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Seanad Éireann díospóireacht -
Wednesday, 17 May 1989

Vol. 122 No. 17

Finance Bill, 1989 [Certified Money Bill]: Second Stage.

Question proposed: "That the Bill be now read a Second Time."

I would like to take the opportunity, on my first visit to your refurbished Chamber to congratulate you on the lovely surroundings. I know the Office of Public Works must share the credit for the lovely result.

This Bill is an essential part of the process of implementing the Government's budget. It is designed to give statutory effect to the important taxation provisions which I announced on budget day as well as other significant changes in the tax area.

I am pleased to be able to circulate an up-to-date explanatory memorandum with the text of the Bill. The memorandum contains a detailed description of the individual provisions of the Bill, taking account of the amendments which were made in the course of its passage through the Dáil. I hope this will facilitate Senators in their deliberations on the Bill.

While the emphasis in our discussions today is on taxation matters, these can only be assessed in a meaningful way as part of the Government's overall budgetary and economic strategy. I would like to take this opportunity, therefore, to review for this House our recent budgetary and economic progress and the prospects as I see them at present. I will then move on to discuss the main provisions of the Bill.

The transformation which has taken place in the economy owes much to the improvement in the public finances which has been effected in the past three budgets. The budgetary difficulties had to be tackled head-on if we were to turn the economy onto the path of higher growth and increased jobs.

Exchequer borrowing has been cut from almost 13 per cent of GNP in 1986 to 5.3 per cent in this year's budget. All the indications are that we will, in fact, end the year below target for the third year in succession. This improvement has resulted in ever-growing confidence in the economy, both at home and abroad, low inflation, low interest rates and better competitiveness. These are vital ingredients for further progress.

Even more important than the actual budgetary results — dramatic though these are — is the acceptance by the business and financial community that there will be no drift back to the bad old ways of excessive spending and borrowing. The Programme for National Recovery and the National Development Plan, which together provide our strategy blueprint, make clear that borrowing will continue to be reduced. There is, in fact, no alternative to doing so, given the huge costs of servicing the overhang of borrowing and debt which soak up so much of our resources and limit our room for manoeuvre. In this context I might as well put on record that the national debt standing at £24.5 billion represents £7,000 for every man, woman and child in this country. The servicing of that debt represents £40 a week out of every taxpayer's pocket for those people at work.

A very significant component of Exchequer expenditure is, of course, public service pay. Members of the House will be aware that there have been recent significant developments on the public service pay front. I would like to refer briefly to them.

In my Budget Statement I expressed concern about the build-up of special increases in the public service and the resultant burden that was facing the Exchequer both immediately and in the short term. I announced my intention to invite the Irish Congress of Trade Unions to meet me to discuss the whole issue with a view to arriving at a mutually acceptable solution.

The meeting between Congress and myself took place on 8 March and after that Department officials met with Congress representatives on 10 occasions. These discussions resulted in a draft package designed to meet the situation.

The general effect of the package is that awards which have been around for some time and those which might come from claims that are well through the process will be paid on a phased basis over the period 1 July 1989 to 1 October 1990. Other claims will fall to be implemented on a phased basis over the period May 1991 to October 1992. The package also provides for a moratorium on the processing of further claims until 1991 and a commitment to co-operation in measures designed to enhance the efficiency and quality of the public services.

From the Government's point of view the package has the advantage that it restores order to the very difficult situation that was evolving. The effect is that the cost of these increases will now be spread over a number of years in a way which will facilitate the budgetary process in the years ahead.

From the staff side point of view the element of certainty which has been restored to the implementation of increases arising from the negotiating machinery, albeit on a phased basis, will be of considerable benefit and should result in a further period of industrial relations stability in the public service. I am hopeful that the package will be endorsed by the unions also.

As regards overall costs, I am confident that, under the package of measures negotiated, the 1989 provision for special pay increases will not be exceeded. The cost in 1990 and later years will depend on the outcome of cases which are still under negotiation or awaiting adjudication. However, I expect that the cost of special pay increases in 1990 will be broadly in line with their cost in 1989 and that the cost of public service pay up to end 1993 will be within the parameters underpinning the Government's National Development Plan.

The economic fundamentals are good and the achievements of the past two years are being consolidated. We are seeing an upswing in almost all the major indicators and the economy is set to grow rapidly this year. The pattern of development looks set to be rather different from, and more satisfactory than, that experienced earlier this decade. Whatever growth there was then came primarily from the external side, reflecting rapid growth in industrial exports. Domestic demand was weak. We are now seeing personal consumption, and investment in particular, growing strongly. These will provide the major impetus to economic progress in 1989. More importantly, the rising trend of investment provides a solid foundation for further sustainable output growth in the years ahead. Investment is the life blood of growth and jobs.

Let us look briefly at the key indicators. Retail sales rose by more than 2 per cent last year. Over January and February this year the volume of retail sales was about 8 per cent higher than in the comparable months of 1988. New car registrations were up by 35 per cent on 1988. I am confident that this year will see an expansion in the volume of personal consumption at least of the order I suggested at budget-time — 3 per cent — but probably more.

At budget-time I felt that investment in plant and machinery would rise by 8 per cent. The strength of imports of capital goods over recent months certainly suggests that this is attainable. This view is supported by the CII/ESRI Business Survey which shows that industrial capacity is running at high levels.

At the same time, an important turnaround is taking place in building and construction. New private house starts in the first two months of 1989 were 26 per cent higher than last year. Employment in the building industry has begun to turn around. In the first quarter of 1989 it was 6 per cent above the comparable level a year ago. As this year progresses, the first impact of the increased EC Structural Funds, for which I made provision in the budget, should have a further positive impact on building activity.

The pick-up in domestic demand is showing itself in rising industrial output. Manufacturing output in January was 13 per cent higher than in January 1988. However, domestic demand, though important, cannot support the level of expansion of industrial output that we need. Continuing solid export performance is the way to raise growth in output and to bring about the kind of employment increase that is required. That is why we must keep our unit costs moving down. I am confident we can achieve another major expansion in industrial output this year, given recent developments in our competitive position and the outlook for demand in our export markets.

On the trade front, the seasonally adjusted surplus of exports over imports for the first quarter was £612 million, up over £100 million on the same period last year. Both exports and imports rose substantially. The rise in exports more than offset import growth, leading to a net improvement in the trade balance.

At this stage of the year, it seems another substantial trade surplus is on the cards. Even allowing for higher profit repatriations by foreign firms here, we can look forward to a further balance of payments surplus — roughly the same size as last year's surplus in nominal terms. Our balance of payments position thus continues to be in excellent shape despite the pick-up in domestic demand.

Summing up, at the time of the budget I forecast that output growth this year could be of the order of 3½ per cent. Events since then suggest that this may be on the conservative side. Indeed, a number of commentators believe that growth could reach 4 per cent this year.

This kind of progress bodes well for job prospects and for our ability to reduce unemployment, which are the priority goals of the Government and influence everything we are doing.

The initial evidence on jobs may not appear impressive — the increase of 6,000 in total employment which took place in the year to April 1988, as disclosed by the latest labour force survey. But this increase was significant. It marked an end to a long period of declining employment, a pattern which must have seemed almost irreversible at times. It was achieved, too, in a period of savings in public expenditure, and demonstrated that correcting the imbalance in the public finances is consistent with increasing employment. While we must await the next labour force survey for statistical backing, there is no disagreement among commentators and economists that the pace of employment growth has speeded up since April 1988 — and that the outlook is for a rapid pace of expansion over the immediate future. For the present year I am confident that the budget forecast of an increase of 16,000 in non-agricultural employment will be achieved.

Although other factors will have contributed, the downward trend in unemployment also reflects the success of the Government's employment policies. The seasonally adjusted live register peaked as far back as May 1987. The most recent figures show a fall of 7,600 in the month to end-April 1989. This was the biggest fall for any month since April 1971 and brought the seasonally adjusted live register total to its lowest point for three years. We anticipate that this downward trend will continue and this year the average live register is expected to fall to 232,000 compared with over 241,000 last year.

We have come a long way in a little over two years, but we have much further to go. The Government remain firmly committed to the policies of the Pro-gramme for National Recovery. The National Development Plan, as I have indicated, complements and builds on that programme.

The plan charts the course to be taken in gearing up the economic infrastructure and the productive capacity of the economy with the increased assistance of the Community' Structural Funds. The development programmes set out in the plan will give a stimulus to the economy in the immediate years ahead but their ultimate, and more significant, contribution lies in the longer term improvement they will make to the ability of the economy to compete and grow and produce jobs.

The EC provision of increased Structural Funds to help strengthen the economy is one of three vital elements underpinning our potential for progress. Pursuit by Government of the policies I have outlined, in order to provide a stable, growth-oriented policy framework, is a second. There is a third key ingredient on which the long-term performance of our economy depends. This is the commitment of all, whether in industry, agriculture, the trade unions or elsewhere, to actions which will ensure a growing ability to compete on international markets and to maintain — if not recapture — market share here at home.

In this context I want to refer briefly to some issues which have been the subject of considerable comment recently.

In relation to inflation, there have been a number of unfavourable external developments over recent months. The price of oil has risen sharply, in part because of production restrictions brought about by unfortunate accidents in different parts of the world; also the dollar has strengthened in recent months against most world currencies; most significantly, world inflation generally has increased somewhat. We live in a small open economy. We cannot isolate ourselves from these global developments. What matters most is not the rate of inflation itself, but, rather our performance relative to our trading partners. Despite some increase, it is worth stating again that the latest inflation figure here, 3.3 per cent in the year to mid-February, is low by the standards of other countries and especially by comparison with the UK, where price increases, on the most recent figures, are running little short of 8 per cent. We must ensure that we retain our relative position as a low inflation economy, in which category we are now grouped with some of the strongest economies in Europe. This requires that we do not add to imported inflation by unwarranted domestic cost increases.

There has been much comment also about interest rates and credit. As Senators will be aware, the Central Bank has statutory responsibility for interest rates. Under the Central Bank's arrangements, the Associated Banks recently increased their rates. This increase reflected the recent increases in international interest rates.

The increase here must be viewed against a background that our interest rates have dropped dramatically from their level of early 1987. Even after the recent increase, Irish interest rates remain at a relatively low level, both in comparison with their level in nearly 1987 and with the level of rates in our most important trading partner, the UK. For instance, the prime lending rate of our Associated Banks is still a full 5 percentrage points below the corresponding rate in the UK. The Government will continue with their policy of ensuring that the domestic environment permits rates to be kept at the lowest possible level consistent with the international situation and with our membership of the EMS.

It was only to be expected that the growth in consumer spending would give rise to some increase in the underlying rate of growth of personal credit. The important point is that this increase in growth should not be excessive and should not begin to fuel inflation. The Government's and the Central Bank's expectation would be that, following recent meetings with the main credit agencies — the banks and the building societies — those agencies would exercise the required prudence in their lending operations. Also, the interest rate increase should assist in ensuring that moderation prevails. The evidence available so far on personal sector credit growth does not indicate a need for further remedial action, but the Government and the Central Bank will continue to monitor the situation closely.

Overall I remain very confident about the economy for this year and for the medium-term. We have set the right framework. Our partnership with Europe is working, both to provide wider markets and to assist us in developing our economy so that we can better tackle those markets, and the response of all sectors, which has been so important to the resumption of economic progress over the past two years, augurs well for future advance.

Despite the constraints imposed by the overriding need to put the public finances in order, the Government have given high priority to tax reform. The high rates of personal taxation in this country have reflected the sins of the past. They are the inescapable mirror image of excessive spending and borrowing. The very real danger existed in 1986 that, far from coming down, income tax rates would have to go still higher as the public finances careered out of control. High income tax rates are the enemy of personal incentive and motivation and of job creation and they lead to the emigration of many skilled young people.

The Government have made a resolute start in tackling this problem over the past two years. Our approach, which is reflected in the Bill now before the House, has been: to devote as much resources as possible to relieving the burden of personal taxation; for this purpose, to broaden the tax base by tightening up on collection and enforcement and cutting back on certain reliefs and incentives, while introducing new incentives to help develop certain sectors; to overhaul the system of corporation tax so as to make it more conducive to job creation; and generally to simplify the tax system, in particular by the progressive extension of self-assessment. Our aim is to get a simpler and fairer system in which everybody will pay a fair share of tax and where there will be effective sanctions against tax evasion and avoidance.

Considerable progress has been made in the past two years in reducing the burden of personal taxation. Following the changes in the present Bill, the Government will have provided more than £700 million of income tax relief on a cumulative basis over the period of the Programme for National Recovery. This compares with the programme commitment of £225 million. We have, in short, given more than three times the amount we undertook to provide in the programme.

Despite the fact that at long last we have started to reduce the actual rates of tax, I am in no sense complacent. The burden is still far too high for so many people. We are determined to make further progress in reducing income tax as quickly as possible.

EC developments will also influence the shape of our tax system in the future. The proposals for harmonisation of indirect taxes have been the subject of much discussion in the Community. These proposals raised major problems for nearly all member States, Ireland included. The proposals have been undergoing a rethink in the Commission and the clear indications are that revised proposals will be forthcoming shortly. We have taken a constructive role in the discussions, since we attach such importance to the success of the internal market project. We have had, necessarily, to draw attention to the budgetary implications of the proposals and their potential impact on our efforts to reduce our direct taxes burden, if we had to suffer a huge loss of revenue.

The EC is also discussing some aspects of taxes on savings and of corporation tax but the implications of these proposals are less clear at present.

I would now like to turn to the approach underlying individual sections of the Bill and to draw the attention of the House to the more significant items.

As is the usual practice, the early sections of the Bill make provision for the income tax reliefs announced in the budget. Section 1 increases the income levels at which tax liability commences. The general tax exemption limit is being increased from £2,750 to £3,000 for a single person and from £5,500 to £6,000 for a married couple. The age exemption limits are also increased, to £3,400 for single persons aged 65 years or over and £4,000 for single persons aged 75 years or over. Qualifying married couples will of course, have their age exemption limits increased to double these amounts.

The section also augments these basic exemption limits by an addition of £200 for each dependent child. This addition is a new feature of our income tax code and is targeted at low-income families. Its impact can be dramatic and will mean, to take just one example, that a married couple with three children, who are taxed under PAYE on one income of £6,600 per annum, will now be entirely exempt from income tax and thus save up to £495 on their 1988-89 tax bill.

Section 2 provides for the changes in income tax rates and bands. The top rate of tax is being reduced to 56 per cent and the standard rate to 32 per cent. This deduction in the standard rate, which is the first for over 20 years, also applies to the deposit interest retention tax and to the withholding tax on professional fees. The income tax bands are also being widened: the 48 per cent band is being extended to £3,100 for a single person and £6,200 for a married couple, while the standard rate band is being extended to £6,100 for a single person and £12,200 for a married couple.

