit, however, that the Social Welfare Bill each year is one of the more important pieces of legislation debated in the Houses of the Oireachtas. It deals with the financial and administrative provisions for a range of services which, together, cost more than the services provided by any other Department of State. The total number of beneficiaries under the various social welfare schemes amount to almost 900,000 men, women and children even leaving out the 1.1 million children in receipt of children's allowances.

But far more important than any statistics which may be calculated or circulated is the knowledge that, in making provision for social welfare, we are making the nation's collective answer to some of its profound responsibilities. By the way in which a country treats the old, the widowed, the orphans, the sick, and the unemployed it is possible to judge its social values. We must look upon our approach, in the Oireachtas, to those matters as a very great test of the democratic system which we operate.

I have attempted on a number of occasions to stimulate debate and discussion on the future of social welfare and on social policy as a whole. Never has the need for such interest and debate been greater that at the present time when we must take long term decisions about the way in which this country is to develop and advance in the years ahead.

This debate on the detailed proposals contained in the Social Welfare Bill, 1976, is not, perhaps, the most appropriate place for discussion in depth of the proper social components of national strategy. It is, however, an opportunity to remind ourselves of the importance of the social component in our overall national policy.

As indicated in the budget statement, the increases proposed for introduction in April next will amount to 10 per cent in all weekly rates of social welfare payment. This will involve a total expenditure of more than £25 million and will bring the overall outlay on social welfare benefits and allowances in a full year to more than £430 million—nearly three times as much as in 1972-73. Social welfare spending will amount, this year, to about 10½ per cent of the gross national product.

These increases consolidate the advances made over the past three years. In the period between July, 1973, and April, 1976, very substantial increases in all rates of social welfare payments will have been given. The rise in personal rates under the social insurance scheme will have been between 89 per cent and 110 per cent, with child dependant rates up by between 130 per cent and 160 per cent. The growth in maximum personal assistance rates will have been between 96 per cent and 122 per cent, with child dependant rates up by between 139 per cent and 180 per cent. The increase in the consumer price index between February, 1973, and November, 1975, was approximately 52 per cent so that—even taking account of price rises since last November—very substantial real gains have been enjoyed by all social welfare beneficiaries. These gains will not be permitted to be whittled away by inflation since they represent the minimum response of a community that claims to care for its disadvantaged citizens.

The Government have decided that the rates to be introduced in April will be reviewed in the light of the trend of price rises during the year and that necessary adjustments will be made—as was the case in 1975— to guarantee the recipients against the erosion of the purchasing power of their benefits and allowances. The important change made last October when weekly rates were increased for the first time during a benefit year has been recognised as crucial in a time of rapid inflation.

The budget proposals for social welfare involve increases in all social assistance payments. The maximum weekly personal rate of non-contributory old age pension is being raised from £9.30 to £10.25 for persons under 80 years and from £10.50 to £11.50 for persons aged 80 years and over. The rates of pension payable where the weekly means exceed £6 are also being increased—by 10 per cent—up to the point where weekly means exceed £14 and no pension is payable.

I should explain that, for a pensioner with qualified children the means limit is greater than £14 which is the figure shown in the table, and this section enables the table to be extended to cases where the means are not actually shown within the limits of the published text.

The maximum weekly payment for dependent spouses who are not themselves entitled to pension is being increased from £4.65 to £5.10, so that the overall weekly payment for a non-contributory pensioner with a dependent spouse will, at the maximum rate, be increased from £13.95 to £15.35 and, if the pensioner is aged 80 years or over, from £14.70 to £16.15. The allowance paid in respect of a prescribed relative giving full-time care and attention to an incapacitated pensioner is to be raised by 50p a week to £5.70 a week. In addition, increases of pension for the qualified children of pensioners are being raised by 25p a week to £2.75 for each of the first two children and by 20p a week to £2.10 a week for each further child.

The details of these changes and of the new table of weekly means and rates are set out in section 2. I should explain that, for a pensioner with qualified children the means limit is greater than £14 which is the figure shown in the table, and this section enables the table to be extended to cases where the means are not actually shown within the limits of the published text.

Section 3 provides for 10 per cent increases in the personal weekly rates of unemployment assistance bringing them up to £8.90 in urban areas and to £8.55 in rural areas. There are corresponding 10 per cent rises in the rates for adult dependants and for qualified child dependants. Thus, the rate of unemployment assistance payable to a man, wife and child in an urban area will be increased by £1.65 a week—from £16.45 to £18.10. Subsection (2) of this section makes provision for the change announced in the budget in respect of certain smallholders in receipt of unemployment assistance. It is now proposed that the existing rates of unemployment assistance—those are the rates established in October last—will continue to apply in the case of landholders with valuations in excess of £15 whose means are notionally assessed by reference to land valuation for purposes of determining eligibility for unemployment assistance.

Section 4 is designed to give effect to a major amendment of the special scheme of unemployment assistance for smallholders which Senators will agree is long overdue. This special scheme, as Senators are aware, was introduced in 1966 and under it the means of landholder applicants for unemployment assistance are calculated on the basis of the poor law valuation of their holdings. The scheme applies to smallholders resident in specified areas—the whole of Connacht, the counties of Cavan, Clare, Donegal, Kerry, Longford and Monaghan plus the congested parts of west Cork and west Limerick.

What is involved is a change in the notional basis of means assessment under the terms of the scheme. In a situation where farm income has risen by 250 per cent since the introduction of the scheme in 1966 there has been widespread and increasing criticism of the maintenance— unchanged—of means guidelines established ten years ago. Many objections have been made to the whole basis of assessment which is related to poor law valuation levels.

Under this scheme the yearly means deriving from the use of land in specified areas are calculated on the basis of £20 per £1 of the applicant's net rateable land-valuation, excluding buildings. Thus the means of a person with a valuation of £10 would be taken as £200 a year, or £3.85 weekly for unemployment assistance purposes and his entitlement to unemployment assistance—if he had no other means—would be the maximum weekly rate applicable to his family size reduced by £3.85. This "multiplier" of £20 has remained unchanged since the introduction of the scheme.

The amendment now proposed will leave the position unchanged for all smallholders assessed in this way whose valuations do not exceed £15 —that is, some 18,000 of the present total of approximately 23,500 smallholders in receipt of unemployment assistance under the scheme.

For smallholders whose valuations exceed £15 but do not exceed £20, a new notional "multiplier" of £30 will replace the present £20, that is the notional income will be increased by 50 per cent affecting some 2,500 recipients. For those whose valuations are over £20 the new multiplier will be £40, thus doubling the notional income of some 3,000 recipients.

I intend to give very detailed consideration to the long-term future of the smallholders' unemployment assistance scheme in the context of the planning of the reform of all assistance schemes which is included in my Department's development programme.

Under the terms of sections 5 and 6 non-contributory widows' and orphans' pensions are being improved in line with other allowances. The maximum weekly personal rate of widows' pension will be increased from £9.30 to £10.25 a week and the payment for qualified children will be raised to £3.40 a week for each child. Orphans' non-contributory pension will be increased from £6.05 to £6.65 a week. The details of these increases are given in the tables which form part of this section and, as in the case of old age pensions, provision is made to cover cases where means are not shown in the text.

The new rates of widows' non-contributory pension will automatically apply to deserted wife's allowance, to the social assistance allowance for unmarried mothers and to the allowance for prisoners' wives.

Section 7 raises the maximum weekly rate of payment to qualified single women over 58 years from £8.10 to £8.90 a week. The impact of these substantial increases can be more clearly understood by reference to the numbers of recipients involved. Some 153,000 persons will benefit from the increases in the rates of non-contributory old age pension; over 200,000 persons from the rise in unemployment assistance rates; 20,000 from the increases in non-contributory widows' and orphans' pensions; and about 16,000 from the new rates of social assistance allowances. This total of about 390,000 includes both adult and child dependants.

I now come to the increases provided for in the rates of pensions and short-term benefits under the social insurance system. In the case of retirement pension and old age contributory pension the personal rates will go up by £1.10 a week to £12.15 where the pensioner is under the age of 80 years and to £12.85 where the pensioner is aged 80 or over. The allowances for adult dependants are being increased by 70p for those under 67 years and by 85p for those who are 67 years or over. The allowance payable in respect of a prescribed relative giving full-time care and attention to a pensioner is to be increased from £5.20 to £5.70 a week. Thus, the pension for a couple, both over 67 years of age and not yet 80 years of age is being raised to a weekly rate of £21.30—106 per cent greater than the rate being paid three years ago.

The personal rates of widows' contributory pension and deserted wife's benefit are being increased by £1 to £11.00 a week, with the special rate for a widow aged over 80 years being raised to £11.85 a week. Orphans' contributory allowance will be increased by 75p to £8.00 a week.