Sections 7 and 8 deal with the restrictions on life assurance and mortgage interest relief which I announced in the budget. Life assurance relief is being confined to 80 per cent of its previous levels, while the percentage of mortgage interest within the relevant ceilings which qualify for relief is being reduced to 80 per cent from 90 per cent, at which it has stood since 1987. The yield from these measures is £16.8 million in 1989 and £27.9 million in a full year. This has met a small part of the gross cost of the major package of personal reliefs announced in the budget.

I want to refer now to two new provisions which I know will be of particular interest to this House. Section 4 provides for the introduction of a special income tax relief to encourage people to come and live in inner city areas and renovate houses there that are historically or architecturally significant.

Section 19 of the Finance Act, 1982, already allows relief for expenditure on the maintenance, repair, etc. of heritage houses provided public access is allowed on at least 30 days per year. In addition, section 44 of the Finance Act, 1986 provides for relief, spread over ten years, on half the net cost of construction or refurbishment of grant-sized houses in the designated inner-city areas.

During the Finance Bill debate in this House last year, it was argued very strongly by Senator Norris and others that, while these existing reliefs were valuable incentives within their particular contexts, they were not available to those individuals who sought to maintain the architectural heritage and social fabric of our cities by purchasing and restoring Georgian and other large old houses and making them their own homes.

The new relief combines many of the features of section 19 of the Finance Act 1982 — such as the determination by the Office of Public Works of scientific, historical, architectural, or aesthetic merit — and of section 44 of the Finance Act 1986 — in that the Houses will have to be in a designated area and relief will be confined to 50 per cent of the cost of repairs. However, there will be no public access requirement and the upper size limit set by section 44 will not apply. In order to meet the high initial repair bills likely to be faced by claimants under the new schemes, the ten year-spread of relief which operates under section 44 is reduced, with half of the allowable relief claimable in the first year and the balance over the following five years.

Section 2 of the Finance Act, 1969 provides for an income tax exemption for certain earnings of creative writers, composers and artists. To qualify for the relief, claimants seek a determination from the Revenue Commissioners that their work is original and creative, and has cultural or artistic merit. However, there is no provision in section 2 for appeal against the refusal of the Revenue Commissioners to make the necessary determination.

Section 5 seeks to meet that criticism by making provision for an appeal mechanism in cases where the Commissioners fail to make a determination within six months of the claimant applying for the relief. Such appeals must be lodged within 30 days of the expiry of the six-month period allowed for Revenue's consideration of the case, and the claimant must have co-operated with the Commissioners by providing samples of his or her work, or such other evidence to back up the claim as may have been requested by Revenue.

Section 9 makes significant changes in the business expansion scheme. The original intention of this scheme was to encourage the provision of equity capital for high-risk companies which offered the prospect of substantial gains to the economy in terms of output and jobs. In return for the provision of risk capital to these companies the general body of taxpayers made available an attractive relief for investors.

Recent well-publicised developments in the use of the scheme had been diverting it away from this very desirable objective. The Government were left with no alternative but to act to prevent these abuses. We were determined to do so, however, in a way that would not interfere with BES funding for deserving projects. The whole point of section 9 is, in fact, precisely to ensure that funds will be targeted as originally envisaged and that the available funds will not be earmarked for safe projects for which BES was not intended.

Under the section the new measures will apply in respect of shares issued on or after 12 April 1989, which was the date of publication of the Finance Bill. The section introduces five measures, as follows: it provides that, where BES money is being used for the purchase of a ship, that ship must represent a beneficial addition to the Irish shipping register; it imposes a limit of £2.5 million on the amount of money a company or group of companies can raise under the scheme; it excludes from the scheme international leasing and related financial services; it also excludes self-catering accommodation in the city or county of Dublin and the urban areas of Cork, Waterford, Limerick and Galway; and, finally, it provides that BES relief will not be available on shares in relation to which options for guarantees are held which provide for sale at other than market value at the end of the five-year period for which shares must be retained under the scheme.

The introduction of the option for a trader to have annual accounting for PAYE/PRSI, as announced in the budget, has been given effect through regulations already made by the Revenue Commissioners on 23 March last under existing legislation. The change in relation to VAT is provided for in section 58 of the Bill.

I want to stress that the purpose of the annual accounting facility is to ease the administrative burden on small traders and to release resources in the Office of the Collector General for other purposes. As a further measure to ease the compliance burden on small traders, section 55 provides for an increase in the VAT registration thresholds from £12,000 to £15,000 in the case of traders providing services and from £25,000 to £32,000 in the case of traders supplying goods. It is some years since these limits were last adjusted and it is now timely to increase them so as to take smaller traders out of the VAT net.

Sections 18 and 19 introduce new taxation arrangements for unit trusts and similar investment funds. As a result of the EC directive on undertakings for collective investment in transferable securities, fund management represents an area of great opportunity for this country, since funds coming within the scope of the directive can be freely marketed out of Ireland to the residents of other EC member states. This opportunity, and the job creation potential which goes with it, will be focused in the International Financial Services Centre in the Custom House Docks area.

Section 18 introduces a new tax regime for funds locating in the centre so as bring our tax treatment into line with the position in certain other countries competing for the business. In short, the funds will not be subject to taxation on their income or capital gains provided that they are under management by a company in the centre, are established for the benefit exclusively of persons resident outside the State and are subject to the new regulatory regime for such funds which has now been put in place by my colleague, the Minister for Industry and Commerce, on foot of the UCITS Directive. The same tax arrangements are being made for funds which locate in the Shannon Airport zone.

Section 18 also deals with funds outside the financial centre and the Shannon zone which are subject to the new regulatory regime. Such funds similarly will not now be liable to tax in their own right. However, the Irish-resident unit holders in the fund will be taxed on the income and the gains and a withholding tax will apply in order to facilitate collection of this tax. This revised tax treatment will be broadly consistent with the tax treatment of funds in other EC countries.

The changes proposed in section 18 will help Irish funds to maintain a competitive position vis-à-vis foreign funds selling into the Irish market. This is an important consideration since, as a result of the EC directive and of progress in liberalising exchange controls on Irish residents, funds can be marketed to Irish residents, from other EC countries just as funds can now be marketed out of Ireland to the residents of all EC member states. I will be keeping the question of the competitive position of Irish funds under close scrutiny in the coming months.

Section 21 introduces a number of measures to restrict the cost to the Exchequer of domestic-sourced section 84 loans. This cost has gone up considerably in recent years. The main reasons for this escalation in cost are the 60 per cent increase in the volume of these loans since February 1986 and the development of what are known as high-coupon section 84 loans. These new style loans are taken out in high-interest rate foreign currencies and are much more costly to the Exchequer than section 84 loans taken out in Irish pounds.

The measures in section 21 curtail the Exchequer cost by imposing restrictions on the categories of borrowers, on the total volume of the loans and on the number of lenders.

New rules were introduced last year for the distribution by companies of dividends from different types of profits for tax purposes. Following discussions with a number of representative bodies and companies a number of amendments are now being made to these rules, as provided in sections 24 and 25. The main change is that, instead of being confined in the first instance to the mix of profits of the immediately preceding year, a company can now pay dividends out of the mix of profits of any one or more previous year in the past nine years. Where such profits no longer exist, the company can go back earlier than nine years. This change gives companies much more flexibility in regard to dividend distribution.

While we are cutting back in the Bill on a number of incentives, to which I have already referred, we are taking new incentive measures to help build up certain sectors.

The previous capital allowance tax relief for toll roads expired on 31 March 1989 and is being replaced, in section 17, by a significantly improved incentive measure. This new provision will be available countrywide for a period of three years and will encourage the private sector to get involved in major investment in toll road development.

Section 22 extends the categories of computer services which qualify for the 10 per cent rate of corporation tax. This extension is being introduced in response to recent developments in the computer industry, which is a very important sector of the economy.

Section 23 amends section 39a of the Finance Act, 1980, to give effect to the recent decision of the EC Commission agreeing to the removal of the 50-jobs ceiling for Shannon non-manufacturing companies wishing to qualify for the 10 per cent rate of corporation tax.

Section 28 amends the existing provisions giving relief for corporate investment in films. The current limit on tax-relieved investment of £100,000 each year for three years is being replaced with a new limit of £600,000 which can be availed of in either of two ways; an investor company will have the option of putting £600,000 in one year into a single film production, or investing up to £200,000 each year for up to three years in one or more film projects.

Section 30 extends for a further three years the special rate of capital gains tax which applies in respect of certain shares including those dealt with on the Smaller Companies Market of the Stock Exchange.

Section 34 to 52 provide for the confirmation of the budget day increases in excise duties and for a number of other measures in the area of customs and excise. Excise licences are being rationalised and updated, generally in line with inflation, relief of duty is being provided in respect of wine and cider used in the production of certain beverages; there are also provisions to terminate the practice of tax-free betting and to introduce a ten-year driving licence at a charge of £20.

Part III of the Bill covers VAT. The main changes relate to the measures announced on budget day and provide for: an increase in VAT rate on livestock from 1.4 to 2 per cent; an identical increase in the farmers' flat-rate VAT refund; the VAT element of the annual accounting option which I referred to earlier; that is the small traders one, where instead of making monthly or bimonthly returns they only have to make one in the year; the reduction from 25 to 10 per cent in the rate on works of art. I am also extending this provision to cover literary manuscripts and certain other works of craftmanship over 100 years old. The precise extent of this latter concession will be set out in the regulations.

In addition to the foregoing there are a number of other measures. Section 54 restores a position that applied in VAT law until a recent High Court judgment. Under the section legal services supplied in insurance-related court cases will be regarded as being supplied to the policyholders who, being VAT-registered in most instances, can recover the VAT charged on them.

The change in section 56A is also necessitated by a court decision. Last year the 5 per cent rate of VAT was applied to electricity supplies. In a case involving an appeal against a Revenue VAT estimate, a Circuit Court judge decided that the activities of a cable television company constitute the supply of electricity and if no legislative action were taken the result would be that the supply of cable TV would be liable at the 5 per cent rate of tax rather than the standard rate of 25 per cent. As this is totally contrary to the intention underlying the law, and as a considerable loss of tax over time would result from the court decision, I am specifically excluding the supply of communications signals from the 5 per cent.

Sections 61 to 63 provide for a change in the VAT treatment of optical services. Since the inception of the VAT system in 1972 the professional services of opticians, including supplies of spectacles and lenses by them, have been exempt from the tax. In 1987 the European Court of Justice decided that this was a misapplication of EC VAT law and that, while the professional service of eyesight testing could be exempt, the supply of goods in the course of the service must be liable to VAT. As the court's ruling is binding, I am levying the 10 per cent VAT rate on spectacles and contact lenses. I am making arrangements that low vision aids used by the partially sighted will be relieved from VAT. Despite the application of tax to spectacles, there should be no corresponding increase in their price as opticians will in future be able to recover input VAT on their business purchases. The change will be postponed until 1 November to allow opticians time to make the necessary arrangements.

In response to representations from Threshold, and following the Dáil debate on Committee Stage, I have decided to remove the stamp duty charge on leases of residential property where the annual rent payable under such leases does not exceed £6,000 per annum. The point had been made that the existing rates of duty militate against longer leases and greater security of tenure. Section 72 of the Bill accordingly provides that leases of residential property for a term not exceeding 35 years and at an annual rent not exceeding £6,000 per annum will be exempt from stamp duty.

Part V of the Bill deals with capital acquisitions tax. It provides for the new arrangements for self-assessment. Since the middle of 1987 the Revenue Commissioners have operated a pilot scheme for the voluntary self-assessment of this tax. This pilot scheme has been a success due in no small measure to the co-operation and assistance of the legal profession. The Government welcome this kind of co-operation which is in the interests of all concerned, taxpayers and practitioners included. As a result, self-assessment can now be put on a statutory basis and this represents a further development of tax administration.

If a self-assessment system is to work properly it is critical that taxpayers disclose fully the assets which are subject to tax and compute their liabilities correctly. The Bill, therefore, provides for increased penalties and powers of enforcement. One innovation is the introduction of a surcharge for the significant undervaluation of property. Without a provision of this type, systematic undervaluation of property could become a serious problem and could diminish the benefits of self-assessment. It has, however, been pointed out that in the case of certain types of property — such as, for example, works of art — a valuation made in good faith could turn out to be very wide of the mark. In such a case the surcharge would be due in law notwithstanding the fact that the person submitting the valuation had acted in good faith. The Revenue Commissioners could, of course, waive the surcharge in such cases. Nevertheless, in response to points raised in the Dáil, the Government have decided to introduce a statutory right of appeal against the surcharge in circumstances such as those I have just mentioned and this is incorporated in section 79 of the Bill.

The present Bill contains a number of provisions to counter the avoidance of tax. Let me say at the outset that there is nothing new about that. Every Finance Bill has introduced a number of specific anti-avoidance measures aimed at particular abuses. The specific measures in this year's Bill are in sections 86 to 90. The problem about specific measures is that, by definition, they can be introduced only after a particular loophole or abuse has come to light. In the meantime there may be a substantial loss of revenue to the detriment of the general body of taxpayers.

This brings me to the novel element of this year's Bill — the general anti-avoidance provision contained in section 86. This provision is analogous to similar provisions in other countries who have reached a similar conclusion to ours: that such a provision is needed to protect the interests of the Exchequer and the general body of taxpayers.

The purpose of the new general provision is to enable the Revenue Commissioners to counteract certain transactions which have little or no commercial reality but are entered into primarily for tax avoidance purposes. The intention is to enable the Revenue Commissioners, subject to specified procedures and safeguards for taxpayers, to disallow the tax benefits of such transactions.

Before any action can be taken by them to disallow a benefit, the Revenue must first of all form an opinion that a transaction is a tax avoidance transaction. Having formed such an opinion, they must then notify the taxpayer concerned who has 30 days in which to contest it by appealing to the Appeals Commissioners. There is provision too for the rehearing of an appeal by the Circuit Court and the stating of a case for the High Court on a point of law.

There is, therefore, no question of giving an unfettered general power to the Revenue Commissioners. At the end of the day, an appeal to the courts is available and, in the case of a dispute, it will be the judgment of the courts and not the opinion of tax officials which will finally determine the outcome.

In the Dáil concern was expressed about the grounds for appeal under the general anti-avoidance provision. In particular there was concern that an impossible burden of proof was being placed on taxpayers. While that was not the case, in the spirit of reassuring taxpayers the approach to appealing against an opinion formed under the section has been changed from one of "reasonableness" to one of "correctness". The Appeal Commissioners and the courts will uphold an opinion of the Revenue Commissioners only if they consider it to be correct and they can look at all the facts of the case in arriving at their decision.

Much has been made about the alleged uncertainty for business and investment in the anti-avoidance provisions. Some of this is hard to take coming as it does from those who were involved in the very lucrative tax avoidance industry. I would like to assure Senators that genuine business transactions, even if carried out in a tax efficient manner, have nothing to fear from the new legislation. There is no need for any uncertainty in the mind of the genuine businessman or the person making legitimate use of a tax relief provided by the Oireachtas.

Apart from the general safeguards to which I have referred, a specific limiting provision on the actions of the Revenue Commissioners has been inserted in subsection (3) of section 86. This is designed to give comfort to the genuine taxpayer and to protect the efficacy of tax incentives and reliefs provided by the Oireachtas for the benefit of businesses and private individuals. In relation to incentive reliefs, I should say too that the Revenue Commissioners already provide an advance opinion service to reassure investors that they will qualify for the reliefs.

There are, therefore, no grounds for the assertion that the general provision will create uncertainties for genuine business, personal or family transactions. The only transactions that are affected are those that set out purely and simply to engage in artificial tax avoidance. In other words, so long as a transaction is arranged primarily for a trading, professional, vocational, domestic, personal or any other purpose which is not the avoidance of tax, it will not be affected by the new provision.

I want to make it absolutely clear that the fact that a transaction is carried out in a tax efficient manner does not bring it within the scope of the new provision. The legislation does not make tax efficiency illegal, whether for business or family purposes. The target of the provision is, as I have said, those types of artificial transactions that are undertaken primarily for tax avoidance purposes.

The general anti-avoidance provision will apply to transactions carried out on or after budget day, when I indicated that new legislation was proposed. It will apply to transactions completed before budget day only where the tax which it is sought to avoid arises as a result of activities which took place wholly after budget day. To make this abundantly clear, I introduced an amendment to the general provision, which was being interpreted more widely in a retrospective sense, in the course of Committee Stage in the Dáil.

Section 92 provides for a revised scheme of VAT and excise remissions or refunds to disabled people, as drivers and as passengers. The existing scheme, based on section 43 of the Finance Act, 1968, has proved to be unsatisfactory in a number of respects, not least in that the present medical criterion, that a person must be "wholly or almost wholly without the use of each of his legs" has excluded otherwise deserving cases. From an administrative point of view, there is also a need to bring together the different elements of the existing arrangements so that uniform and more equitable conditions apply.

The provision I have introduced in the Bill seeks to make good these deficiencies. It would enable the Minister for Finance to make regulations for remissions of road tax, refunds of VAT and excise duty on vehicles, and refund of excise duty on petrol or diesel. The main criterion of disability will be that a person must be "severely and permanently" disabled, with the result that he or she would be unable to drive a car unless it is specially constructed or adapted. The scheme will also apply to disabled persons as passengers, where significant car adaptation is needed. It would be my intention to specify, as necessary, in more detail what medical conditions might be covered by this. This would be done in the regulations. Let me stress, however, that this definition is intended to cover a wider range of disability than that in use at present. The whole point is to broaden eligibility to cover cases at present excluded. For example, I envisage that persons of small stature who have mobility problems will be included, as will amputees of foot or leg and amputees of both hands.

In addition to this important broadening of the scope of eligibility, it is proposed that in future all medical certification will be provided by the director of community care of the health board in whose area the applicant normally resides. There will be provision for appeal against a refusal to allow eligibility. The regulations will also specify a number of controls and limits, the chief of which will relate to the maximum size of vehicle to be assisted — 2,000 c.c. — and to the maximum total amount of VAT and excise duty to be refunded: £7,500 in respect of a car and this will be indexed to the increase in car prices.

Finally, let me say to all those who are at present in receipt of a remission or refund of tax under the existing scheme that they will not have to undergo any further process of medical certification to retain eligibility for the particular form of tax refund they enjoy at present.

These are the main provisions in the Bill to which I wished to draw attention. We will have an opportunity to discuss them in more detail in Committee. I commend the Bill to the House.

May I at the outset welcome the Minister to the House. It is his first time to come here with this portfolio and I look forward to a useful debate on the Finance Bill. Indeed, I wish the Minister well for his tenure of office.

The Minister is doing well. His brief is important, not alone for the Government and his party, but obviously it is important for every man, woman and child in this country that the Minister is successful in what he does. I would like to comment on the fact that he has shown a broad-minded generosity of spirit in his acceptance of amendments in another place. It is in that spirit of co-operation that we on the Fine Gael side make our contribution to the debate. Of course, we have some reservations and I will express those during the course of my contribution.

As the Minister has said and as other contributors will mention, the Finance Bill is, of course, the legislative measure which brings into effect the budgetary provisions announced last January. It is, in fact, the third Finance Bill of the present Administration. I believe it is unremarkable and disappointing legislation. I do not say this in a spirit of mere Opposition rhetoric. It was, in fact, the general reaction which greeted the publication of the Finance Bill earlier in the year. There is an economic or political consensus on fiscal matters and, as a result, a favourable economic climate has been engendered. It is my view that the Minister failed utterly to exploit this to the potential which it has to benefit all the citizens in the State.

Neither in the budget nor in the Finance Bill is there any particular evidence of thinking or planning for economic growth or job creation. The Minister in his speech even referred to a certain feeling of disappointment at the rate of job creation, and he is right to feel disappointed. Just yesterday in Waterford I happened to be involved in canvassing for the European election and as such had an opportunity to talk with a number of people. Over and over again the one message coming home was: what is the Government doing about jobs? There is tremendous lack of satisfaction at the performance of Government on that score. The budget and the Finance Bill reflect a certain failure in this area. As I see it, containment and relative inaction are the name of the game.

I also want to know what has the budget and the Finance Bill got to say to the one million people who live below the poverty line in our country. To me it is incredible that the Minister would speak for virtually 45 minutes, make a major financial speech, and the word "poverty" does not even arise in the context of what he has to say. What does this Finance Bill say to the 240,000 people unemployed in the country? Does it offer hope? Does it offer prospects to the approximately 100,000 people who have emigrated either voluntarily or involuntarily? The answer, I am afraid, is a resounding "no". It says nothing to these people.

Why has this come about? This minority Government came into office having perpetrated one of the greatest political deceptions that I or anyone else can remember. They then proceeded to hijack the economic policy of another party and with the ultra zeal of the convert they introduced a series of cuts and retrenchments without any regard for coherence, consistency or social planning. I am afraid that kind of mindless, unthinking, fiscal policy is starting to become unstuck right around the country. Even loyal Fianna Fáil backbenchers, such as, for example, Councillor Jackie Healy-Rea, are starting to stand up and be counted and to say, "Up with this we will not put. It is not good enough". I think the message is being brought home to the Government that all is not well and that the fiscal policy as such is unthinking and rigid and is not the product of the Government's own thinking in the area.

On the credit side the results of the policies have, at the very least, ensured that the basics of fiscal policy have shown some improvement. By that I mean a stabilisation of the debt to GNP ratio. But they have also had extremely negative and downright damaging effects on the poor, the ill, the young and the longterm unemployed. That is because, in my view and in the view of my party, Fianna Fáil — the minority party in power — stand guilty of the crime of plagiarism, the theft of another's ideas which are given out as one's own. This can never be right. It always results badly because behind the stolen ideas there is, as I have illustrated, no thought, no evolution of social policy, no checks and balances and no feeling for people — and feeling for people is the very essence of politics. That is why the Government are not meeting with the success they would wish. That is why problems are arising on so many fronts. It gives me no pleasure to stand in this House to say that, but I would be failing in my duty as a public representative if I did not bring home to the Minister the failure aspect of the policy in addition to commending some of the useful measures which have been introduced in this Finance Bill.

Our problems in this country have been identified indeed to the point of a certain stultifying boredom. There cannot be anybody in the country who cannot recite at least part of the dreary litany of problems which we have. What should accompany this is a straightforward, clear and attainable list of measures which will help us to overcome our difficulties. The Minister has made reference in his speech to tax reform but, as we in Fine Gael see it, this budget and Finance Bill were not really about tax reform. What is on offer in this legislation is really miniscule and it falls far short of what is required.

This morning driving from Waterford I heard an interesting debate conducted on the abolition of rates between Miriam Hederman-O'Brien, who headed the Commission on Taxation, and a former Member of this House and indeed of the other House, Professor Martin O'Donoghue. I thought to myself, while listening to the arguments being tossed back and forth: are we forever going to have to listen to this kind of debate or is a Government operating in an ideal situation with a strong consensus on the economic front ever going to be in a position to take up the issue of tax reform and introduce meaningful changes which will give people a feeling that what is happening in this country in the tax area is fair, just and equitable? I would like to stress that by tax reform I am not talking about tax cuts. That is why we in Fine Gael have come forward and have said to the Government; can we extend the economic consensus to include tax reform?

We recognise that whatever choices are necessary to bring in tax reform are painful political choices, extremely difficult choices, and they can probably only be made on the basis of an extremely strong Government with a huge majority and who have nerves of steel, or on the basis of a consensus-type approach which is on offer and which to date has sadly been spurned. There is a certain arrogance which is manifest in this refusal to accept what is a very generous offer, a high-minded offer which is for the good of the country and the people. I find it disappointing in the extreme that this offer has not been taken up. It is a unique opportunity offered to a minority Administration to commence reform in an area that is crying out for attention.

The Minister talked about a phased programme of tax reform. He should let us into the secret. What is the programme? Is the aim still to put two-thirds of taxpayers on the standard rate of income tax? The five reports of the Commission on Taxation are becoming archival material. They continue to gather dust and they fail to be reflected in Government policy. The public will not be disturbed by any radical innovative moves from this Administration. All they are doing is tinkering with the margins, indulging in a few largely cosmetic tricks and avoiding substantive, meaningful change for which people are crying out.

As I have already said, I want to make it abundantly clear that what I am talking about is tax reform and not cuts in taxation. I am talking about a root and branch examination of the entire system, a listing of objectives in order of priority and a clear charting of the routes to be taken in attaining the clearly enunciated objectives. Reductions of tax bands, which we have seen in this legislation, are largely a minor affair. That kind of reform merely relates to gross pay or salary. Taxation, as we very well know, is omnipresent. The maxim, "If it moves, tax it," seems to rule OK and that is an extremely depressing reality. That reality of gross and excessive taxation is driving people away from this country in droves and it is extremely dispiriting. The lack of governmental drive and initiative in this area merely adds to the gloom. Many of the people who have emigrated are not merely the young and unemployed but also those who cannot stomach any longer an appalling tax regime. Reductions in tax rates and expansion of bands is for many people too little, too late. We cannot wait until the public finances are brought into order. We have to move on several fronts simultaneously.

Emigration is draining so much away from our country. Some of the best people are leaving and entire rural areas are denuded of their young. Yet, it is quite extraordinary to think that a Minister for Finance would come into this House and omit to make reference to emigration in the context of his Second Stage presentation of the Finance Bill. It is no wonder he did not refer to it because it is nothing to be proud of. It is shameful and negative. It is dragging us down, it is weakening, it is demoralising and it is utterly disappointing that it does not even rate a sentence, a word of recognition, in the context of what has been a major Government speech. No amount of glossing over this can conceal it. In the context of 1992 and the increased opportunities and challenges, creeping in is a philosophy which indicates that it is good for our young people to go to Europe and it is not such a bad thing if they even go further afield. That is true to some extent if they choose to do so, but so many of them do so in an involuntary capacity. That must be recognised and measures must be put in place to deal with it.

This Finance Bill which should be a major economic and social instrument does nothing to address either poverty or emigration. I believe the Government view it as a partial solution to our problems and content themselves with platitudinous statements and the occasional allocation of funding to emigrant organisations who indeed do Trojan work in often picking up the pieces of the young lives which have been blighted and traumatised by ill-prepared and unthinking moves away from Ireland.

I would like to comment on the business expansion scheme which the Minister has referred to. Section 7 of the Bill contains amendments to the existing scheme of relief for investment in corporate trades. Incidentally, I would like to pay tribute to the Minister for ensuring that we got an updated explanatory memorandum. It is something I have raised over and over again with the former Minister, Mr. MacSharry, and we finally got it for the first time last year. From the Minister's contribution, I see how he, too, will find it as a useful guide when we come to deal with Committee Stage because some sections, by dint of repetition, have a certain number attached to them and it is very difficult to transpose thinking in relation to that. I am grateful for it and hope to use it to good effect.

The changes in relation to the business expansion scheme are generally welcome because they are designed to eliminate some of the abuses of that scheme which had been roundly condemned and highlighted, in particular by my Fine Gael colleague, Deputy John Bruton, who was eloquent on the issue. I am very pleased indeed that the so-called holiday homes in urban areas will no longer qualify for tax relief under the business expansion scheme. In the past the purchase of these houses was motivated solely as a tax avoidance measure and had no commercial or job creation reality. People knew that was the case and saw it to be so. It was in many instances a scam and something that was unwelcome and I am very pleased indeed that it has been nipped in the bud. There were serious abuses in this area and I am pleased the Minister responded to the strong criticisms of people like Deputy John Bruton and others who consistently drew attention to what was happening.

I welcome the fact that there is a proposal to disqualify from tax relief financial transactions which are solely for the purpose of tax avoidance. Tax shelters should not be an option in our economic plans because they are not just or fair. One of the contributors in the Dáil debate made a very racy reference to the fact that these types of schemes were a sort of fiscal cocaine to a certain economic glitterati which I thought was an amusing reference but a very accurate one, to what was happening and an indication of how some people seized on that kind of loophole to benefit themselves in no uncertain manner.

I insist on saying a few words about something the Minister omitted to talk about. I hope when he is concluding Second Stage he will be able to explain why he was able to come in and present a Finance Bill without referring to the people who are poor and povertystricken. Over one-third of Irish people live in poverty — that is not my figure. I know it has been disputed by many people who do not wish to believe it is so. The Minister, I know, is a "hands on" politician who, I am sure, moves around in Longford-Westmeath. He has seen both rural and urban poverty at first-hand and knows it is crying out for remedial action.

The ESRI carried out a survey which was published by the Combat Poverty Agency. Based on my own experience and also my knowledge of the track record of the ESRI and the Combat Poverty Agency, I believe this is reliable information. It is proof positive that there is poverty in this country and that it is widespread.

Poverty and inequality are growing. There are now somewhere between 2 and 4 per cent more poor people than was the case in the early eighties. It is important to establish just who these people are and what reliefs this budget and this Finance Bill will bring to them. There are far too many households headed by unemployed people. There are large families, small farmers and their families and other people — and the Minister made some reference to them in relation to their improved tax situation — in extremely low paid employment. Many of these people are employed because they believe in the dignity of work and they do not wish to be unemployed but they would be better off if they were collecting social welfare.