Provision is made for a rise of £1 a week in the personal rates of disability and unemployment benefit and invalidity pension—the new flat rate will be £10.90 a week. Maternity allowance will be increased to the same weekly figure. All adult and child dependant allowances will rise in line with the general 10 per cent increase. Some examples of the effects of these changes may illustrate what the budget provisions mean to families who depend on social insurance payments.

The contributory widow's pension for a widow, aged under 80 years, with three qualified children will rise by £2.05 a week to £22.10 while a deserted wife with two qualified children will receive an additional £1.70 a week, bringing here benefit to £18.40. Flat-rate unemployment benefit in the case of a man, his wife and three children will be increased by £2.50 a week, from £24.30 to £26.80.

In line with the improvements in the general social insurance system, the Bill also provides for increases in the rates of the various benefits payable under the occupational injuries scheme. The increase in weekly rates will be broadly in line with those provided for in the various social insurance categories.

Provision is being made for increases in the special rates of unemployment benefit payable in certain circumstances where unemployment continues beyond 156 days. These rates are related to the urban levels of unemployment assistance increases which are dealt with in section 3 of the Bill. The increases which will come into effect in April are intended to retain the parity between the two rates. The basic rate goes up by 80p, that for an adult dependant by 60p with corresponding increases for qualified child dependants.

The total number of persons who will benefit from these social insurance increases amounts to about 490,000, including both adult and child dependants. Of these, some 138,000 will benefit from the rise in rates of sickness benefit and 133,000 from the increases in unemployment benefit. The number of contributory old age and retirement pensioners is in the region of 108,000 and there are about 81,000 recipients of contributory widows' and orphans' pensions. Some 3,500 maternity allowances will be paid at the new higher rates. There will be about 4,000 beneficiaries from the increased levels of deserted wife's benefit.

I have kept the operation of the unemployment benefit and pay-related benefit schemes under very careful review and, having regard to the overall unemployment situation, I made certain proposals to the Government which were approved. The proposals which the Government approved were that the maximum period for which unemployment benefit may be paid to persons who are at present entitled to a maximum of 312 days' benefit will be extended by a further 78 days to 390 days. The rate of benefit payable during this extra three months is to be the same as that which applied for the 156 days prior to the exhaustion of the 312 days' benefit.

Under the transitional provisions contained in section 11 this significant extension of the unemployment benefit scheme will apply to persons who had exhausted their 312 days' unemployment benefit entitlement within 78 days of the operative date of the extension and who are still unemployed when the extension enters into force. For instance, a person who exhausted 312 days' benefit 30 days before the operative date, will get an extension of 48 days' unemployment benefit. This extension of flat-rate unemployment benefit will provide badly-needed financial support for many families who continue to be affected by the prolonged economic difficulties.

The Bill also makes provision for an extension—by a further 78 days to 381 days—of the maximum period for which pay-related benefit may be paid. The proposed weekly rate of pay-related benefit during this further extension of the system is 20 per cent of reckonable weekly earnings between £14 and £50. Pay-related benefit is payable together with unemployment, disability and maternity benefit.

The extension will, in the same way as I have explained for flat-rate unemployment benefit, apply in the case of persons who have exhausted their full pay-related benefit entitlement within 78 days of the operative date of the extension and who still retain their entitlement to flat-rate benefit.

I am convinced that the success to date of the extended pay-related benefit system in terms of reducing the financial impact of sickness and unemployment has been of the greatest social and human importance. It is out of the question that we should allow our fellow-citizens who have in effect been betrayed by the inefficiency and unequal working of our economic system to suffer substantial deprivation.

In introducing the Social Welfare (Pay-Related Benefit) Bill, 1975, in the other House I stated that an analysis of the operation of pay-related benefit refuted absolutely the criticism that this system provided some form of serious disincentive to work. I pointed out then that the pay-related benefit scheme does not give the average unemployed man more than he could get if he were at work, but that it does keep his head above water for a reasonable time. It is the purpose of all income-maintenance payments to cushion a person to the fullest extent possible if he becomes unemployed or ill and this purpose is fulfilled by pay-related benefit under the present social insurance code.

Senators will agree that the progressive development of our social welfare services demands a continual process of review and, where necessary, of reform and change. We have, in three years, brought about a really major advance in social welfare provision and have established a new basic level of provision which cannot be reversed. Further improvements and structural changes in the system are being worked on in the Department of Social Welfare at present in active pursuit of the policy of the Government.

The continuing review of the system has led, in this year's budget, to a change in the arrangements relating to the range of benefits available to unemployed persons and section 12 of the Bill is designed to facilitate the making of regulations to implement this change by restricting the total amount of the benefit payable to a wholly unemployed person to 85 per cent of net current earnings.

This decision arises from a detailed study carried out by an inter-Departmental working group set up by the Government to investigate and assess the possible disincentive effects of benefits and concessions available to unemployed persons. The establishment of this working group followed a report prepared for me within the Department of Social Welfare on the working of the pay-related benefit system.

The study carried out by the working group was intended to look at the effects of the whole range of benefits and concessions which may be available to unemployed persons. These include—in addition to unemployment benefit, pay-related benefit and unemployment assistance which are the direct concern of my Department— the weekly redundancy payments scheme, tax rebates, relief from tax of social welfare contributions and, in certain cases, reduction of differential rent. If inequalities exist, if there are situations in which people can become caught in the "welfare trap" where an unemployed worker could suffer financially by seeking and accepting a reasonable job offer— then this can arise only through an interaction of a number of the available concessions. This was the general conclusion of the working group and one which gives rise to very serious implications.

The working group concluded that it is not possible to say whether, or to what extent, the levels of income available to the main groups of unemployed persons do act as disincentives to seek employment. Incentive and disincentive relate to personal attitudes as much as—and perhaps even more than—to money.

Research being carried out separately for my Department indicates clearly to me that unemployed men and women want to work and that there is little or no evidence that many unemployed persons see their situation as a tenable or lasting way of life, despite improved benefits. This is exactly what any reasonable person would expect.

The working group were of the view that the basic objective of the pay-related benefit scheme to which I have referred—to ensure that workers do not suffer a serious drop in disposable income on becoming unemployed—is being achieved even without the intervention of the other available scheme.

The study carried out revealed certain anomalies in the concurrent working of a number of schemes and the logical recommendation was made that there should be a rationalisation based upon the establishment of a unified wage-stop. This will now be introduced.

The new approach will be brought into effect by appropriate regulations which will be made shortly. In general, the procedure will be along the following lines. When a worker becomes unemployed, his or her average net weekly income prior to unemployment will be calculated on the basis of the income tax cessation certificate with appropriate deductions for tax and social insurance contributions. A figure equivalent to 85 per cent of this average will then become the wage-stop level.

The flat-rate unemployment benefit, pay-related benefit and redundancy weekly payments where applicable will be calculated in the normal way. Where the total of these payments exceeds the maximum permissible income the total amount payable will be reduced accordingly. Where, however, the person concerned is entitled only to flat-rate unemployment benefit no reduction in this amount would be made.

If the person concerned is entitled to a rebate of income tax an appropriate reduction in his total payments will, if this is necessary, be made to keep him within the maximum laid down. His position will have to be further reviewed on cessation of the tax rebates.

Subject to the other conditions provided for, the maximum weekly amount of benefit payable by way of flat-rate unemployment benefit, pay-related benefit and weekly redundancy payments to a person who is eligible for weekly redundancy payments, would then be £50.

The new approach will apply only to new claims received as and from an appointed day. It will do away with an anomaly which has arisen in a large part due to the operation of a number of relatively new schemes. It does not result from a widespread abuse and certainly does not represent a general level of benefits which is destroying the will and the incentive to find work. An adjustment is necessary and it is being made.

Much, indeed most, of the public criticism of the pay-related benefit system has been ill-informed, crude and confused. It has come in the main from persons and groups which have shown little or no concern for the poor or for the unemployed. I continue to be contemptuous of critics who have never faced, and who will never face, unemployment and its attendant stresses and strains. My job is to make provision for those who do face these personal hardships and it is my concern to ensure that they are given every reasonable help.

The purpose of pay-related benefit is to improve on the position under the old flat-rate system by relating both benefit and contributions to earnings to some degree and to provide rates of benefit which will better enable persons to maintain, during sickness and unemployment, a standard of living reasonably close to that to which they have been accustomed.

It is my opinion, based on an assessment of its working over a year and a half, that the pay-related benefit system has achieved that purpose.

The Bill contains one or two reform measures which have been designed to deal with gaps or anomalies in the existing legislation.

There is provision for the payment of a benefit, at a rate equal to the contributory widows' pension, to a widower whose wife immediately prior to her death had been in receipt of a retirement pension which included an increase in respect of him because he was wholly or mainly maintained by her because of his physical or mental infirmity. This will bring the retirement pension scheme into line with the contributory old age pension scheme.