Another group of people who are severely affected by poverty is women who find themselves in a position of rearing children on their own. The sick and disabled are also a high risk category, though I would express relief that something was done for disabled drivers but we will develop that more on Committee Stage. This was done largely at the vehement prompting of my party colleague, Deputy Ivan Yates, who drew attention to a particularly sad and poignant case where somebody was manifestly disadvantaged because of the nonsense in the legislation as it then existed.

The attitude of the Irish people towards poverty is something that was covered in the ESRI report. It indicated the Irish people expressed a view that an income of between £55 and £65 a week for a single person and a pro rata increase for a married person is necessary if one is to avoid poverty. Such figures are very close to the levels of social welfare payment which were recommended by the Commission on Social Welfare in their report which, in addition to the five reports of the Commission on Taxation, is also sadly, gathering dust and is failing to be evaluated, considered and implemented in a coherent manner, although some minor titivations have been introduced in recent days. A significant number of people are not receiving their full social welfare entitlements. In relation to the family income supplement, only between 13 and 22 per cent of those families eligible are actually in receipt of the benefit.

The Finance Bill should always be an indication of a political philosophy, or at least anyone reading it and studying its provisions should be able to have an idea of what kind of society the framers of the legislation want but I am afraid that kind of message is not coming through in this Finance Bill. I had hoped it would have come through in the Minister's speech today which was competent and able and which dealt in detail with the various measures contained in the Bill but it was not coherent and expressive in terms of the philosophy behind Government thinking and that of his party. One is left with the view that there is very little of substance in the Bill and that the phrase the Minister used — and which I expect he now regrets because it got him into a lot of trouble —"steady as she goes" is the sort of mentality which is driving this Government along.

There is no suggestion that the Government or the Minister have grasped the urgency of the situation except in the sole area of the stabilising of the debt-GNP ratio. There is a single item agenda approach to fiscal matters and at this stage, well into the life of this Administration and perhaps nearing the close of it, I do not think that attitude is good enough. The socio-economic divisions of our society are hardening and there is increased polarisation. This has not yet reflected itself in the political system to any significant degree but I am firmly of the view that it will. What it is doing at the moment is engendering a certain terrifying apathy and acceptance on the part of people who are now being categorised or called a sort of permanent under-class in our society. These people, the ones who remain behind, are daily growing more apathetic and the ones with any drive, spark or ambition are, sadly, moving away and often are very poorly equipped to do so.

I think it is reasonable to invite the Government to state clearly in which direction are we moving or are we standing still. It is extremely worrying indeed and I am not happy that we have the kind of coherent message coming through today as to what is being done for these people. This speech today was for the "haves". It was for the people of property in our community. It had nothing whatsoever to say to the poor and to those who are forced to emigrate. The Minister must represent all the people in this country and so must all of us who are privileged to stand here in the House today and enunciate the views of those whom we represent.

I will save what I have to say about particular measures for Committee Stage of the Bill. There are some good provisions in it despite my criticisms which I feel obliged to make. I would be failing in my duty if I came in and gave a blank acceptance of everything and a bland response without voicing my concerns. I am fearful that inflation is going to be a problem and I think we are moving in that direction. There are certain indicators that are extremely disturbing indeed. The Minister cannot be particularly happy about the increase in the mortgage rates. If indicators are accurate, there is a view that there will be a further increase later in the year and that is obviously something that will impart on the economy. The Fine Gael group in the Seanad will not be opposing the Second Stage of this Bill.

I, too, would like to welcome the Minister for Finance to the House. When listening to much of the contribution made by Senator Bulbulia, I felt I was looking at the wrong Minister — I thought Deputy Woods, the Minister for Social Welfare, would be a more appropriate person to be here because much of what Senator Bulbulia referred to was more appropriate to a social welfare Bill. I would just make the comment to her that, while we are talking about a Finance Bill, if the Coalition Government who were in office up to 1987 had not doubled the national debt we would have, under the Minister for Finance, Deputy Reynolds, a budget surplus of £1 billion in this year's Estimates. That would have done a lot for tax reduction, tax reform and welfare recipients——

I hate to interrupt the Senator but what about the role of the then Opposition?

——although in this year's budget there is a provision of £156 million for social welfare recipients, the highest ever increase for the long term unemployed. Despite the gloom and doom which has been preached by Senator Bulbulia, the majority of financial and economic commentators in this country and the world over are saying clearly that the trends for this country in terms of financial and economic growth are excellent. As the Minister has mentioned, we have low rates of interest and inflation and we have a tremendous export performance which leads to large surpluses in our balance of payments. Even allowing for the fact that there has been a 1 per cent increase in bank rates recently our bank lending rate is still 5 per cent below the UK level. As the Minister indicated in his speech, 3.3 per cent was the reckonable figure for inflation as at midFebruary 1988. There are other indicators, for example, the matter of industrial peace. We have had the lowest number of strikes and days lost in 1988 for 25 years. These are very encouraging signs.

While accepting that — and here I agree with Senator Bulbulia — we have high unemployment and emigration rates, something I know the Government are concentrating on, again in this area there are encouraging signs. We created 29,000 new jobs in 1988 and it was recently announced that there are 7,600 fewer people unemployed. That is surely an encouraging sign. Senator Bulbulia used a lot of her time speaking about unemployment. However, we must see from where we have come, as it were. In 1984, 1985 and 1986 approximately 25,000 to 26,000 jobs were being lost each year. The reasons for this were that we were uncompetitive, we had high interest rates, high inflation and high insurance costs. Costs generally rose enormously resulting in closures and loss of jobs.

The real objectives of this Government clearly are economic growth and advancement, the provision of jobs, a better standard of living for our people and the use of the resources we possess for that purpose. As I said, there is much evidence, despite what Senator Bulbulia has said, that our country is again emerging from the shadows of a very dark period. We can look to the future with confidence. The signs, as I said, abound and I will comment briefly on that at a later stage.

We are still struggling, particularly in the area of jobs and I accept that fully. I repeat that last year's figures were encouraging but I believe we are still living with a hangover of a decade of failure. The underlying trend in unemployment has been steadily downward. Senator Bulbulia referred to the fact that there is no reference to unemployment in the Bill. She must accept — I know she will — that the last link in the chain of economic recovery is in the area of job creation and we have seen that in the past. It is a fact of economic life. We have seen the economy improve in Great Britain but it took eight years for jobs to come on stream. We will surely experience something similar to what happened there. The full effect of our recovery will come with the provision of many jobs. The reality is that we must get the national finances right before it can filter down to job creation throughout rural Ireland. The Government are a little more than two years in office and they cannot correct overnight a situation which they inherited and which was badly handled for so many years.

In regard to the Finance Bill itself, the question of personal taxation, of course, is something that interests all of us. The high level of personal taxation is something that has been an impediment to the creation of employment. It has caused many of our most talented and able people who should take up careers in this country to go abroad where there is a better tax regime. However, in this budget, for the first time in 20 years, the standard rate of tax has been reduced, as we know, from 35 per cent to 32 per cent and also from 58 per cent to 56 per cent. It is a modest start but nonetheless a start and is something which I know the Government will continue. The Finance Bill provides for reductions in DIRT and witholding tax and also for increases in the tax bands. One might say that is nothing spectacular but it is a start and, hopefully, it will be maintained in the years ahead. What we are doing is maintaining progress in this area, which started in 1987, by reducing the burden of personal taxation and increasing the incentive to work.

The Government have indicated on many occasions, and they recognise full well, that the high level of personal and certain other forms of taxation, by adversely affecting the cost competitiveness of the economy, is a major impediment to the achievement of sustained economic growth and employment. There is a broad agreement that high personal taxes are a disincentive to enterprise. They undermine the work incentive and they directly inhibit the whole concept of job creation. Against this background it is necessary to recognise how the reliefs in income tax that were introduced by this Government in recent years have played an important role in the pay settlements agreed in the Programme for National Recovery.

I am sure the further easing of personal taxation will be an important objective of the fiscal policy of this Government in the medium term. It is important that the Government have been pursuing a phased programme of tax reform while, at the same time, having regard to achieving an overall reduction in Exchequer borrowing. This is to be seen in, and obviously is crucial, to the stimulation of sustained economic recovery. The tax reform programme announced in the budget and which is spelled out in this Finance Bill can be summarised in a few ways: first, by a reduction in personal taxation, secondly, new development incentives and, thirdly, further improvements in tax administration and reasonable measures to counteract transactions which are aimed primarily at tax avoidance and which, if not properly curbed, could prove costly to the Exchequer. It is only by effective tax administration and a broadening of the tax base, combined with savings on Government expenditure, that we will be able to achieve the lower level of personal tax we all desire. This, for me, is clearly a basic belief and is one that is very much in the minds of the Government.

I do not for one moment say that ordinary taxpayers will object in any way to the measures introduced in this Bill to counter tax avoidance. One purpose of the Bill is to counteract certain transactions which are carried out primarily to create an artificial tax reduction or to avoid or reduce a tax charge. Indeed, under the terms of section 81, the Revenue Commissioners are entitled to form the opinion that a transaction is a tax avoidance transaction and where they form such an opinion they will give to each person whom they consider is attempting to avoid tax by reason of the transaction a notice in writing describing the transaction, the amount of tax which they consider the person is attempting to avoid and the steps which they propose to take in order to ensure that the tax is not avoided.

Section 81 (8) — as it appears in the Bill, as amended in Committee — will have the effect of ensuring that the Appeals Commissioners and the courts will be the final arbiters of what actually constitutes tax avoidance. It is, as the Minister indicated in his speech to us, a new development in Irish tax law. The need for it was highlighted by the decision in the McGrath court case. Following that decision it was clear that the means to counter tax avoidance schemes had to be fundamentally reviewed if the Exchequer was not to incur a major loss of tax revenue.

I hope, of course, that this anti-avoidance section is designed specifically to ensure that only those who are intent on avoiding taxes will be affected. In my opinion this section is not designed to create uncertainties for genuine business transactions or for the normal use of recognised tax reliefs. For that reason this section clearly allows safeguards for legitimate transactions to continue. Indeed, I was very pleased to note that the Minister has given assurance that genuine people have nothing to fear.

Mortgage interest relief is of interest to everybody. It is part and parcel of this Finance Bill as well. This Government's firm resolve to break the cycle of increased Government borrowing and increased taxation showed results earlier than many of the financial and economic commentators had thought possible. As we reduce Government borrowing and the size of the tax take, we leave room for real economic growth. For many years the burden of income tax increased year in year out and for many households the most effective way of reducing this burden was through mortgage interest relief. Mortgage interest relief is, of course, the biggest single element of Government support in the private housing sector. It costs £160 million a year in revenue foregone and has become a significant factor in the income tax structure. Now that the Government are reducing income tax, I think they can also move to reduce the reliefs which people previously had to avail of in order to manage their income tax affairs to best advantage.

Clearly, the total elimination of mortgage interest relief would represent a very serious blow to many people. However the combination of low mortgage interest rate — the lowest for something like 20 years — and the income tax reliefs announced in the budget provide some element of scope for a further reduction this year. A reduction from 90 per cent to 80 per cent — in section 6 of the Bill as passed by Dáil Éireann — of the proportion of interest on which tax relief is allowed will help to counteract to some extent the inflationary pressures on house prices which, if unchecked, could have implications for the wider economy and, indeed, in time would push up interest rates.

I can see the reason for the Minister reducing mortgage interest relief to 80 per cent. However, wearing my insurance hat and admitting a vested interest, I hope it will stop at 80 per cent because it has been a great selling point for those in the business of selling life assurance contracts. We are very much under insured and a great deal of work can be done in this area. The Minister of State at the Department of Industry and Commerce, with responsibility for Trade, Deputy Séamus Brennan, revealed recently that approximately 60 per cent of the Irish people of insurable age were found to be without life cover; only 40 per cent of married couples have life cover, and only 17 per cent of the farming community have life cover. The life assurance companies obviously see the present move as not being beneficial to them. That is understandable. It is also not beneficial in the selling of life contracts.

The Minister has commented on excise duties. I congratulate him on terminating the practice of tax-free betting. The introduction of a ten year driving licence at a charge of £20 will be welcomed by many people, including myself. I tend to renew my licence from time to time and the idea of getting a ten year licence at a charge of £20 appeals greatly to me.

I must express my concern about trends in house prices in certain areas, which manifested themselves towards the end of last year and have accelerated since then. I am not talking about the housing market, in general, as there is still a very good supply of suitable type houses at a reasonable price for young couples who want to buy their first home. I am concerned primarily with the very much publicised development in certain market segments, in particular in Dublin and Galway, and I am sure it also applies in Limerick and Cork. Certainly, some of the recently reported prices for houses in these areas are startling, to say the least. Whether such price rises will be sustained is, in my opinion, highly debatable.

Indeed, the reports of the prices of sites in some areas are even more startling. One would have to question whether these prices could ever be viable by the time the houses are built. Both builders and financiers would be well advised to bear this in mind. It is clear that the current house price inflation is to a very large extent being caused by trading up. We must not forget that the underlying demographic picture does not lead one to believe that this can be sustained in the long term. There is no evidence that the supply of housing is, or indeed will be in the foreseeable future, seriously out of line with demand. However, I fear that these trends will spread throughout the housing market with very serious consequences for families seeking their first homes, or they will promote inflation in the economy at large.

The mortgage market, as it has developed over the past two years, has many welcome features. It certainly has provided an adequate supply of mortgage funds at reasonable cost. It has featured for the first time a healthy degree of competition between the various different financial lenders. However, there is a danger that this competition can be carried to extremes. It is my opinion that is the major factor in the bidding up of the price of certain types of property.

I have no doubt the Government are fully aware of what has happened in the UK over the past years. Property values particularly in parts of the south-east have escalated dramatically, with the result that the value of people's collateral increased beyond their wildest dreams and enabled them to borrow. This also gave the financial institutions an incentive to lend and, in turn, there was an incentive to borrow, along with the capacity to borrow. A general atmosphere of confidence was generated in a very real way which resulted in a huge increase in consumer spending, a great deal of which went on imports which threw the UK balance of payments out of line. Last year the Chancellor of the Exchequer predicted a deficit in the balance of payments of about £4 billion and as a result of irresponsibility reducing rates of taxation, of escalating house prices and of the increase in consumer expenditure, the UK balance of payments deficit was in the region of £18 billion, as against the expected £4 billion deficit. This put pressure on the currency, and in order to protect sterling interest rates have increased 11 or 12 times in a period of less than 12 months.

We must learn from this and avoid the pitfalls at all costs. We are in a very advantageous position of having seen what happened in the UK, and must take remedial action to avoid the same thing happening here. The restriction on the mortgage interest relief is one such action that can properly be taken here. Had house prices been controlled in England I have no doubt that their situation would not be as bad as it is today.

I worry about intense competition between the various financial institutions to give out money like it was confetti. If this continues we could experience a renewed consumer boom. There is evidence of this in many areas. The demand for cars was up 54 per cent in the first quarter and we have had increased demand for imports and clothing, footwear and furniture. We also have had a spiralling house prices in many parts of the country. I know the Government are conscious of the fact that if they ignore the danger signals they may be forced to take more severe corrective action later on.

In making those personal observations, I want to make it clear that I am neither a financial expert nor an economist, but I can see what is happening. When I see people who would not get £20 credit from a bank or a building society some years ago now getting loans of £20,000 and more I have to ask questions. When people get loans of three or four times their annual income to buy houses, I have to ask questions. When people get loans in excess of 100 per cent of the price of the house they are buying I have to ask questions. When I see people getting one, two and sometimes three mortgages from different institutions I have to ask questions. I read of a one-bedroomed gatelodge in Dublin selling for £202,000 and I have to ask questions.

But it was Bono who bought that.

In places like Renmore in Galway houses were selling for £30,000 last year and now they are selling for £46,000 or £47,000. The cut-throat competition may well be to the detriment of lenders and borrowers in the long term and could undermine the development of an orderly mortgage market in the future. There has been a very hard sell in respect of endowment mortgages. It is unbelievable what is going on. Indiscriminate selling of this type of mortgage product frequently involves overstating the potential benefits and does not have sufficient regard to the suitability of these products for individual house purchasers. Certain vested interests have been engaged in what looks like a deliberate hype in the housing market. They have added a dimension of unreality to this area.

The curtailment of mortgage interest relief and the reduction in relief on insurance premiums and endowment mortgages were aimed in part, at least, at dampening down inflationary trends in the housing area. It is hopped that these changes will act in some way as a moderating influence. I take this opportunity to ask all lending agencies to adopt a more restrained approach with a view to ensuring long term stability in the mortgage and housing markets. The Minister in his speech said, and I quote:

The important point is that this increase in growth should not be excessive and should not begin to fuel inflation. The Government's and the Central Bank's expectation would be that, following recent meetings with the main credit agencies — the banks and the building societies — those agencies would exercise the required prudence in their lending operations.

I support that. He goes on to say that:

... the interest rate increase should assist in ensuring that moderation prevails. The evidence available so far on personal sector credit growth does not indicate a need for further remedial action, but the Government and the Central Bank will continue to monitor the situation closely.

I would ask the lenders and the borrowers to learn from what happened when the banks threw money at the farming community in the seventies. We know what happened then.

The borrowing capacity of taxpayers is increasing for many reasons. When that trend takes place within an economy there is a natural tendency to purchase more imported consumer goods. I worry that we are in danger of importing inflation into the economy. It is ironic that because of the success of this Government's financial policies over the past two and a quarter years there is a danger that inflation will come back into the economy. Rather than take drastic action, such as had to be taken in the United Kingdom, this has to be monitored carefully. I am glad the Minister has indicated that in his address to us.

Are we failing to cash in on spiralling house prices? At a time of extremely high house prices, the inability of the Revenue Commissioners to assess and collect the high yield due on residential property tax which has been with use since 1983 is inexcusable. I am not sure of the reasons the yield is derisory. It was £2.5 million last year and with a little extra effort that income could be increased dramatically.

I turn briefly to the Government scheme which encourages investment in tourism and other areas — the business expansion scheme. We all agree that the development of the Irish tourist sector, having regard to its labour intensive nature, is central to the Government's medium term strategy on employment. At present there is the equivalent of 67 full time jobs in tourism while exports from this sector makes it Ireland's largest source of foreign earnings. Tourism has a great potential but it needs to be harnessed. In this context the Government extended the business expansion scheme in the 1987 budget in order to stimulate tourist-related investment. The extension of the scheme was specifically designed as a means of maximising our share of the very fast expanding specialist holiday segment of the tourist market. I congratulate the Minister for amending the scheme in this year's Finance Bill and for clarifying precisely what is a genuine tourist enterprise.

The business expansion scheme was introduced in 1984 to encourage the private investor to invest his money as risk capital in industry and other services. Subsequently, it was extended to other priority employment generating activities, including tourism. The tourist industry has a huge potential which is vital to this country. We have very many major advantages as a tourist area. It is only right that the Government should have given it a lot of consideration, and that it was so well documented in the National Development Plan 1989-1993.

I would like to comment on an area relevant to jobs and job creation — the insurance industry. Certainly there have been recent signs of improvements in their operating environment with the passage of the Courts Bill, 1988, the Government's plans for further procedural law reform and the Safety, Health and Welfare at Work Bill. We have had a more rational approach to legal representation and negligence litigation. We have had a reduction in the number of uninsured drivers. These are welcome factors, which have led to increased competition among insurers. Again, I have to sound a note of caution, because I think where you have excessive competition leading to uneconomic rating it could have very serious implications for overall market stability. In the motor insurance market, in particular, we have quite cut-throat competition at present. To a lesser extent we have it in other classes of business also. A basic underlying principle which is vital to the insurance industry is that premium reductions must be based on sound underwriting considerations, nothing more and nothing less. The Irish insurance market would suffer a great setback if it were to be drawn into a price war which depressed the rates below economic levels, particularly now that we are on the run-up to the Single European Market of the nineties.

I referred to the fact that confidence abounds. This, in turn, will lead to jobs which is also a concern of Senator Bulbulia. If you do not have confidence you cannot have progress. I will give three simple examples of what I mean by confidence on the part of business and industry today. First, I was very interested to read recently the result of a post-budget survey on the small firms association of the CII. It showed that 75 per cent of the small firms are now optimistic for the future. That figure was as low as 17 per cent in 1987, in 1988 it had increased to 46 per cent. It is now 75 per cent. That is encouraging.

I referred to my concern about spiralling house costs — a point that has been touched on by the Minister. The second point is that the number of new homes being built in the first three months of the current year has increased by 50 per cent over the same period last year. The third point to mention is that when the Custom House Docks Site Development was announced for Dublin in early 1987, not many people believed the idea would work. The arguments ranged from those who believed and others who did not believe that Dublin could win an important share of the growth of the financial services industry in the run-up to the 21st century. During the past two years the debate continued but as many elements of the financial services centre become a reality it is not the success or failure of the concept but the extent of its success that is now being debated. To date 60 projects have been approved and I think with each additional project the credibility of Dublin as a major international financial centre increases and the pace of interest will gather momentum.

The Economic and Social Research Institute produced their quarterly report last week. It shows how far we have to go to shake off our abiding economic difficulties. I am quite certain we have come a long way. We have pulled ourselves back, as it were, from the edge of the abyss but the Minister will say, the Government will say and I will certainly say, that we still have a good way to go. There should be no respite and there should be no false optimism. Essentially we are chipping away at a problem this Government inherited, a problem of massive proportions. Until we solve our problems there can be very little room for complacency. That is the Government's approach, and in my opinion it is the right approach.

The Exchequer returns were announced some weeks back provided another ray of light and indicated a further pick-up in our economy. It clearly indicated that there was an improvement in personal and industrial spending and is a further boost for this Government who are doing their best and succeeding in getting the finances under control. Despite all of this amid all the talk of Finance Bills and budgets and borrowing requirements and so on, it is often forgotten that economics is a science which reflects what people want to do with the money at their disposal. The real importance of the Exchequer returns lies in the psychological motivation which produced them. They show we are shedding the legacy of the years of doom and gloom, and that we are prepared to spend and to invest. The confidence is there but we still have a long way to go, we still have big problems. What is important is that we now seem to be less intimidated by those problems and, in my opinion, we are more prepared to work towards finding a solution to them.

I welcome the Finance Bill. It will be very important to the economy in the future.

I also welcome the Bill. I intend to speak in broad terms and not for very long because I hope to have an opportunity tomorrow or on a succeeding day to address in some detail some of the specific measures in the Bill and, in particular, some of the amendments that have been accepted by the Minister and by the Government. I would like to say, first of all, that I regard as a very positive sign that a number of these amendments have been graciously accepted. I heard the Minister on the radio at lunchtime and he indicated clearly that he was a practical person and that he wanted the best Bill possible, and that in the light of these sentiments it was his intention to accept amendments that in his view would strengthen the Bill.

I obviously have some particular interest in one of these amendments because over a period of two years I have had the opportunity to discuss the ideas contained in section 4 of the Finance Bill with the Minister's predecessor, Mr. MacSharry, the Minister himself and the officials of the Department of Finance. I would like to pay tribute to the courtesy of both Ministers and the considerable patience and courtesy of the civil servants in the Department of Finance who engaged in long and detailed discussions of what is quite a complex area with somebody who is not an expert in the fields. I learned a good deal from them and at the end of the day I believe they accepted at least some of my arguments. That is very welcome and it also indicates that even newcomers to this important Chamber can have some impact. It also indicates that although this House cannot directly put in provisions that spend Exchequer money, suggestions can be made so that the Seanad has been able in this instance to indicate its clear relevance to the political life of this country.

I would like to give a general welcome to section 4 because it is virtually the first time that anything substantial has been done in an area to which successive Governments have paid lip-service. I am glad there is a clear display of the fact that we have moved from a position where it was fashionable and popular to dismiss this aspect of our cultural heritage as being merely the province of irrelevancies, such as belted Earls. This indicates a growing maturity on our part politically.

I do not intend to repeat myself, therefore, I will confine myself to general remarks. I would like to extend a warm welcome for this measure. I will wish to examine it in more detail tomorrow. In particular, I would like some further information as to the role of the Office of Public Works which will be an important one in determining precisely which houses will qualify for this relief.

I do not intend this to be taken negatively because we have, as the Minister remarked in the preface to his speech, very clear evidence of the capacity of the Office of Public Works, not only to recognise the importance of our heritage but, through the skill of their officials and craftsmen, to ensure that this heritage survives for future generations. However, I would be interested to learn, for example, what weight the various listings of local authorities, such as Dublin Corporation and Dublin County Council, will have. It seems reasonable to assume that the buildings or houses that are placed on list No. 1 would almost automatically be certain to qualify for this form of relief. Again, I hope to deal with that in more detail later.

The Minister seems to have accepted the value of most of the main branches of the arguments that were placed before him and his officials. In fairness, as the Minister was generous enough to mention me in this regard, I would like also to mention that I had some considerable assistance from colleagues in the House and from a distinguished economic journalist, Mr. Paul Tansey.

I would like also to welcome another section that has been of interest to me for some time, that is the writers' and artists' relief. The Minister has been wise in making this rather broader than it was previously by allowing the inclusion of some measure of appeal. This is, in fact, a rather delicate area and it sometimes is contentious to allow people in the Office of the Revenue Commissioners to decide what is or what is not a work of art. I have been involved, not on my own behalf but on behalf of other writers, in attempting to tease out the criteria by which these judgments are made and sometimes, in my subjective judgment, they have been unfortunate and contentious. Therefore, I welcome the inclusion of machinery for appeal. It is wise and is in the spirit in which this provision for tax relief was originally framed I am sure the Minister will agree it has been good for the country and, not only nationally but internationally, it has given us a reputation as a country which still values the cultural inheritance we all have with regard to the arts.

The section which deals with the business expansion scheme is extremely complex. I do not intend to inflict my ignorance in this area on the House but I am aware of the enormous amount of work that went into the attempt to ensure that public money generated from unfortunate taxpayers, like all the Members of this House, is not squandered on schemes that are simply intended to generate finance for individuals without any benefit for the country. I congratulate the Minister and his officials on having made a very determined effort to solve this situation.

I welcome section 28 which deals with corporate investment in films. I am being unusually positive here. I am usually more balanced and usually put a little vinegar in with the saccharin but the occasion is quite historic in terms of the restoration lobby, and perhaps I am — I will not say losing balance — but in a very good mood today and I thank the Minister for it.

It is the weather, I am sure.

That may have something to do with it. It is certainly the cultural climate, if we can compromise on that phrase. I am glad there is a substantial increase in the provisions of section 28 but I am not sure this completely meets the objections that many of us voiced during an adjournment debate that was taken by the late Senator Jackie Daly on the subject of the abolition of Bord Scannán na hÉireann. I am not convinced that this additional tax relief, welcome as it is, will actually operate to allow us to recover the position that was eroded by what I regarded at the time, and have had no reason to alter my view, was an unfortunate and retrograde step.

I will not rehearse that because we had a full debate on it at that time but as the economic climate improves — and it seems to be slowly improving — perhaps the Government will be in a position to examine this again because I do not believe that simple tax relief is sufficient. Bord Scannán na hÉireann was an expert marketing operation that allowed the financing of the research and development, the sketching out of ideas of a film, the production of a film and, finally, the international marketing of that film. It is important that we exercise at least some control over the image we present to the outside world as a people. Although I welcome the extension of the benefits accuring under section 28, I hope this will not be the end of the story.

I notice there is some welcome amendment in section 72 to stamp duty with regard to long-term leases and that the Minister acknowledges that this, again, is as a result of extensive lobbying from organisations such as Threshold. I welcome this. I wonder if the Minister has any views on a phenomenon that has recently emerged which is the part exchange of houses rather than the direct sale. This, I understand, because of the spiralling rise in house prices, is becoming increasingly frequent. People, particularly elderly retired people — I do not wish to draw this into the tax net but it is something that might be looked at to see if we can learn anything from it — trade down instead of wishing to trade up and the mechanism has been discovered by shrewd estate agents whereby it is possible to trigger stamp duty only on the difference between the two houses. I regard this in certain circumstances as a positive thing, but perhaps it should be looked at to ensure that it does not become a method of avoiding taxation where it is paid by everybody else in the State.

I would like to welcome very much indeed the section referred to by the Minister towards the end of his speech, section 92, which provides a revised scheme of VAT and excise remissions or refunds for disabled people as drivers and as passengers. Once more, it would be quite tedious and unnecessary for me to rehearse the arguments. The Minister has most ably made them and every Member of the House, I am sure, like myself, has received detailed briefing documents from the agencies operating on behalf of disabled people. In a Bill which has such technical complexity and deals with the problems of the national economy, which are considerable — although I believe with the Minister that the economy is sound in a basic sense — it is important that we do not lose sight completely of the human, and indeed the humane touch. Certainly in this section of the Bill we have indications that the Minister and his officials take a humane view and I very much welcome that.