Section 18 of the Bill deals with the payment of child dependant allowances to recipients of contributory widows' pension. At present these allowances are payable in respect of children who normally resided with the widow or the late husband prior to the date of the husband's death and also in respect of the children, grandchildren or step-children of the widow or of her late husband, or adopted children, who came to reside with the widow after her husband's death. The Bill provides for payment of allowances in respect of all qualified children normally residing with the widow regardless of the date on which they became normally resident with her. A similar provision is being made in respect of the scheme of non-contributory widows' pensions.

I come now to the question of the increase in the rates of social insurance contributions which cover all benefits of the social insurance system. The increase in the contribution this year must provide for the appropriate share of the increases in benefits and pensions provided for in the Bill and for the general improvements to be made in the social insurance scheme. It must also include an element for the part financing of the extension of the unemployment benefit scheme for a further three months to which I have already referred.

Provision must also be made for the increases in contributions arising from the decision announced in the budget statement to transfer £8 million of charges from the Exchequer subsidy to the social insurance stamp as part of a phased reduction of the Exchequer contribution.

The overall increase in the case of contributions which count for all benefits involved is £1.53, of which the employer will pay £1.03 and the employee £0.50. Lesser increases will apply where the rates of contribution do not cover all social insurance benefits.

The Bill provides also for the continuation this year of the special increase of 31p made in the Social Welfare Act, 1975, to meet the financial implications of the abnormal unemployment situation.

The ordinary rates of contribution covering the social insurance services administered by my Department, including the increase of £1.53 and the special unemployment increase of 31p, will thus rise to £5.64 a week for men, of which the employer will pay £3.50 and the employee £2.14. For women the new ordinary rate will be £5.56, of which the employer will pay £3.48 and the employee £2.08.

The rates of voluntary contribution will be correspondingly raised to £1.10 a week at the low rate and £2.83 a week at the high rate. Section 15 of the Bill provides for an increase of 39p to £1.73 in the new rate of voluntary contribution introduced in the Social Welfare Act, 1975, to cover the situation of a certain category of insured persons affected by the abolition from April, 1974, of the remuneration limit for the insurability of non-manual workers. Contributions payable in respect of occupational injuries insurance are to be increased by 2p a week to 14p for a male employee, and 11p for a woman— all borne by the employer. All of these new rates of contribution will be effective from Monday, 5th April, 1976.

The budget this year was framed by the Government in the context of the very real difficulties arising from what is by far the worst economic crisis faced by the nations of Europe for 40 years. In the present economic circumstances the major objectives of the budget might well have been restricted to tackling economic problems and at the same time seeking to achieve a reasonable balance in the finances of the State, and such considerations have indeed been fundamental to the budget strategy of the Government.

But from the beginning of the budgetary exercise the Government had another priority goal. It was made clear before Christmas that, whatever the difficulties, the interests of the less well-off in the population would be protected in the provisions of the budget.

That pre-budget commitment was of the greatest importance and by making it the Government were concerned that it should be understood and accepted in the national community. What was at stake was the maintenance of the basic position of many thousands of men, women and children who are deprived because of age, illness, widowhood or unemployment.

It was accepted by the Government that in a time of recession there is a special community responsibility to ensure that the poor are not called on to bear burdens which can be, and must be, borne by those in more fortunate circumstances.

I recognise that the Bill now before the House reflects the impact of the current economic situation. However by far the most important consideration is that the progress made to date in improving the level of payments should be maintained. This has been done.

I am confident that the Bill will be welcomed by Seanad Éireann and I ask for expeditious consideration of it so that its provisions can come into operation next week.

This is the annual Social Welfare Bill implementing the budget decision which applies a 10 per cent increase across the board in regard to social welfare payments. That is the situation which we know since the budgetary speech of the Minister for Finance. I should like to inject into this debate some reality in regard to what exactly a 10 per cent increase means in the context of what we have at the moment. It can be reasonably described as hyper-inflation in the Republic of Ireland.

The Parliamentary Secretary says in his statement that between February, 1973, and November, 1975, there has been an increase of 52 per cent in the consumer price index, that is for only three-and-a-half years. That is the first note of reality. We are now talking about figures in estimating the real gain in social welfare advances or improvements. Figures mean very little but, unfortunately, figures and paper money are the tools and trade of conmanship. Basically what counts in regard to money in one's pocket is what one can buy. One gets the perspective of the social welfare increases into context when one looks at—on the Minister's own admission —a 52 per cent rise in the consumer price index over the past three-and-a-half years.

However, that was inflation. We had inflation between February, 1973, and November, 1975, inflation of the order of a 52 per cent increase in the consumer price index. What we are now witnessing in the early months of 1976 is not inflation but hyper-inflation and this is very much borne out by the latest figures which have come to hand and can be related to the 52 per cent increase in the consumer price index in the past three-and-a-half years to a situation where our price increase on present trends in 1976 will be of the order of 28 per cent. This is a situation which has been assessed by an independent survey and has been reported already. It has been positively estimated that for the three months to February of this year prices rose by 7.1 per cent. Projecting that forward into the rest of this year one is in the appalling prospect of a 28 per cent increase in the cost of living in this year alone. So, taken in conjunction with—on the Minister's admission—a 52 per cent increase over the past three-and-a-half years, we are now faced with a 28 per cent increase in this current year.

The Minister's answer to the social welfare provisions is to increase across the board various social welfare payments by 10 per cent. So there is a 10 per cent increase in 1976 related to a projected increase of 28 per cent in the cost of living in the current year. That is the reality. The reality is that the 10 per cent increase is not anywhere near dealing with the problem of hyper-inflation. At least in Britain, which has been rightly described as the lame duck economy of the European Economic Community, they have set about tackling inflation and Mr. Harold Wilson rightly said in one of his farewell comments that the thing of which he was proudest was the fact that he had achieved a national partnership in regard to tackling the question of incomes, inflation and so on and that in the past year-and-a-half he had succeeded in coming together with Mr. Jack Jones in getting the British people to adopt £6 a week flat increase across the board. This is the target that is currently in the process of implementation. It will restrain incomes and ensure that a positive effort will be made on the basis of partnership to deal with inflation by restraint in that area. Certainly Mr. Harold Wilson has succeeded. We do not have any evidence of success by our Government.

How could he have such a lame duck economy?

Seeking to deal with a lame duck economy situation. If Senator Higgins would listen to me——

An Leas-Chathaoirleach

This is not a debate on the economy generally. Would Senator Lenihan relate his remarks more closely to social welfare?

I was again about to quote the Parliamentary Secretary because on page 3——

I am delighted that the Senator is quoting from my speech but I would appreciate if he would quote it in context.

I wish to set my contribution in the context of what the Parliamentary Secretary did when he appealed to us to look at the social welfare provisions "in the overall context of national strategy". He asked us to have a discussion in depth of the proper social components of national strategy. Social welfare improvements are one of the components of national strategy and must be related to the overall effort to corral inflation. I referred to the fact that Mr. Harold Wilson of Britain was rightly proud of the fact that he had, through the acceptance of the £6 a week formula, made a positive contribution towards rescuing the lame duck economy of the United Kingdom.

We still have our lame duck waddling on in the course of successive failures to reach any agreement on the new wage pact. Fundamentally, what we are talking about on social welfare provisions is the reality of the payments that are being made. Payments will continue to be unreal, to be paper money payments, as long as the national strategy is geared towards a policy of unemployment and hyper-inflation. The success of the steps that have been taken to rescue the lame duck economy of our neighbouring island have been highlighted by a recent survey which puts consumer prices now in Ireland at 6 per cent ahead of Britain. Over a period of two to three years we ran side by side in inflation but we are now moving towards hyper-inflation by running ahead of them to the extent of 6 per cent at present.

This puts the 10 per cent paper increase into perspective in regard to our national strategy. At a hyper-inflation rate of 28 per cent at present we are giving paper increases of 10 per cent. The reality is that we are falling behind by 18 per cent in real payments to social welfare recipients. They are going to get 18 per cent less in purchasing power in their pockets compared with what they had last year because the consumer price index rose by 28 per cent and they have received a 10 per cent increase. That is the matter in perspective and in focus. That is the real social component in the national strategy.

There is no point in the Parliamentary Secretary here, or Senator Halligan last week, or the Tánaiste very recently, in public debate saying what improvements should be made, what developments should be carried out and the necessity for a new plan, a new approach. These men are members of the Government which has been in office for the past three years. They are not members of a debating society. They are concerned with Government and Government is about making decisions. It is not about talking out loud, producing blueprints, or uttering nice clichés as to what is required to further our economic and social development. They should be making decisions, not merely talking about what should be done. They are members of the Government who do not seem to realise they are in Government. They often complain that Fianna Fáil do not seem to realise that they are in Opposition. In the Parliamentary Secretary's script he says:

It is out of the question that we should allow our fellow-citizens who have in effect been betrayed by the inefficiency and unequal working of our economic system to suffer substantial deprivation.

Who has betrayed them? Who is responsible for the inefficiency and unequal working of our economic system?

The people who were in power for 36 years.