I welcome the comprehensive and wide-ranging statement of the Minister which amounts to a major statement on the economy. As Senator Norris has said, the Finance Bill lends itself more to detailed discussion on Committee Stage rather than today so I, too, will confine myself to some broad observations on it.

The Bill, which gives legislative effect to aspects of the budget, is a logical extension of earlier events. Starting with the NESC consensus document, A Strategy for Development, 1986-90 we then had the Programme for National Recovery which gave practical expression to the NESC report. Today's Bill is an extension of that in that it fits into the three year rolling plan of the Programme for National Recovery. It is clear, of course, that the Government have a sense of direction, an overall strategy for economic and social development and this Finance Bill is an essential component of it and fits logically into a sequence of events.

Objectively speaking, anybody would have to admit that the economy has been transformed over the past two years. Tough measures were necessary, harsh measures were necessary at times, to lay the basis for national recovery. It took courage, it took determination, but it just had to be done. The results, thankfully, are now appearing. The pre-conditions for growth and, therefore, for jobs are already evident. There is a low level of inflation, low interest rates, a surplus in the balance of payments and manufacturing and agricultural output are up and growing. Investment, which is the key to growth and jobs, has stimulated the confidence which has brought about this investment.

There is one theme, and this presents the opportunity to do it, that I want to pick up. It has to do with the co-operative approach which pervades Government action to date on the economic front. I want to refer specifically to the deliberate strategy based on co-operation as opposed to a strategy based on confrontation. I believe that the spirit of co-operation which pervaded the Programme for National Recovery and, therefore, contributed to the turnaround in the economy, has been an essential ingredient.

The Government, indeed, have been helped by the Programme for National Recovery which, as I have said, was based on co-operation. The programme has harnessed and co-ordinated the efforts of all sides in the overall national interest and one piece of tangible evidence of this co-operative approach lies in the dramatic fall in the number of strikes last year. Strike figures for 1988 represent the lowest number of strikes since 1963 and the lowest number of man-days lost since 1962. In a small open economy like ours productively and quality are of vital importance. The challenge is to develop new markets and to produce goods and services at the lowest possible cost. The Minister highlighted the need to be cost effective in the context of competitiveness. This leads me back, of course, to the co-operation strategy, not alone at national level but at the level of the firm where the aim should be to improve relationships between employers and employees in order to supplement the co-operation levels at the national level.

In Irish industrial relations there is a deep-seated tradition, borrowed from Britain, which views relations between the two sides of industry as confrontational and feeding on mistrusts. Several continental European countries, however — and they are more and more our competitors nowadays — are not burdened in the same way with the confrontational collective bargaining model. The co-operative model holds out a better prospect for productivity and for organisational harmony, and, therefore, for lower costs and competitiveness. Labour productivity can be improved by better industrial relations and a more co-operative model of collective bargaining as manifested at national level in the Programme for National Recovery. The idea, therefore, is to shift away from the adversarial approach of the past with all its restrictive practices and the low levels of trust and to jointly recognise that both sides are in this thing together and, therefore, facing common problems in the enterprise with a view to becoming more competitive. The way forward for Ireland is obviously to produce goods and services, emphasising higher productivity, better quality, more emphasis on customer service and above all, in giving value for money. As I said, the pattern set at national level by the Government's involvment with the social partners and the co-operative approach should be brought down more and more often to the level of the firm.

Turning briefly to the provisions of the Finance Bill, there is of course an air of confidence about and, as the Minister pointed out, the budget deficit of 5.3 per cent of GNP is adequate to maintain stability — the stability of the national debt and the GNP ratio. Indeed, the present indications are that that target will be beaten and it will be below that. Of course, discipline is required. That means in the pay area in particular, keeping to what has been agreed in word and also to the spirit of it.

The Minister referred to the special increases. This, of course, highlights the continuing role of Government in the area of controlling pay. The Government, through a consensus approach, have been highly influential in regard to pay levels not alone in the public sector but also in the private sector over the past two years. The proposed solution on special increases in the public service, which I warmly welcome and which has just now emerged, is a further example of the consensus approach among the social partners.

The talks leading to these proposed special pay arrangements were led by the Minister and, as he indicated in his statement today, there were no less than ten meetings between his officials and those of the Irish Congress of Trade Unions. This orderly approach to special increases right now is in sharp contrast to the far from satisfactory special pay pattern that emerged due to unstable Governments in the early eighties. The current proposals have emerged after co-operative, detailed discussions and they bring more order to the phased approach to the special increases in the years ahead. Furthermore, they should lead to a continuation of the industrial relations stability in the public service.

With regard to the budget itself, it provides an integrated package dealing with both social welfare and taxation systems. I listened with interest to what Senator Bulbulia said about the poverty category. We had an opportunity here when the Minister for Social Welfare was introducing his legislation to give effect to the social welfare provisions of the budget to discuss that issue in more detail. Obviously it is entirely legitimate to discuss it in the context of the Finance Bill but it is fair to say that the budget, including what the Minister for Social Welfare introduced, underlines the recognition by the Government of the plight of the long term unemployed and those on low incomes. The substantial increases for both categories demonstrated a practical response, with a considerable distance to go, by the Government at this time.

There are still serious problems facing the country. We need to do more about jobs and personal taxation. We need to upgrade our transport, our communications, our education, training and so on but we should not sell ourselves short. We need to keep our self-esteem. There is an element of practical realism in the Minister's speech which I welcome. We have to have a certain amount of confidence and it is justified now in the context of the progress we are making.

There are very clear indications of growth which have been confirmed by industry surveys, quite independently of Government organs. There is widespread support I believe for the general direction of Government policy. The aim, obviously, should be to secure and consolidate the recovery we have made and not to relax our efforts in that regard. This will require even further unpalatable medicine from time to time but courage and determination, combined with sensitivity in relation to the less well off, to me seems to be the way forward. I will reserve any further comments for detailed consideration on Committee Stage.

I will be very brief. I will not duplicate a lot of what has been said. I have a particular concern in relation to one section and I would like to place it clearly on the record, that is the question of the minimum standards and section 23 lettings. I do not mind saying this while the Minister is absent because he has two very good advisers present who will keep him well advised of what is being said.

There is generous tax relief available under section 23 of the 1981 Finance Act which was amended by sections 27, 28 and 29 of the 1988 Finance Act, whereby the purchase of new apartments and houses for letting can offset the rental income from both the new premises and any other rental properties. While the new rental houses and apartments have to meet minimum standards and are generally of a high quality no such conditions attach to the other rental properties to which relief is claimed. For example, a landlord of slum properties could buy a new section 23 apartment or house and, as a result, he could enjoy the income from his slum properties effectively tax free.

The tax relief is not linked to standard of good practice in the management either of the new or existing properties such as the use of written tenancy agreements, rentbooks or a minimum period of notice to quit. In contrast, the corresponding UK legislation encouraging investment in rental property linked the tax reliefs to secure long term tenancies obeying certain conditions. In Ireland the section 23 tax relief can be claimed, for example, by landlords whose tenants of long standing are still only on week-to-week leases. The Minister should link the tax concessions with proper standards.

Figures given in a recent Dáil question showed the average tax relief granted under section 23 amounted to £10,000 per claimant. We have had information that this is a very generous tax relief and, therefore, should be made conditional on standards of good practice in both the new and existing rental properties. We believe the standards should include conformity with the by-laws where applicable and with basic standards similar to those enshrined in the Housing (Private Dwellings) Standard Regulations, 1984 which laid down the minimum standards for formerly rent controlled dwellings, the provision of rentbooks or similar proof of rent paid, written tenancy agreements, greater security of tenure, that is to say a minimum of one week's notice for every six months duration of the tenancy.

We intended to put down some amendments which we believed would not be of any great cost, if at any cost, to the Exchequer but we understand it is not possible to amend something in the Finance Bill that will involve cost. While we are not putting down an amendment we would like to put on the record of the House what we had in mind.

Where income tax otherwise due on rented residential premises under section 81 of the Income Tax Act 1967, is reduced in whole or in part by the provisions of section 23 of the Finance Act of 1981 (as amended by sections 27, 28, and 29 of the Finance Act 1988) it shall be a condition of the granting of such income tax reduction that any such residential premises:

(1) (a) shall comply with any by-laws governing conditions of rented dwellings laid down by the local authority in whose area the premises is situate;

(b) shall conform to the standards laid down in the Housing (Private Rented Dwellings) Standards Regulations, 1984 (S.I. No. 337 of 1981) as if those regulations governed the premises concerned.

(2) the letting agreement governing the lease of any such premises includes:

(a) that a written tenancy agreement is issued to the tenant giving the details of the landlord's name and address, the amount of the rent, the deposit paid, if any, and the terms of the tenancy;

(b) that a rent book or other form of receipt for rent (including verification of rent paid through a bank account), be issued to the tenant;

(c) that in respect of each complete period of six months since the commencement of the tenancy, the tenant shall be entitled to one week's notice to quit the premises and for any additional period, forming less than six months complete months, the tenant shall be entitled to an additonal week's notice to quit.

Obviously there will be an argument here that there would be a substantial cost factor involved. We do not want to get into unnecessary hassle but it is necessary to outline the type of amendment we had in mind with regard to this matter. The purpose is to provoke some sort of reply from the Minister as to whether our fears are unnecessary or unjustified, whether we are exaggerating the situation or whether we are dealing with a factual situation that has some defects and needs some alteration. We are very anxious to hear a reply from the Minister and to have it written into the record.

There is one other very small but important point that is causing concern to many people and the Labour Party are certainly concerned about it. It is the case where schools are promoting hurling, and juvenile hurleys that have to be purchased by the schools. We feel that these people should get total relief from VAT because we believe they are doing an outstanding job. It is the national game and they have to be given every opportunity to encourage school children to play it. We would be very anxious for the Minister to reassure the people who are promoting hurling in schools that the Government have their interests at heart.

I do not want to cover ground that has been adequately covered. I listened to the Minister's speech and have since read it. It is a very long speech, 26 pages in fact. It is more a progress report than a Finance Bill speech. I will go through a few items in the Minister's speech on which I would like further clarification. The Minister referred to the job creation programme of the present Government. The Minister says:

This kind of progress bodes well for job prospects and for our ability to reduce unemployment, which are the priority goals of the Government and influence everything we are doing. The initial evidence on jobs may not appear impressive — the increase of 6,000 in total employment which took place in the year to April, 1988, as disclosed by the latest Labour Force Survey.

The Minister acknowledged that the record is not very impressive but he fails to point out that all the work experience schemes and all the people who lost their unemployment benefit due to the deliberate policy of harassment of people on unemployment benefit, have been a factor in arriving even at that very modest figure.

I would ask the Minister about the present unemployment figure of 240,000. What are the Government doing about those unfortunate people? What effort is being made by the Government to provide meaningful employment for those people on long-term and short-term unemployment? Those are the issues with which we, as politicians, should be concerning ourselves. We should be creating meaningful employment because that is one of the major problems facing this country. What genuine efforts are being made in that regard?

Another statistic the Minister forgot to mention was the 100,000 people who have emigrated. I submit that the figure may be even much greater than that. They have been forced to emigrate. Every parish in rural Ireland and every street in urban Ireland is affected by the scourge of emigration. Practically every family in Ireland is now affected by the scourge of emigration. Ask anyone in any parish who is fielding teams in football, hurling, etc. More than one-third of their players have been forced to emigrate to England, America or further afield. Emigration of their children is the reality facing most parents today. I am a parent of four schoolgoing children, some in their teens. I see no future for them in this country if the present situation continues. That is the main concern of parents and it is a sad state of affairs. The Government have failed to do anything to allay the fears of parents in this regard. It is a sad situation in which we find ourselves. Even 26 pages of a speech from the Minister cannot disguise this fact. Let me warn the Minister that parents are concerned about this. It does not matter when the election is called — speculation is continuing in that regard, it is not being allayed by anybody from the Government side, particularly the Taoiseach whose responsibility it is. No matter when the general election is called, emigration will be a major issue, many politicians are out canvassing for the European elections. The question most often asked at the door is: "what are the prospects of jobs for my children?" This is the issue about which parents are very concerned.

I welcome back the Minister of State. it seems that any time I address the Seanad I meet the Minister of State, Deputy Connolly. Maybe it is because he and I are here at the same times or maybe he comes here very often. He is very welcome anyway. I was saying that emigration will be a serious issue whenever the general election is called, because we as politicians are already meeting that at the doors when we canvass for the European elections. I will illustrate this point. Recently in County Galway — my own county and the county of the Acting Chairman — when Mrs. Power of Power's Cross won £1,250,000 in the national lottery, she was asked by the reporters what she would do with the money. She did not say she would buy a new car; she did not say she would go on a holiday; she did not say she would buy a new house; she did not say she would add an extension to their farm or buy a new farm; the only thing she said was: "Thanks be to God my three children will now be able to come back from England".

A sensible Galway woman.

A sensible Galway woman is right, or a sensible mother in any part of this country because that is the reality with parents and we all have to face that.

In his report the Minister referred to the National Development Plan and said that it complements and builds on the Programme for National Recovery. He further stated that the EC provision of increased Structural Funds to help strengthen the economy is one of three vital elements. I would like to ask the Minister what is the situation now of the EC money vis-á-vis the National Plan? When will specific announcements be made as to the expenditure or possible expenditure of this money, and is there any possibility — I doubt it very much that those announcements will be made before 15 June irrespective of whether there is only the European elections on that date or whether they may be other elections? It is essential that this be spelled out.

Many communities, parish councils; community councils and others were misled earlier in the year with the hype about the National Plan and the EC Structural Funds, etc. They spent a lot of time, energy and money developing fancy brochures and great plans for spending this money in their communities. I believe they were misled because I do not think this type of money is available to the community councils and parish councils for these types of plans. If it is, I would very much welcome it. I would also welcome it if it could be spelled out immediately and we should not keep people in suspense until certain events are over.

The Minister referred to tax concessions for disabled drivers. He said that the present medical criterion, that a person must be "wholly or almost wholly without the use of each of his legs," has included otherwise deserving cases. That was the situation and the Minister intends to amend it. He says:

The general criterion of disability will be that a person must be "severely and permanently" disabled.

The scheme will also apply to disabled persons as passengers where a significant car adaptation is needed. I welcome that very much. I would like more clarification because:

The Minister says:

Finally, let me say to all those who are at present in receipt of a remission or refund of tax due under the existing scheme, that they will not have to undergo any further process of medical certification to retain eligibility for the particular form of tax refund they enjoy at present.

A case was brought to my attention last night in my clinic of a person who is wholly disabled. He is a person who is wholly without the use of his legs who has been in a wheelchair since birth. He has never walked and is only fit to stand while he is getting into the car. This is a person who for the past six or seven years, since he became the owner of a car which is essential for him to get around, had qualified for the tax concession. I quote from a letter which he received from the office of the Revenue Commissioners dated 10 May 1989:

I am directed by the Revenue Commissioners to refer to your application under the Disabled Drivers' Scheme for a repayment of excise duty paid in respect of the motor vehicle bearing registration No. 89 G 936.

In this regard I am to inform you that section 43 (1) of the Finance Act, 1968 which contains the criteria on which the excise duty relief is based, describes disability in terms of persons who are wholly or almost wholly without the use of each of their legs. As the medical evidence available is not to the effect that your disability comes within the scope of that description, it is regretted that the Commissioners are not in a position to authorise a repayment in this case.

Yet the doctor's certificate in this person's case states that he has been all his life in a wheelchair and that he is unable to walk. He is not in any other category. I know him personally all my life and I will vouch for the correctness of what I am saying. Yet under the present law after being eligible for the refund for the past six or seven years, he is now excluded according to that letter even though there has been no improvement and, in fact, there has been a deterioration in his state of health and in his use of his limbs. While welcoming the change the Minister is proposing here that the general criterion for disability will be that a person must be severely and permanently disabled with the result that he or she would be unable to drive a car unless it is specially constructed or adapted, I would question the interpretation of the present law which can go so far wrong as to deny a person who is absolutely qualified. How are we to guard against that even with the amended section?

The Minister has devoted 18 pages out of 26 to matters of tax, tax avoidance, business tax, personal tax, etc. It would appear from that that he has a very high regard — an obsession if you like — with the collecting of tax. That may or may not be a good thing but it is quite clear that our tax laws are entirely inadequate and out of date and they need a complete revision. Our tax law needs a complete review because tax is crippling employment. It now costs an employer £2 or £3 for every extra £1 in wages he gives to an employee. That should not be the case.

Nowhere in the Minister's extensive speech could I find any reference to the funding of local authorities, etc. This, again, is becoming a major problem throughout the country. In County Galway our roads are in a state of disrepair. I have a particular concern about the roads in Connemara which are deteriorating to the point that they are being washed away altogether. The capital grant to Galway County Council in 1987 was cut back by 14 per cent or £1.4 million. In 1988 it was cut back by £570,000 or 5.6 per cent on top of the cutback of £1.4 million in the previous year. We are reaching the stage where it is now accepted by county engineers and everybody else that no work can be done on county roads and I presume the same applies in other counties. I would think those matters should be referred to in the debate on the Finance Bill. We as members of local authorities must explain to the people in the areas we represent that the state of the roads in our areas is not due to the activity or inactivity of the county council but is due to cutbacks in finance being provided for the carrying out of those works.

Like every other county and town throughout this country we are affected by the lack of finance for local authority housing. In Galway city we are now at a crisis as regards housing. I saw a person at my clinic last night. She and her husband and two children live in a house where there are 15 people altogether. I was speaking to the housing officer of Galway Corporation today and I was told there is no possibility of that person being housed or getting a flat in the immediate future. That is because of the cutback in the provision of money for local authority houses.

In Galway borough area between 1983 and 1986 we were allocated by the Government of the day some £14 million for local authority housing. Over 500 local authority houses were completed. Yet in 1987 and 1988 — and this is the clear and absolute record despite the fact that we in Galway Borough Council had provision for land and adequate plans with the Department for housing — not one local authority house was built in the Galway Borough area. Not one local authority house will be built — and I will qualify that remark in a minute — in 1989, but 20 apartments — 15 one bedroom and 5 two bedroom — will be built at Whitehall, an infill scheme in the centre of the city mainly meant for old people, a very necessary category indeed.

Those are the facts as regards the local authority housing programme in Galway city. I will have to tell the person who called to my clinic last night that unfortunately she has no chance of a house or a corporation flat. She is not looking for a house, she is looking for a corporation flat. I will have to tell her she has no chance of a corporation flat in the present circumstances. The only chance she has of a flat is if some unfortunate person in a corporation house in Castlepark, Newcastle or somewhere else is forced to emigrate and a house becomes vacant into which we will be moving some tenant from the local authority flats, and then a flat will become vacant. That is the only way local authority housing is becoming available in the Galway urban borough area.

It is a very sad reflection on the Government and the Government must be indicted on their cutbacks in the provision of capital for the building of local authority houses. We now have waiting lists in the county areas, but more so in the borough area where, since 1986, not one local authority house has been completed. In 1987 only £220,000 was allocated and that was to complete a scheme started in 1986. Not one new house was built in Galway Borough area in 1987 or 1988, and will not be built in 1989 with the exception of 15 one bedroom and five two bedroom apartments. I could not let this opportunity pass without making reference to that. I could go on and on about those problems.

Perhaps I could mention the health services. I do not intend to go into this matter as I think it has been covered already and will probably be covered more thoroughly by other speakers. The health services are in a shambles and we hear desperate, harrowing cases of people being admitted to hospital. I know of a man in Galway who was admitted to hospital last week. He was told on Friday evening to come in fasting for an operation and he was sent home again fasting on Sunday. The explanation was that the operation could not be carried out due to lack of beds and pressure of work. That is not an isolated case. What about all the people waiting for replacement of glasses, who need dental treatment and so on? Nobody can now get their glasses replaced except old age pensioners, diabetics or people with eye related diseases. Other people are being told by our health board that they are being put on a waiting list.

What about all the young people waiting for orthodontic treatment? They have no chance of getting this treatment. That is another issue about which I should warn the Minister of State and the Government. It will become a live issue in the general election, irrespective of when that is held. There is intense speculation in this House about the date for the next election. Quite frankly, it does not matter when the next election comes because people will be ready to ask this Government to answer for the neglect of the services that they should be providing throughout the country.

I welcome the opportunity to say a few words on the Finance Bill. It is difficult for an Opposition to be critical when their party failed to vote yesterday at Report Stage when the Bill was going through the other House. There has to be a little sincerity and consistency because the people are no longer gombeens. Most of them are in touch and——

We are only responsible for our own House.

——can follow the procedure of the House. Most of them understand that a party can let off steam and be seen as all things to all people. There is not enough provision made for the health services, for building houses, for roads, etc., and it is really a terrible picture. If I was saying that and I believed it I would have the courage of my convictions and I would stand up and oppose it. I find it hard to take it seriously. Nevertheless the Finance Bill gives all Members an opportunity to make some observations and to reflect on the provisions of the Bill.

The most important thing that has happened in the last two and a half years is that the ordinary people of Ireland have got back some self-confidence. It may be at a price, and I think that price is rightly described as being very high for some sections, and I accept this, but I am yet waiting for alternatives, for real realistic alternatives. Senators can make comments about the bad roads, potholes, emigration etc., but did it all start two and a half years ago? It did not and I believe the only reason a minority Government is allowed to stay in office is because the vast majority of the Irish people would support the return of the same Government on their performance, and that is the platform on which we as a party stand.

Why do you not call the election?

You might get it far quicker than you need it.

It is not Paddy's fault.

Definitely not, and I am not looking for an election. I have no magic button or crystal ball, but I am speaking as an individual from rural Ireland. The greatest achievement of the Government is the fact that they restored confidence in a large number of people who are prepared to get up and do something for themselves. That was not the situation up to two and a half years ago. The ordinary businessmen, the farmers, every single section of the community were demoralised.

By the Opposition at the time.

The Opposition at the time were not responsible for the collapse of the Government. If my memory serves me the Government of the day was dissolved because of a disagreement between the two parties in Coalition. I do not think they were voted out. I do not think anything happened, that is if my memory serves me right. I believe the present Government are doing a reasonable job. They have the confidence of the people, they have the confidence of other countries and we are now looked upon as a healthy trading unit within Europe. That in itself is a major achievement and I believe most of the people realise that that has been achieved. I admit that sections of this community here have been hardpressed as a result of measures that the Government have been forced to take. It is useful therefore for all of us to have an opportunity to review the financial situation when the Finance Bill is going through the House.

On the question of taxation, there is no simple solution to taxation. Some sections want to pay no tax, some sections want a 25 per cent across the board tax, other sections believe that no matter what tax they are paying it is too much. Between direct tax and indirect taxation, the various forms of value added tax, the taxation on oil, petrol, cars, individuals, PRSI or whatever form of taxation, you find when you examine it that it is a very delicate balancing operation and the Minister for Finance and the Government have the difficulty of not being too hard on any particular section. But it has to be recognised that the Government have done a reasonable job and are progressing at present to the point where vast improvements can be made, but there had to be foundations laid and confidences gained. However, I believe that the Government are on the right road.

It is right to recognise that wages and salaries here are certainly not behind anywhere in Europe. If we look at a cross-section of wages and salaries and make comparisons between here and the UK and the North of Ireland, we find that in many cases — nurses and teachers, to name but two sections — the salaries and wages are higher here than they are in the North of Ireland.

There are no jobs for them here.

I will deal with the jobs if I am allowed. I am not the Minister for Finance; I am merely making observations which I honestly believe in. I am saying that this country at present has a well paid workforce in relation to our neighbours in Europe. Take whatever section you like, the office administrator, the forestry worker, the road worker or go right across the board, we are abreast of anybody in Europe with our salary scales. I believe that is very important.

Reference was made to emigration. We have yet to examine some of the reasons for emigration. It is a good slogan for Opposition Members and at election times to say "Look at the number of people emigrating". We are now Europeans and we are going to find more and more of our young people emigrating to Germany, France, Belgium, Holland and Britain. The whole focus will be no longer be on Britain. Languages, travel and participation in European countries will be the order of the day. I believe that, whatever Government are in office, there will be vast numbers of our young, well-educated people leaving the country. We may deplore it. It might be nice to have them all building new bungalows and living four miles down the road. That is sentimental and perhaps desirable, but the fact is that the young people of today want to see the world and to explore the possibilities of improving their lot within Europe. That is here, it is going to stay and it is a major factor in the emigration statistics. Despite all the changes in taxation and all the provision of jobs and incentives, that will not go away, no matter what you do. Under-provision, over-provision or change in provision will not alter that. That is the realistic situation we have now reached. Our young people are now at the stage where they will look around for the best jobs; many of those who emigrated left very good jobs here in Ireland.

Chased away by taxation.

I am pleased also to record another aspect of our success concerning the cost of goods here. It nearly became an obsession with Gay Byrne. Every second morning in his programme he was interviewing people to show the price of a car in the North compared to the price down here and how much it meant for the individual——

Acting Chairman

I would like to remind the Senator that he is not in order in naming people.

I am sorry about that. I can refer to the fact that our radio and television programmes were constantly interviewing people who went to shop for goods in Belfast, Newry and outside the State. They went over to Swansea and to England in boatloads on shopping sprees. That has substantially stopped. I come from a border county. I am pleased to say that, if you go up to a little store in Ballybofey on a Friday or a Saturday, more than 50 per cent of all the shopping people in Ballybofey come from across the Border. If you go to two or three stores in Letterkenny you will see that the tide has been turned around completely. Ordinary household goods now, and food in particular, are cheaper in the Republic than in the North.

That is a realistic figure. Most of us were sick and tired of listening to the propaganda. People were getting free time on our national media to advertise their wares, how attractive they were and their prices. Even at the height of it, a businessman in the North said to me that he had been listening to a lot of propaganda about the price of a car. He said he had two companies, one in the North and one in the South. He told me that the manager of the company in the North had a Mazda 626 which was £4,000 or £5,000 cheaper than the price of the manager's Mazda in the South. He said that we seemed to give ourselves a lot of bad publicity over the fact that cars are dearer in the South, but that nobody mentioned the fact that the rates on the building he owned in the North were £10,000 more than that of the similar building he had in the South.

In regard to the last speaker, it is depressing to listen to remarks of that kind which discourage our people, for whatever propaganda or political reason. The one thing we must not do is to tell our young people that they are inferior, that this country is no place to live in, that they should get out of it, that it is too dear to live in and that there is no future here. That is not the message you should give, regardless of how anxious you might be to be in politics. I venture to say that nobody will believe you. The vast majority of the people are capable of assessing the situation on the ground. You do a disservice to yourself and a bigger disservice to your country by continuing to knock, to run down, to criticise and to spell out a message of no hope. That is deplorable and it is not acceptable. It does not help and will never help to put you back in office.

I am delighted to see that the general trading position of this country has vastly improved to the point where we are now recognised as an equal trader in Europe. When you are watching a money programme or a business programme you find now that Ireland is no longer coming in at the bottom of the league. Ireland is now quoted in major business countries such as Germany, Holland and France. We are up there in that league, thanks to the management of the Government who have been in office for the last two years. I believe totally in what I am saying.

Recently we had much criticism of the National Development Plan. We were told that we were not even entitled to describe it as a national plan. We were told that it was a programme for development, that we could not call it a plan. This was said on behalf of people who were hellbent on criticising, hellbent on demonstrating nationally and internationally that our progress, our programme and presentation to Europe were inadequate, that we were not capable. They wanted more time, more details and more input on ground level. For me in particular that was hard to stomach because I had so much knowledge of what was happening on the ground. When the National Development Plan was being introduced, I recalled that in 1983 the Economic and Social Committee of the European Communities submitted a plan for the Border regions to the then Minister, who is now Leader of the Opposition. I wonder if that ever saw the light of day. It would have cost £800 million to implement that report in our Border areas, to bring the Border counties up to the economic level of the rest of the country. But not even one pound was spent on it. Those are the very same people who now cry crocodile tears about the inadequacy of our presentation to Europe. In 1983 they had all the documentation they needed; it was done for them by Brussels. Brussels would have supported it financially. But what did they do? That document was never mentioned once by anybody. How can they be sincere and criticise the national plan? People from my own county criticised the national plan, that they did not get enough opportunity. Yet in 1987 we had a regional strategy for Donegal, Leitrim and Sligo, for which we paid £100,000 and which is incorporated in the national plan.

Those people would not even bother to find out the facts on the ground. It was easier and cheaper to be critical and to get on the bandwagon of not enough for the potholes and not enough for health or for anything else. It is easy to be critical. Those who are critical and who do not check their facts must be challenged at every single opportunity. That is what we will do, whether it is a European election or a general election and whether a general election comes in June, July or June of next year. Whenever it comes the unchallenged propaganda that has been running rampant will be challenged. The mass of ordinary voters and ordinary people will be there and they will decide; and I have no difficulty in assessing what they will do.

It is a long time since we had the same commitment by business people — small business people in particular — who are now prepared to enter into business and to provide jobs. That is the key. However desirable it is to bring in somebody who will create 300 or 400 jobs in a centre, a vast number of additional jobs will be provided by people within our own jurisdiction. The confidence that is now prevailing is a major contribution and will encourage people to provide jobs.