This happens to be March, 1976. The Parliamentary Secretary and the Government have been in power for the past three years. He is not in Opposition any more; he is part of the Government apparatus that has been directing and guiding our economy for the past three years. He is, therefore, responsible for what he calls, in his own words, the betrayal by the inefficiency and unequal working of our economic system. He is responsible for the substantial deprivation that has resulted from the inefficiency and unequal working of our economic system. All that can mean, if words mean anything, is that there has been hyper-inflation and massive unemployment over the past three years. I do not know who has betrayed our fellow-citizens; I do not know who is responsible for the inefficiency and unequal working of our economic system; I do not know who is responsible for the substantial deprivation of which the Parliamentary Secretary speaks unless it is the people who have been in charge of our economy for the past three years. Surely it is legitimate to suggest that the sooner the members of the Government and, in particular the Labour members of the Government, get off the tight-rope of dialectical debate and get down to the brass tacks of assuming responsibility and getting on with the job of dealing with the root cause of the deprivation which many of our citizens are feeling at present. The root cause has been to allow inflation to drift into hyper-inflation and to allow unemployment to continue so that now we have a unique situation in Ireland.

We have got the combination of hyper-inflation and high unemployment. The Ministers for Social Welfare and Finance see no way out of this. That is the basic social component of national strategy to use the Minister's own words. The basic social component of national strategy must be to kill inflation and to get people back to work on the basis of an expanding economy. In that way we can then afford far more than a 10 per cent paper increase in regard to social welfare payments. That is what Government is about in the context of the Irish situation at present. It is about getting the economy moving. Until we get the economy moving, we cannot really have the appropriate social components in a national strategy. The social component in a national strategy must be to give our people social welfare increases which have a reality in real purchasing power and are not just paper increases not even coping with the inflationary leap that is current. We do not want increases of 10 per cent on paper related to an increase in hyper-inflation of 28 per cent. We want some reality injected in to economic thinking. The reality of economic thinking today is to get down to brass tacks and have what Harold Wilson has achieved in Britain, have a national partnership in regard to all elements in society, give the required leadership that is needed to ensure that national partnership, to see that everybody in our society accepts restraint in the current year, to ensure that the Government get their priorities right in regard to capital investment and to ensure that employment is the priority and not cater for unemployment. The Government should get their priorities right to ensure above all else that we can do this through positive Government planning. I have referred to three Labour Party members already and I am going to refer to a fourth, the Minister for Labour. The other three, Deputy Corish, Deputy Cluskey, and Senator Halligan, have engaged in dialectical Marxist-type exercises about new dimensions of planning and so on as if they were at a schoolboy debating society. The other gentleman, the Minister for Labour, has lately taken to berating the EEC. That is his particular contribution to his non-event as Minister for Labour. There is no point in blaming the EEC. We are substantial beneficiaries from the EEC. The EEC are practically subsidising in toto the AnCO retraining programme which is the most positive programme being undertaken at present in regard to retraining and adapting workers in a period of unemployment. Were if not for the EEC at present, AnCO could close down.

But it is not the contribution in toto.

I am talking about cost/benefit analysis and effectiveness in regard to the retraining programme which will ensure that our workers and our young people, in particular— 52,000 of our young people leave post-primary education every year—adapt to society in job earning functions. AnCO would not be effective at all were it not for EEC funds, channelled out of the social action programme fund. It is futile for the Minister for Labour to again discuss the inadequacy of EEC help when he can double that programme out of national resources. There is nothing whatever to inhibit or prohibit the Government from doubling the fund towards AnCO, to quote one example. Again, of course, that would be a positive policy for employment, whereas the priorities are wrong in that the only positive policy appears to be one of catering for unemployment. Of course, that has to be done. I am not objecting to the fact that there are increases in the Social Welfare Bill because once you have created a problem you have to mitigate the problem as best you can. But this is Government by reaction, not Government by action. Government by reaction is seeking to uphold an edifice that is in the course of collapsing by reason of the Government's own action in regard to inflation and unemployment. Fair enough. They are doing what they can in giving a 10 per cent increase. That is all they can afford. But there is not the same dedication towards getting the capital programme right. There is not the same dedication towards getting private house building going, in providing the infrastructure of water and sewerage required to sustain the building industry. There is not the same energy about getting people back to work. There is not the same energy about the social action programme of retraining which as I say, would be on the floor were it not for EEC aid. There is not the same urgency about the fundamental social components in national strategy, to quote the Minister for Social Welfare. I regard the social components of our national strategy in a different light from the view being adopted by the Government. I regard the most fundamental social component in our national strategy as full employment. I am an old-fashioned socialist in that respect. I regard full employment as the basic objective of social philosophy and the basic social component of any political or economic philosophy. I would regard that as the number one target and number one social component in any national strategy.

Priority number two is to cater for the inadequacy of dealing with the main social component, which is the provision of full employment. The inadequacy of dealing with that social component, priority number one, is reflected here in the need to have provisions in this Bill to cater for massive unemployment. It is a very necessary Bill, one that we support, but one, in my assessment of the social priorities, which must come second to the basic social objective of full employment. Because of the total inadequacy in dealing on the one hand with employment and on the other hand the positive encouragement towards hyper-inflation, on which we are now engaged, we have a Bill which is inadequate in the extreme to deal with the problem created by the inadequate order of priorities assessed by the Government. We have a Bill which, in real terms, gives a 10 per cent increase to cater for a 28 per cent increase in the current cost of living in 1976. That is the nub of the issue. The combination of policies of inflation and unemployment, the creation of stagnant inflation and hyper-inflation has resulted in Ireland currently running ahead of Britain by 6 per cent in regard to inflation, currently in 1976 working towards, unfortunately, a 28 per cent increase and a 10 per cent increase is given of a paper category, or character, to deal with the real decrease in the value of money which we are suffering from. It is rather tragic that all this is taking place while the other countries with whom we trade are pulling out of their inflation. That is why I use the word "hyper-inflation", because hyper-inflation is inflation upon inflation. The United States of America, Germany, even the lame duck economy of Britain, are now pulling out of the inflationary trauma of last year. We are not and because we are not, we are going to be left with inflation while the other economies with whom we trade are reflating. The United States of America, Canada, Germany, all the countries in the EEC with whom we trade, including Great Britain, will at the end of this year be reflating their economies because they will have tackled inflation. We will be caught up in the tailrace of their reflation. So we will have hyper-inflation on hyper-inflation on present trends. It is very sad. That is the basic social component in viewing this Social Welfare Bill in perspective. That is the perspective in which we can view dispassionately the 10 per cent paper increase in social welfare benefits.

I should like to raise the problem which faces us in that apparently the Parliamentary Secretary for Social Welfare has been unable to remain here. We are always glad to see the present Parliamentary Secretary here. It seems quite futile to continue with this debate under these circumstances. I have never before known it to happen that during the opening speech of the Opposition the Minister, or Parliamentary Secretary, was unable to remain. I have no doubt that there is some reason why he is unable to be here, but I do suggest that if this is so, we should adjourn.

He should be back in a few minutes. There is a reason.

I will be brief. First of all, it is obvious from Senator Lenihan's remarks that he has deliberately omitted the reference in the Parliamentary Secretary's speech in which a guarantee has been given that the recipients of social welfare will be protected against the erosion of purchasing power, if there is any erosion. It is therefore wrong just to put the 10 per cent increase against what he calls the projected cost of living increase of 28 per cent for the coming year. Two of the trade marks of this Government's activity in the social welfare field since they came into office in 1973 have been, first, in raising what was a deplorable level of social welfare benefits to what is only a just and equitable level, and secondly bringing within the social welfare ambit many categories of people who had been omitted.

One can, if one so wishes, always dispute figures. But we must accept, on the basis of the figures that have been given, that between July, 1973, and April, 1976, growth in personal rates on the social insurance scheme have risen between 89 per cent and 110 per cent, with child dependant rates going up between 130 per cent and 160 per cent. The growth in maximum personal assistance rates has been between 96 per cent and 122 per cent, with the child dependant rates going up by between 139 per cent and 180 per cent. These are real increases when seen in the context of the cost of living. Our consumer price index increase between February, 1973, and November, 1975, was 52 per cent. Even if we allow an increase for this year, there will be a very substantial real gain by the recipients under the social welfare scheme.

The Government have, in their budget statement, guaranteed that the recipients of social welfare will be protected against any erosion of the purchasing power. This is to be complimented. When this change was made in October, 1975, it was the first time this had ever been done by any Government. It was to be welcomed. Far too often in the past we had seen any increase given in the first part of the year eroded by the end of that same year. That will not happen under this Government.

The Parliamentary Secretary, in a discussion on this Bill, wants us to get away from the old traditional attitude that this was, again, the annual Social Welfare Bill which provided certain increases in benefits and increases in social insurance contributions to meet those increased benefits. He is conscious of an attitude which, unfortunately, and, I think, rather disgracefully, is growing in this country of criticising the social welfare system and, particularly, the unemployed people who are benefiting under the social welfare scheme.

The social welfare scheme embraces almost 900,000 people. It covers a much larger field than one is sometimes led to believe. It covers the old, widows, orphans, the sick and the unfortunate unemployed. The fact that the figure is at 900.000 is a credit to this Government, because only for their bringing into the social welfare ambit certain categories in the past three years, the same number of people would not be benefiting through our social welfare schemes. The criticism which I detect growing is particularly aimed at the unemployed. We have to be very careful to see where this criticism is coming from and identify its source to see if it is justifiable. It is a criticism which is aimed and directed in a rather subtle way. I have no doubt that it is coming from people who themselves may never face the prospect of unemployment, who may never have it come to their own doorstep. People who, in addition to never facing the prospect of unemployment, may have a certain hankering for a return to the old days when the employee was regarded as a sort of hewer of wood and drawer of water, to be picked up and disposed of at a whim. We want to advance from this stage to a stage where every citizen of this State is regarded in an equal and just way. Allied to the criticism of the unemployed has been a sort of advocacy that they should be put to work, whether they are put to work in so-called community schemes, or other schemes. We have to be careful about this. The unemployed have paid, perhaps for two-thirds of their lives, insurance contributions as a security against the rainy day which, unfortunately, I would think comes to every employee at least once in his lifetime. Whatever these community schemes are called, there is attached to them—and this is the experience in any country which has started these schemes—a stigma. It will be the stigma that these are people who are on the dole and, therefore, they are dole workers. The only thing we would be short of in that instance would be perhaps to give them a striped uniform, because there would be a certain identity attached to those unfortunate people. A stigma will be attached to them which I certainly would not like to see imposed upon them.

There are also practical difficulties in the administration of such schemes. I could foresee a situation where a community work scheme could be operated in some areas of the country but which it would not be feasible to operate in other areas. There would, therefore, be discrimination. Why should some people who are unemployed have to go out and work while other people, because there are no community schemes available, not have to do so? The trade unions would possibly also have reservations on this whole matter.

In this regard, the Parliamentary Secretary has always been quick off the mark to refute such an attitude about the unemployed. Trade unions should now come into the picture. There is an obligation on trade unions to voice their objections to such projected schemes. There is a far more dangerous element in the advocacy of such work for the unemployed. I see in it a bias against certain categories of people and it contains very dangerous implications. There are enough rifts and divisions in this country without causing further ones.

I do not want to delay any more. Speakers coming after me will refute anything that has been said by Senator Lenihan. This Government have got their policy right in regard to social welfare. It has been made clear by them over the past number of years that, no matter what difficulties come along on the economic front, the people less well able to look after themselves will be protected by this Government. That is a highly desirable action by any Government in any country at any time and it is very creditable, particularly in times of economic recession abroad. I want to conclude on this point. In both Houses on previous occasions Opposition speakers have far too often tried to create the impression that what has been happening as regards inflation over the last three or four years is peculiar to this country and this country alone. Anybody who reads the daily papers, or listens to the news, knows that is not the situation.

When this budget was framed it appeared we had got inflation rates of last year's 20 per cent plus on a reducing level. That is still the hope of this Government. The Government are taking measures in their budgetary provisions to try and ensure that nothing inflationary is done. If by any chance the 10 per cent provided in the budget for social welfare recipients does not meet any erosion in purchasing power which they suffer in the remaining nine months of this year, the Government will take active and quick steps to ensure that that erosion is counterbalanced.

We on this side of the House, as Senator Lenihan has already said, welcome this Bill as a Bill which does a little, if not very much, to improve the conditions of those on social welfare. Unfortunately, while we welcome it—I have no desire whatever to hold it up—one must point out that it in no way does anything to raise the standards of social welfare payments, pensions and so on, and, in fact, the likelihood is that during the year it will prove entirely inadequate in the face of the rate of inflation that we have had.

Senator Lenihan pointed out that an independent survey had said that in the three months ended last February, 1976, there had been a 7.1 per cent rise in living costs in this country. It is a rather strange thing, incidentally, that we had to rely on an independent survey. The official cost of living index which was taken up on the 15th February last should have been published long since for the three months ending February. It is difficult to know why it has not been, but it has not been, and one has to rely apparently on these independent private surveys. In fact, the rise in the first three months of this year was probably greater than this, because after the budget and the consequent price increases caused by it, we had on 1st March the very heavy increase in VAT, the rise in the cost of CIE fares and so on. It is likely that in the first three months of the year the cost of living has been rising at a rate of somewhere around 8 or even 9 per cent, which would mean over 30 per cent if spread over a whole year. Fortunately, I think we can be reasonably certain that the cost of living will not continue to rise at this rate in this year. How far it will rise it is impossible at this stage to say, but I would think that perhaps the ICTU estimate that there will be a 20 per cent rise in prices this year may not be too far off the mark. Going on the ICTU estimate of a 20 per cent rise in the cost of living this year in the 12 months ending next December, the 10 per cent increase given in this Bill is clearly entirely inadequate. It is a tragedy that after three years of this Government, with all the boasting that is going on about improvements in social welfare and so on we have now reached the stage as a result of Government incompetence that the social welfare beneficiaries are going backwards rather than forwards.

I know the Parliamentary Secretary has said that when the cost of living has shown an increase of beyond the 10 per cent mark a further increase would be allowed. One wonders, indeed, as one so often does with this Government, which bit of the Government at any one time is speaking for the Government and which is not. We have had from the Minister for Finance on a number of occasions during and since the budget debates the statement that there can be no additional expenditure in this year's budget and that any further expenditure will mean further taxation. There is, of course, no sum anywhere in the budget for any further increases. What the Parliamentary Secretary in effect is telling us is that not that there may be, but that there will be a supplementary budget in the autumn and that there will be further taxation. This is the prospect that he holds out for the taxpayers, the employed and the unemployed, that there will be further taxation in the autumn, not as a possibility but as a definite statement, because we all know that there simply could not be a price rise of as low as 10 per cent in this year. It is going to be well beyond it, and, as I say, the ICTU suggest 20 per cent, which I would think is not too far out.

There is going to be, in other words, a further budget, according to the Parliamentary Secretary, and further taxation. This is because the Government failed to incorporate in the first budget of this year an adequate amount in order to ensure that, even though there might be no improvement in our condition, at least the social welfare beneficiaries would not fall back in this year. Enough money was not provided in the budget to ensure that during the year they would be able to hold their existing position.

The Parliamentary Secretary, as he often does, boasted to us of the increased spending in the past three years on social welfare. As far as that is concerned, we in Fianna Fáil are entirely in favour of such increased spending. We are happy that it has taken place, but the tragedy has been —which has had disastrous consequences for the country—that having spent this money, no adequate provision was made to meet this expenditure by the Government. The result of this, not merely in the field of social welfare but many other fields, was that you have this year a planned deficit, a current deficit in the budget of £327 million. One wonders—it is a rather useless activity—what could have been done with that £300 million to provide employment. If the budget had been balanced, or even an approximation of balance had been reached, instead of the spendthrift progress of the last few years, that £327 million would have been available to take people off the unemployment register, to improve the economy of the country in every possible way, to make much of this social welfare expenditure unnecessary. We have had in recent days the necessity of the Government to raise an enormous loan from the EEC, a loan which does not even go half way to meeting the current deficit, a loan which comes with conditions that have been accepted by the Government, which will prevent them from continuing to expend at the rate that they have been expending. Indeed, allied to this we have had the statement from the Minister for Finance in the budget that this enormous £327 million current deficit is to be eliminated over three years. I am sure the Parliamentary Secretary is better aware than I am of the consequences of this. It is going to mean that over the next three years—and indeed it may extend to five or ten years—it is going to be difficult to give any further increases in social welfare benefits. It may be very difficult to prevent still further slipping back, as will happen this year.

We have the situation, as a result of this enormous deficit financing which has been going on, where the Taoiseach has pointed out that a great part of the enormous unemployment we are experiencing at present is due to excessive spending by the Government. The Taoiseach has made this clear. He pointed out that since this Government came into office, Government spending has increased from 42 per cent of the national income to 58 per cent. The Taoiseach has admitted that this is a sort of albatross hanging round the necks of the people. It has had disastrous effects on the economy in bringing about the enormous number of unemployed and, in particular, in bringing about the runaway inflation we suffer from at present.

Senator Markey repeated the proposition which is so often put forward on behalf of the Government: "Why should the Government be blamed for inflation, does it not exist everywhere?" It does but it is a great deal lower everywhere else in Europe than it is here. Not only is it lower and has been consistently lower but it is falling very rapidly. Nearly all the countries of Western Europe, including Great Britain, will see very rapid falls this year in their rate of inflation. Only in Ireland is it likely to be, if not as great as last year, at any rate only marginally less. Even England, the sick man of Europe, apparently may well succeed in getting inflation this year into single figures. Certainly, it is likely that their rate of inflation by the end of this year will be not much more than half our rate. Even Greece, which had really runaway inflation two years ago, up to 30 per cent, an enormous figure, expects to have a rate of inflation this year of 10 per cent. In Ireland, however, inflation is not falling, and during the first three months of this year is rising perhaps more rapidly than ever before. Even if there is an improvement in the rest of the year, which one certainly hopes there will be, inflation will be worse in Ireland than in any other part of Western Europe, except perhaps Italy—I am not sure what the position will be there and they are not necessarily an example that we should follow.

One of the sections of this Bill puts an extra £1.53p per week on the insurance stamp. This is not, of course, merely to cover the cost of increasing rates in this Bill. There is, in addition, £8 million profit for the State. It is an extension of the budget. It is a further £8 million in taxation which is imposed on the workers and employers and they pass it on to other workers—£8 million more than is needed to pay for the benefits contained in the Bill. The cost on industry, leaving aside services and so on, will be in the region of £20 million. I would be interested to hear from the Parliamentary Secretary what estimates have been made in his Department with regard to the unemployment that this additional impost will create.

The Parliamentary Secretary will remember that the Minister for Labour, when discussing the matter of equal pay and the £6 million which this would cost Irish industry, claimed that this sum would create 10,000 unemployed. In the light of that, how many unemployed does the Parliamentary Secretary estimate will result from this impost of £20 million, including £8 million which is merely thrown into the general budget as an additional form of taxation? I take it that estimates have been made. I should like to know what they are.

The Parliamentary Secretary concluded with a paragraph which states:

I recognise that the Bill now before the House reflects the impact of the current economic situation. However, by far the most important consideration is that the progress made to date in improving the level of payments should be maintained. This has been done.

This has not been done. As I pointed out, the level of payments has not been maintained. The money amount has been increased but the beneficiaries under the various social welfare schemes would be far better off this year if the Government had dealt with inflation, if they had eliminated inflation, as they promised to do before they took office. The beneficiaries would be far better off without inflation and without this Bill. The effects of this year's rate of inflation and this Bill, taken together, mean a decrease in the real value of all these payments under the Bill of some 10 per cent, except in the event, as the Parliamentary Secretary suggests, of a supplementary budget later in the year, which will have a further catastrophic effect on the general economy. How anyone can suggest that in present economic conditions, with the amount of taxation imposed in the recent budget, a further budget and further taxation could be tolerated by the economy is beyond imagination.

The danger is that, because of the financial irresponsibility of the Government, for years to come no real further improvement will be possible until the financial chaos created by the Government has been ended. The Minister for Finance said that the threat of eliminating £300 million deficit over three years will involve, if carried out, not merely no further increases—such as are in the Bill—but very heavy spending cuts.

We welcome the Bill but we regret that, due to circumstances, not an act of God as the Parliamentary Secretary seems to suggest, but Government incompetence and irresponsibility in the financial field, the Bill is not an advance; a moderate retreat is the only way of describing it.

I want to advert to the necessity for the expeditious passage of the Bill so that it may become law next week. My reason for that is that it affects the most vulnerable section of our community. Therefore, my remarks on the Bill before the House will be brief.

Firstly, having listened to the two Fianna Fáil speakers I suffer from some confusion on a number of points. On the one hand, their suggestion appears to be that the Government, by introducing in one section the social insurance stamp, will impose a cost of £20 million. That will have an effect on employment. I am at a loss to understand whether the Fianna Fáil Party are in favour of deficit budgeting or not. The question which arises is a simple one. If the Government did not borrow now, what would be the level of unemployment? Given the level of unemployment which would arise from not borrowing what then would the social welfare commitment be?

The Taoiseach says that unemployment has caused all this borrowing. I am quoting the Taoiseach.

In relation to this notion of deficit budgeting I want to raise another point which is closely related. I express confusion as to whether that party stand in favour of deficit budgeting or not. They want to quote different members of the Coalition Government. It would not cost me very much effort to quote several leading members of the opposite party, some of whom announced themselves as old-fashioned socialists and others who in the same week denounced the socialist element within the Government. Let us be clear as to where confusion lies.

On the subject of deficit budgeting the statement has been made that the books should have been balanced. Have the people who made such statements—apart from consultation with their colleagues who apparently want everybody to work—worked out the implications, given existing financial structures, of balancing the books? Who would it have benefited? Let us be clear on this. I do not think the Parliamentary Secretary and I are under any belief that unemployment, bringing the necessity for social welfare, is an act of God. We have never attributed the fluctuation in the economy to divine acts. This debate has been broadened into an attack on economic and social planning.

Who has planned?

Yes, indeed——

Who has planned?

Three separate quotations were made by Senator Lenihan. He spoke about the call for economic and social planning by the Tánaiste. He spoke about the call for economic planning by Senator Halligan. He suggested that what was required was not planning but action.

Here again we have a confusion. A party unsure as to whether they are in favour in the short term of deficit budgeting or balancing the books, with its related unemployment defects, its related social welfare payments defects, are also unsure as to what their attitude should be towards social and economic planning.

I make another point for the record of this House. The first economic programme of 1958 to 1963 made no reference to the social component of economic planning. The second economic programme—both are programmes, not plans—had a few flimsy columns which related to the social component of economic programming. The second programme was abandoned, including the few flimsy paragraphs which made reference to social need. There was a long period available to people in both Houses of the Oireachtas, to make a call for economic and social planning. I would argue that if this endeavour had been begun and if people had wanted to relate the resources of this State, human, material and entrepreneurial together in such a way as to create a structure which would have employed all of our people, they had plenty of time to do it. But it was they who believed the economy operated on divine principles. It was they who invoked the principle that when there was economic growth it came out of some great space.

There is a consistency between what I have heard this morning and what is available on the records of both Houses. I pay tribute to the two speakers on the opposite side for that. They believe that social welfare payments should be paid out of a residue. I chose my words very carefully. The statement was made in the other House. One speaker spoke about the upsetting country we had created for the poor people. What have the present Government done?

What is the quotation?

Column 1892, Volume 288, No. 12 of the Dáil Official Report:

They have taken the joy out of motoring. They have taken the joy out of the pint of stout to the point where now the publican is going on short-time, and many of his staff are working shorter hours.

I suggest that the Opposition would have established their social welfare policy on a society that wanted to retain joy in motoring, joy in the consumption of alcohol. They would have said to the social welfare recipient, "When something is left over we will spread it around as best we can." That is what they did all the years they were in power. They are confused as to whether you believe in deficit spending or not, confused as to whether they believe in economic planning or not. I put to them that they are unwilling to transfer resources from one consuming category in the population to another consuming category of the population. I would expect a curtailment in my type and range and level of consumer expenditure to assure the consumer expenditure of those within the need categories of social welfare recipients.

Are the Opposition in favour of indexation? There seems to be an argument between two kinds of statistical interpretation. On the one hand it has been said in the introductory speech to this Stage of the Bill that there has been a real increase in actual expenditure in social welfare payments. On the other hand Senator Lenihan suggested there was a shortfall of 18 per cent between projected increase in the consumer price index of 28 per cent and the suggested increase in payments of 10 per cent. Does this mean that all of the time the previous Government were in power they believed in their hearts that social welfare payments should not be paid from a residue but should have been attached to the cost of living index?

We kept it well ahead.

I beg the Senator's pardon.

We kept it well ahead.

Excuse me. When I speak of indexation I mean of the cost of living. The previous Government by no means achieved that.

Not in this Bill.

What is in this Bill is an attempt——

It would be better to keep to the content of the Bill as you see it.

Yes. As I see it there is a difference of 18 per cent in the gap between 28 per cent and 10 per cent. This problem of indexation is a most important one. I am repeating the phrase made at the beginning: the social policy component of plan. If you believe in index-action what you do is this: you add an immediate short-term measure; you uphold the social welfare payments not only to their purchasing power but also to the general standard of living.

I see what happened in the last three years in the real increase in real expenditure and social welfare payments as going part of the way of relieving social distress. I see it also as having another character, as being to some extent an attempt to create in the insurable population a philosophy which would accept responsibility for the weaker sections. Therefore, we would not only to some extent keep up with our expenditure but we would gradually begin to create an atmosphere where people would give more towards the weaker sections from those who are generating revenue.

I am under no illusion as to what is possible. A social welfare policy that represents a dynamism in payments, more expenditure, more humane treatment of people is needed. There are four components in the present Bill. The Bill is to give a 10 per cent increase in difficult times to people who need it. It is to extend the maximum period of unemployment benefit. It is to increase the rate of social insurance contributions to take up the cost of unemployment. It is to have some specific social policy component. It does not come well from those who did not go back far to make criticisms against these real gains. The Parliamentary Secretary has said on a number of occasions that he is willing to review the increase of 10 per cent. To some extent this takes account of the gap of 18 per cent between the figure of 28 per cent used and the figure of 10 per cent provided in the present measure.

Nobody should be apologetic about such a review. The 28 per cent which has been given, is, to my mind, excessive. We may well have a figure less than 28 per cent and we may have a lesser gap to make up. If that gap is to be made up and if we need to improve the condition of those who are receiving social welfare, certainly the Parliamentary Secretary should not be apologetic as to the source of such relief. In so far as reference has been made to it, what could be done in the present times to ensure that there is a social policy component to the state of the economy at any one time? This is the opportunity seized in the other House again this morning. It is a wonderful opportunity to debate what the poor Parliamentary Secretary can do given that the country is in the tremendous economic mess it is.

At present capital works programmes exist which could be designed by local authorities, important infrastructural works. They are more imaginatively designed than ever for the very simple reason that the cost of implementing them has been transferred to central funds by a figure of almost 50 per cent. Those in charge of designing such schemes have been able to be imaginative. It is true that the figure of unemployment is at an all-time high. It is true of the commercial banks that the surplus over savings on deposit is much more now and more than it ever was before. What is missing in putting the three of those together? Reform of the financial institutions, moving dynamically towards financial planning itself, and interfering with the relationship of, for example, central banking to commercial banking and to adequate planning.

I would welcome if a Senator on the other side said "We are in favour of that," because all the time their banking policy was based on profit to the commercial banks. The commercial banks amassed huge reserves during all those years of alternative Government. If there is this great will to put our people to work, let the young people of the community not be disillusioned by having to be unemployed, what imaginative idealism. Is there a commitment to interfere sufficiently with the private banking sector to invest those surplus funds? For many of us who are in that derided section of the present Coalition arrangement, who are on the left wing of it, which part of it speaks, people like myself, it would help out immensely to know that the party which is the bigger party, is in favour of this new equation, the equation that will put the surplus capital, the capital programmes themselves, and the workers to work by saying that they will attack the banking system. To make such a call, the call to put workers to work, without having the political will to interfere and make the economic and financial arrangements, is to indulge in rhetoric.

The Parliamentary Secretary in his speech said that it is out of the question that we should allow our fellow citizens, who have in effect been betrayed by the inefficiency and unequal working of our economic system, to suffer substantial deprivation. That is a good and correct statement. What I have just said about the surplus of labour available, the surplus of savings as related to speculative investment outcome, the availability of capital programmes, the non-fit of these three together to create jobs in this country, is exactly what we mean by economic inefficiency. What economic efficiency would there be if all of these resource elements were put together, creating employment and thereby relieving a strain on social welfare payments.

We have spent a great deal of time in this House discussing the corporation profits tax and we are to spend more time on it. I wonder when I read the debates of both of these Houses how much time is devoted to considering the condition of the poor people and the condition of another minority, the minority who have done well since the foundation of the State in that they have accrued their profits. If this economy is to be regenerated, it should not be regenerated on the principles which allowed that minority their wealth. I see in the Bills which are before this House an instrument to make sure that even their most minimal social obligations are met by that small minority who are able to evade taxes systematically and carefully and who recruited the best brains in the country to enable them to do so, systematically, carefully and well over a long period.

The other section which I particularly commend is that referred to as the attackers by the Parliamentary Secretary, those who have attacked the recipients of social welfare. I am a member of two local authorities, Galway Borough Council and Galway County Council. On both, members of the party represented in this House have put down motions criticising dole recipients, in an ill-informed way indeed, in the elementary distinction between for example, unemployment benefit and unemployment assistance, not to speak of that between abuses in urban areas and abuses in rural areas; general in their stigma, general in their criticisms, general in their abuse; not a bit specific in all of their public life. The Parliamentary Secretary says that for some it has been a brief public life and I hope it will be a brief public life. They have not made any commitment to employment. The Minister said in his speech that much of the public criticism of the pay-related benefit system has been ill-informed, crude and confused and has come in the main, from persons and groups which have shown little or no concern for the poor or the unemployed. He continues to be contemptuous of critics who have never faced and who will never face unemployment and its attendant stresses and strains. His job is to make provision for those who face these personal hardships and it is my concern to ensure that they are given every reasonable help. These people must be stopped now from this kind of criticism. In stopping them, may I say what is at stake?

In a time of economic insecurity, certain kinds of forces always rise to the fore, such as the notion that a few people are carrying the burden of some kind of general laziness, the notion that somehow or another the 900,000 recipients—and of those only a proportion are receiving specific employment benefit—are somehow remiss or lazy. What about the people who, without economic recession at all work for only a few hours a day or a year? The people referred to are people who worked for the most part with their hands and sometimes in semi-skilled occupation? The greatest incidence of unemployment is in the semi-skilled and unskilled category. They reported in the morning and went off in the evening. But there were people whose capital worked for them, who sat in their seats and worked for a few hours a year. They could afford to be unemployed, let me assure you, with great social benefits over a number of years, but they never were. When the economy regenerates itself I hope it is these people who will know these fine and important distinctions.

I wish to conclude by drawing attention to a few important points. The Minister in this necessary piece of legislation, which I hope will affect people next week, is once again making an attempt to relieve social distress. Social welfare legislation is aimed in the short term at relieving social distress. It cannot, of its nature, eliminate inequality. What can eliminate inequality is planning, and planning has been called for under the headings of economic planning and social and economic planning. I believe that the call for a social and economic plan is the more responsible one because it is only when you have established the social goals of your community that you can then use the economy as an instrument to achieve those social goals. We should have the fullest debate on those social goals, on the egalitarian society we want to create, on the structural changes we will make so as to ensure that the future resources of the community will not be used like the resources previously were to create huge imbalances between those who possessed and used wealth and those who had no wealth and were ground into poverty.

A social welfare Act cannot eliminate poverty: it can only reduce the effects of poverty, its worst manifestations. We must always draw these distinctions. Poverty, as I mentioned in another place, is a consequence of inequality and a society will only eliminate poverty when it has eliminated inequality. We can only eliminate inequality when we have a social plan which stresses egalitarianism, equal opportunity, and as a related economic plan which uses all the financial and fiscal abilities of the State, its individual and public talent for the achievement of social and general goals—communal goals rather than individual goals. I hope that when we have finished discussing the different taxation Bills and that when we are discussing the Finance Bill we will have an imaginative contribution from all sides of this House on how the business of planning will be set about. The difference in our plans will, I hope, give the major impetus to that debate. All we are doing this morning is improving the conditions of 900,000 people. We are not improving their condition to a great extent. We are improving the conditions of those to whom pay-related benefit has been extended for a brief period, people who have worked most of their lives and people who are being regularly uncritically subjected to abuse. People have said that what is needed at present is action. I agree that action is necessary.

I am not happy that the parameters within which the Parliamentary Secretary or the Minister for Social Welfare has to operate are narrow. Those parameters are not narrow because our inflation rate is worse than international standards. The parameters are narrow because we, the people, have a stranglehold on him. Philosophically we have shown ourselves stranded on the rock of individual aggression rather than inspired by the social commitments and social communal responsibility. That individual aggression has had its manifestation in the tremendous range of poverty which this present Government inherited, with one child in five deprived and an income of under £800 in one household in four. This commitment to individual values as opposed to communal values, this notion that we could not have social and economic planning to achieve social aims—it was this and the lack of planning which narrowed the Minister's focus. I hope that shortly I shall have the opportunity to welcome him back when, after a debate on the Finance Bills, when Senator Lenihan has given more consideration to the description of himself as an old-fashioned socialist believing in full employment, when he has told us how he proposes to achieve this by my suggested recombination of the resources of this nation for social purposes rather than for individual private greed, then when everybody is in agreement on those aims the Parliamentary Secretary will be coming in, not doling out, as Governments did over the years from the crumbs of the rich man's table, but will be creating a context in which people will, by accident, need social welfare payments.

So, it is only, therefore, not as a replacement or a substitute for an erosion of inequality and thereby poverty but as a necessary and very immediate and urgent step required to relieve people whom he wants to assist next week that I welcome the Parliamentary Secretary's Bill and I support it. I hope that he has the opportunity of coming in with more imaginative restructural proposals when we have managed to convince the greedy individuals in our society to have more responsible communal values.

It has been rather a brief debate on the Second Stage but despite its brevity it has been a very far-ranging and constructive debate. The contributions from Senators Lenihan and Yeats, following so close on one another, will always stand out in my mind because after 11 years in this House and some years previously in politics at local level they strike me as two of the most politically dishonest and selective distortions I have heard in my time.

Senator Lenihan spoke about a 10 per cent increase this year and he related that to a passage in my speech which he took out of context which said that there was a 52 per cent increase in the cost of living from 1973 to 1976. He also claimed that 10 per cent in these circumstances was totally inadequate. When I mentioned a 52 per cent increase in the cost of living over three years I did it in the context that, so far as social welfare was concerned, at the lowest level there had been an increase of 96 per cent and at the highest level there had been an increase of 122 per cent. There is no doubt that under this Government recipients of social welfare have benefited quite considerably. But a more significant figure can be used to show that the policy of redistribution to the poorer sections of our society has been achieved in this area—not fully achieved, to my liking, but very considerable progress has been made. The figures that reveal truly and clearly that this redistribution has taken place are found when we look at the percentage of GNP devoted to social welfare. In 1973, under Fianna Fáil, the proportion of our GNP distributed in social welfare was 6½ per cent. We are now spending 11 per cent of our GNP on social welfare. This shows a clear distinction between our priorities in this field.

Senator Lenihan spoke of things which he convinced the Chair were relevant to the matter under discussion and since their relevance was accepted by the House, I think I should reply, rather briefly, to some of the comments he made. I have always accepted that social welfare cannot be taken in isolation; that the people who depend on social welfare payments have their lives, their standard of living, their opportunities for advancement, determined not by social welfare payments but by all the other aspects of our political policies that have a direct bearing on their lives and on their opportunities. Senator Lenihan spoke about some of these issues. I am inclined to agree with him to some extent but again, we had a sort of hesitant attempt at a smear campaign against the Tánaiste, the Leader of my party, against Senator Halligan, a Member of this House, in regard to a contribution which I made at another venue regarding national planning.

Senator Yeats also referred to national planning. Just to put the minds of people who have been probing around in this area at rest I should like to make it quite clear what my political philosophy is. I am a socialist, but I am not an undercover agent. I did not come in here pretending to be all kinds of everything, as Senator Lenihan and other members of his party did—and I shall elaborate on that. I stood as a socialist; I joined the Socialist Party when I was in my 'teens. I have been a member of that party since that time and I will continue to be a member of it; so, there is no need to fish around as to what I am or as to what the Leader of my party is as regards his political commitment. It is quite clear, unequivocal; we were elected to the Oireachtas as members of that party, advocating a socialist philosophy.

I have never seen a Labour Party pamphlet headed "Socialist Party" yet.

I would not be surprised if the Senator had never even seen a Labour Party pamphlet.

I have a fine collection of them.

When we talk about economic planning we do so because we are democrats and we believe, and it is in our party constitution, in parliamentary democracy. We know that in order to have our policy implemented it is necessary to win the support of the people as expressed through the ballot box and we will continue to advocate and recommend to the electorate the policies which we passionately believe are in the best interests of this nation and the people who dwell in it. We have no apologies to make in that respect. I hope that has cleared up the issue as to where we stand and what our political commitment is.

Senator Lenihan and Senator Yeats spoke about unemployment and inflation. The two are undoubtedly linked. We heard from Senator Lenihan that the number unemployed was the cause of all our difficulties. He and Senator Yeats related the unemployment situation to the policies pursued by this Government. As far as both Senators were concerned, unemployment, apparently, was unheard of in Ireland before 1973. I shall go back a little further—but not too much, just a matter of months—before this Government took office. Both Senators who spoke not only had the honour of being Members of this House but both of them also have the honour of representing this country in the European Parliament. One would reasonably be entitled to expect that they would be aware, indeed if not more aware than others, of the unemployment position in Europe. The figure of unemployed in the nine EEC countries is five million at present. I know that Senators Yeats and Lenihan would be most generous in attributing all sorts of influences to the National Coalition Government and the influence they can have on the general situation, but I doubt if even these good Senators would suggest for one moment that our influence could have that impact in Europe.

Senator Yeats spoke about the heavy borrowing——

Quoting the Taoiseach.

I am quoting the Senator in context. If my own speech, which was delivered only some minutes previously, was taken out of context when it was being quoted, then I will reserve judgment on that. I think the Senator referred to £300 million borrowings. Fianna Fáil, as I understand it, not only from the contributions here this morning but from contributions from other Fianna Fáil leading spokesmen, would have balanced the books and I think Senator Yeats said that this morning. It would have been a very interesting and very tidy bookkeeping exercise but I wonder would the Senator not agree, and would the House not agree, that in achieving this book-keeping exercise the level of unemployment here would have been very very substantially increased——

No, I said the £300 million could have been used to provide work.

With respect, I restrained myself when the Senator was speaking and it required some effort. I think it is only fair to say that.

I am sorry.

The policy pursued by this Government in this respect was to ensure that the greatest number of people possible in the general world-wide economic circumstances were kept in employment; and although I personally find the figures of unemployed frightening, I undoubtedly subscribe to the wisdom of the Government in engaging in borrowing to ensure that the maximum number of people are kept in employment.

Fianna Fáil, over the years, have always had one great advantage— they never had a policy on anything. The Senator was able to say— although I doubt it myself—that he read Labour Party literature, Labour Party leaflets. I can assure the Senator that I have never read a Fianna Fáil policy document on any aspect of our national affairs because, as far as I am aware and as far as the great Irish people are aware, none exists. None exists in the field of social welfare. This is one of the great difficulties that we have in getting a genuine discussion, a serious debate at national level on the whole area of social welfare because both this morning and yesterday in the other House, I referred there—and I will refer again here—to what the situation was in regard to unemployment, with regard to expenditure in social welfare directly related to that unemployment. We have approximately 116,000 unemployed now. Senator Lenihan asked why should we talk about it; why should we not do something about it as we were the responsible Government.

In January, 1973, two months before this Government came into office, the registered figure of unemployed people here was 76,000, and in February, 1973, a general election was declared and during the course of that general election unemployment was not a major issue. To me that is the greatest indictment of Fianna Fáil rule here for a period of 36 or 37 years, that they had lulled the people into accepting a level of 6 to 7 per cent unemployed—not during an economic crisis but during a time when they were in office and governing this country. I mentioned that there were five million unemployed at present in the nine member states of the EEC but if you look back to the '40s, the latter part of the '40s after the war, right through the '50s except for one brief period, right through the '60s and up into the '70s, when Fianna Fáil ruled this country, we had 6 and 7 per cent as an accepted level of unemployment when the rest of Europe had virtually no unemployed people. Not only did they do that, and preside over it and encourage and further the type of economic policy that led to it, but they had conditioned our people to accepting 6 or 7 per cent unemployed to such an extent that it was not even an issue in a general election that was held here in February, 1973. So I take with a grain of salt the kind of speeches I hear now from Fianna Fáil benches about the unemployed.

Unemployment is probably the greatest social evil that we have and God knows we have many of them. It is not possible to devise policies overnight to reverse the damage that Fianna Fáil have done, but it is possible to try to give these people who suffer and who are the victims of Fianna Fáil policy some dignity and some level of maintenance because they are the victims of the type of society that Fianna Fáil built.

How long do you want to be in office before you stop blaming your predecessors?

On social welfare, I heard from Deputy Lenihan and Deputy Yeats that 10 per cent was not adequate. I do not regard the levels that are paid under social welfare as adequate. I have stated factually that they have been greatly improved under this Administration. I and this Government would like to see them improved further and we will see them improved further.

But what I would like to know is, if Fianna Fáil are calling for an increase over the 10 per cent at this time, how they would achieve it in view of the following facts. They bitterly opposed the Wealth Tax and the change in the operation of the mining companies here that would make them provide some return to the National Exchequer; they have called publicly for a cut, ranging from £20 to £30 million in social welfare itself. They have criticised and, in fact, forced a division in the lower House, on the increase in the price of the stamp. In view of those facts, would they kindly tell me and the Irish people, how they would improve on the 10 per cent increase that is provided for under this Bill? I know it is an advantage to a political party who want to engage in political opportunism to have no written policy, no stated policy and blow with any little wind that arises in the country. I have noticed recently that we have this attempt by Fianna Fáil to be the champion of the better-off members of our society and to try to create an impression that they are being victimised, that all their hard work and dedication are being taken away and handed to a crowd of lay-abouts.

That is the type of criticism and political approach that they have engaged in in the area of social welfare. I would ask them to do only one thing. They are a big national party. They have reminded us on several occasions that they are the biggest national party in this country. Surely as such, it would not be requesting too much that in the field of social welfare which affects so many of the lives of our citizens they would state clearly what they want, how they would achieve it and what it would cost other members of the society to allow them to achieve it. That is a reasonable request to ask the largest political party in the country—to state, and let the Irish people know, just what they want in the field of social welfare. God knows I do not know what they want and I doubt very much that they know themselves what they want. What they want is to be able to hop on any little bandwagon of discontent that may arise.

I do not want to detain the House. There has been a lot achieved. It is undeniable. As Senator Michael Higgins said, social welfare alone will not cure the ills of our society. Social welfare payments can alleviate some of the misery and poverty in our society but it cannot eliminate it. We have to face up to the fact that if we want to eradicate this social evil, the people who are able to pay will have to pay to do it. We, as a national community, must ensure that that is done.

Question put and agreed to.
Agreed to take remaining Stages today.
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