It is important that we have funding to develop our resources here. We have now reached the stage where you cannot bring in a sheet of tin from Taiwan, bend it and send it out again. We have to develop our natural resources within our country. Therein lies the only way to long term secure jobs. We have vast potential for employing people within our own country.

The fishing industry has not yet been fully developed. The Government are very positive about the preservation and the financing of the fishing industry. I believe that the future is very bright for that industry.

I believe that the tourist industry is largely untapped in rural Ireland. Apart from Dublin, Shannon and the south, tourism in the whole of the west of Ireland, including Donegal, is completely undeveloped. There is a major potential here for providing jobs. In future our plans will have to be geared towards getting the maximum benefit from the tourist industry. We in the area I represent have continually complained that Bord Fáilte have not spent in our area any major part of the £18.5 million they have got nationally. The money has been spent in areas where there already has been substantial success. I would claim that the west of Ireland, particularly Donegal, has not had the input we would like to see from Bord Fáilte. I urge the Minister for Finance to ask Bord Fáilte what part of the £18.5 million went towards the west of Ireland and to examine, region by region, county by county, where that £18.5 million went. You will find out that, after you paid for the glasshouse at Baggot Street Bridge and paid for the salaries and the travelling expenses, there is not enough finance going towards the promotion of tourism in the west.

I believe that much more could be done. If I were to be asked where I could provide more jobs in my county I would have to say in the tourist industry, the fishing industry, the timber industry, agriculture, sheep, cattle and those areas. Many more jobs can be provided, but I would have to say that the tourist industry would be our prime area for development. I ask the Minister to examine the amount of money spent on development in the west by Bord Fáilte. I believe that we have got funding for signposts, we have got personnel to attend festivals, a presence on the ground, brochures, plans and vocal support; but we have not had sufficient development support to provide jobs in the west. I would ask the Minister for Finance to talk to Bord Fáilte and to get an indication of the amount of money and where the allocation of funds has been concentrated. That will show that my county in particular has fared very badly in the allocation of funds.

I believe it is important also that we continue to examine the support for small farmers. I dislike seeing young people emigrating and I have to recognise that some of the undesirable emigration takes place from small family holdings in rural Ireland. We have not yet done enough to sustain the family farm. The President of the EC recently visited this country and indicated his support for the retention of the small family farm. We have got to do much more than we have. The western package had a clause in it whereby assistance from the EC fund under the western package cannot be given to those who have off farm incomes. A big number of people have been deprived of support for small family farm development schemes as a result of that clause. That must be looked at. I was pleased that today the Minister for Agriculture has announced that the off-farm income clause for suckler cows has now been dropped. This will give the new premium of £53 per cow, which has been increased from £38, directly to small family farms without the off-farm income being taken into consideration. This is only a start. I would ask that we continue on this very important matter, because if we can support and retain the small farm in rural Ireland we are making a major contribution to the economy of this country. I would encourage the Minister for Finance to provide funding to support and retain the small family farm in future years.

The last speaker referred to bad roads. I think it is a bit of a slogan, because everybody has had to put up with bad roads in rural Ireland — but not in the city or on our trunk-roads. I would remind the House and those who criticise the funding for roads that over the last two years the Minister for the Environment has increased funding and has a national roads programme, which was not in place and did not exist up to two and a half years ago. That is very important. The present Government recognise that the standard of our roads has to be brought up to the standard of the roads in Europe. It is well known that the provision for country roads in most local authorities in Ireland has trebled in the last two years. I welcome that increased contribution from the Department of the Environment. I believe that within this financial year we will get rid of the potholes in county roads and of most of the bad roads that we had to accept as a legacy of the previous administration.

There is one other matter to which I would like to refer. The Minister in his speech indicated an increase in the VAT rate on livestock from 1.4 per cent to 2 per cent. That means that if I sell cattle to a meat factory or at a cattle mart the amount of VAT is now 2 per cent. I would ask the Minister to make sure that the amount is shown separately and that it is not included in the invoice. If I put in ten or 20 cattle to the meat factory, the invoice for my cattle is down and the VAT I receive in addition to the amount for the cattle is added and shown as a separate amount. It is important, because I have seen the amount of VAT included in the price. This information was only available when the farmer sold his cattle, went back to challenge the amount and then the meat factory told him that the VAT was included in the price. That arrangement is unsatisfactory and I welcome the change from 1.4 per cent and 2 per cent. However, I would strongly urge those dealing in cattle to record that amount of VAT under a separate heading so that the farmer will know what he is getting and know what VAT is included.

The Finance Bill has been a very successful presentation by the Minister. I would like to compliment the Minister for Finance who is recognised as representing the backbone of this country. No one has successfully challenged the present Minister in regard to where he was going wrong. I would compliment him and encourage him. He is on target; he is doing a major job of work for this country, and that is borne out by the fact that the Finance Bill went through the Dáil virtually unchallenged yesterday evening. I welcome the Bill. It gives this country and its people a lot of confidence in themselves.

I must apologise to the House. My voice is a bit incoherent as I have a heavy cold.

I am not entirely sure what I am listening to here. I found a lot of what Senator McGowan had to say constructive and realistic. He struck me as being an echo of what Fianna Fáil used to be stuck into, what Fianna Fáil has chosen to be at present, and trying his best to reconcile the two. This is characteristic of a large section of people in this country who vote Fianna Fáil, because they are stuck in a different position, which some of us ought to do more to lead them out of. A lot of what he said was realistic and forthright. He conceded that some people have suffered badly from the strategy of Government over the last two or three years but what he did not concede, and I am sure will not, is that it is the poorest, the most vulnerable and the least articulate who have suffered. It is a fact that in virtually every health board in the country, where cutbacks have been made one of the major target areas has been psychiatric care. One of the things about psychiatric patients, of course, is that they do not die as a result of their complaint and, therefore, there are no spectacular numbers to demonstrate the appalling nature of the health cuts. These people can be allowed to rot in appalling conditions with limited nursing facilities and in some cases virtually none but nobody notices because they are rarely visited by their families. This is the case particularly with long-term psychiatric patients. Therefore it is not an accident that such groups are targeted.

Senator Bulbulia whom I admire for many of her positions, Senator McCormack and the entire Fine Gael Party have a damn cheek to start lecturing the nation about the consequences of Government policy on financial matters. They are the ones who have been eager for cutbacks since 1981 and who claim credit when the cutbacks are popular. They are somewhat disappointed at this stage that they are not getting more electoral support for what they believe to be their constructive role. They are now, presumably because they sniff an election, trying to distance themselves from the unpleasant consequences of those cutbacks. It is a very simple equation that needs to be straightened out.

There is only one way to pay for public services in this country and that is by taxation. The taxation can be deferred by borrowing but it cannot be avoided. Sooner or later you have to pay for public services. If there is borrowing and it is used constructively, it stimulates growth which in turn generates revenue and that in turn becomes taxation to pay for the borrowing. There is no way to pay for public services other than by taxation. Every demand for improved, extended or better public services is a demand for more extensive or higher taxation and I have no problems with that.

A number of assumptions that have taken a hold on society over the past number of years are so profoundly untrue that even if what I say is noticed by nobody, it is important that it should go on the record. I want to simply look back over the last number of years because a number of extremely important facts are not entered into in the discussion about the state of this country. In the document Strategy for Development 1986-1990 produced by the National Economic and Social Council, there are some very interesting statistics. For instance, on page 56 they refer to the state of Government finances, net of the payment of national debt interest. This document refers to 1981, and every year since then Government taxation revenue has more than exceeded total Government expenditure on all services if you exclude debt service. Since around 1980 we have not been giving ourselves an unpaid-for standard of living. We have been endeavouring to maintain a constant level of services in the face of spiralling international interest rates. The same document, on page 54, tabulates something very interesting which I think has not been adverted to by any of the economists, as most of them because of their own ideology, come to their conclusions before they begin to talk about their prescriptions for solutions, and that is that interest rates in this country changed dramatically between 1981 to 1985. Real interest rates in this country were negative in 1981. In other words, interest rates were below the rate of inflation. Quite clearly a society in which interest rates are significantly less than the rate of inflation can keep borrowing indefinitely because inflation of itself will generate revenue which will be more than adequate to pay for any borrowing. The interest on the borrowing will be accumulating at a lower rate than the appreciating revenue which results from inflation.

Between 1981 and 1985 real interest rates increased in Ireland by 10.5 percentage points. In West Germany real interest rates dropped over that period. In the United Kingdom real interest rates increased by only 3.4 per cent. In the Netherlands, which had a budget deficit problem for a while, they also dropped. There is a plausible argument, that the problem in this country was not caused by an excessively high level of public services but by an unfortunate coincidence of international events. The NESC document, Strategy for Development 1986-1990, also contains a speculative study on the impact of interest rates and currency fluctuations on Government expenditure and picks up figures of perhaps £500 million a year in terms of debt servicing costs that would have been avoided if these things had not gone wrong and changed unfavourably from our point of view in that period.

I say that to supplement something that Senator McGowan said, which is that nothing has happened in this country over the last ten years to justify the sort of collective national self-mockery which has characterised a considerable part of media commentary on politicians, politics and Irish society generally. We may have made mistakes but some of them were mistakes of development and some were mistakes of strategy but they were neither obvious nor self-evident in the way that certain economists suggested. The difficulty was, as has now become apparent, that international interest rates and the fluctuations in our currency were pushing up the cost of servicing our debt and Governments had the difficulty of either cutting back on barely adequate, and often totally inadequate, levels of public service provision or borrowing further. It was not a question of some glorious splurge of expenditure on luxury items, with massive social welfare increases, massive health expenditure or anything like that.

The identified excesses like the increase in employment in the area of health services and so on are a minor part of the cost of the national debt. An enormous part is the cost of servicing it from 1980 to 1989. In that case we ought to address a lot of what we are talking about to whether that could have been avoided. Of course, it could have been avoided because since 1973 we have had no death duties and since 1977 we have had no significant rates on domestic property and no agricultural rates. Therefore, what we have done over those years — in many cases it has not been by Government policy although in some cases it was — is to squeeze more and more the section of our society which has to pay taxes and exclude greater and greater numbers of people to the extent that when the eminent British magazine, The Economist, did a survey in this country last year it felt moved to comment that we had produced the most extraordinary situation whereby we tax things like labour and goods that are mobile but do not tax those things in our society which are not mobile like property, capital, land etc. The things that can move out from under a tax burden we try to tax and those things that cannot move we do not tax.

In a country which was in a state of financial crisis up until two or three years ago, the issue of taxation was never addressed. For instance, it was fashionable to suggest that Ireland was among the highest taxed nations in the world. I do not have up-to-date figures; I am quoting from the 1988 edition of the OECD statistics of member countries. The total tax receipts as a percentage of gross domestic product in Ireland in 1985 was 39.1 per cent and, from the NESC report, I understand it stabilised around that and may have dropped slightly since. In some countries, for example, Australia, Greece and Italy tax revenue is less than that. I will explain later why Italy has a low level of tax. In other countries quite the opposite is the case. For example, total tax revenue in Austria is 42½ per cent of gross domestic product; in Denmark it is almost 50 per cent; in Sweden it is in excess of 50 per cent; in Norway it is 48 per cent; in the United Kingdom it is 38 per cent, almost the same as ours; in The Netherlands it is 45 per cent and in Luxembourg it is 43 per cent. We are not a particularly highly taxed nation but we are taxed somewhat higher than our level of wealth might suggest.

In the last 20 years we as a nation decided to give ourselves a good education system because we thought it was both good for our people and good for our industrial development and so we invested in education. It is a demonstration of the basic ideological nature of a lot of what masquerades as independent economic advice that economists are allowed to get away with suggesting that investment in education is not a productive investment. It is regarded as current expenditure which cannot produce any return. There is probably no area of expenditure in our society which can and has produced a greater return to our society — notwithstanding emigration — than education. It is an indication of the depth of the ideological bias in much of the commentary that people have got away with, consistently saying that expenditure in education is current expenditure and non-productive expenditure. Expenditure in education is productive expenditure. It expands the assets available in this country, as well as the wealth creation potential, apart altogether from the egalitarian objectives of giving people access to better jobs and better opportunities.

We have to deal now with the symbols of this misrepresentation. As I have said, and I want to keep saying, we are still being fed a line that it is necessary to cut taxes in order to create a climate for enterprise. I understand that Fine Gael have proposals for a top rate of income tax of 40 per cent and a bottom rate of 25 per cent but I understand they have not yet made it clear whether this is to be brought about by a change in the tax structure or by a reduction in the overall level of taxation and I would like clarification on that. At least the Progressive Democrats have said they will supplement taxation with a property tax — a proposal I would support.

We cannot sustain a compassionate, cohesive community based on good public services and at the same time perpetually hammer away about the high levels of taxation. That is inevitable given the large dependent population and given the fact that we have a very large level of non-participation in the workforce, by women in particular. We have among the lowest levels of female participation in the workforce in the OECD and that is not all caused by unemployment. There are cutural factors involved also, based on attitudes of people and especially on many women as to what they want to do with their lives. I cannot speculate as to the degree to which one or other causes but that is a fact. If a large proportion of our adult population is not involved in the workforce, obviously a smaller body of people will be involved in the creation of wealth and it is obviously inevitable, therefore, that the burden of taxation will bear more heavily on many of those.

It is also true that if we have, as we have chosen to have a larger than average family size, that costs money in terms of the superb maternity care that at least we used to have, a maternity care that was best demonstrated by the most simple and most graphic of all indicators, the infant mortality rate. The fact that, in terms of the rich countries of the world, this relatively poor country had an infant mortality rate which was dramatically less than that of the richest country in the world, demonstrates another of the myths that the economic ideologists have managed to foist upon this country, the favourite myth that our massive expenditure on health services did not do any good. The index they use over and over again is that our life expectancy has not increased. One of the improvements at one end of the scale is that there has been a dramatic drop, a credible and praiseworthy reduction, in infant mortality rates over the last ten years. In a country which does not approve of the termination of pregnancy for reasons associated with perhaps the health of the foetus and where, therefore, unhealthy or handicapped infants are born and cherished, the achievement of superbly low levels of infant mortality is a first indicator that our health service and our health expenditure is achieving something worthwhile.

Other areas where health expenditure has been extended are mental handicap and psychiatric services where there will not be an immediate improvement in life expectancy. The favourite myth of the economic consensus that the increase in health expenditure produced no benefits is actual nonsense and, consequently, the idea that there is a massive amount of fat on the health services that could be cut back is also nonsense. To have the party who forced the breakdown of a Government, because of their commitment to cutbacks in the health service, now march around the country criticising the condition of the health services is more than even I, as a politician with a reasonable capacity to stomach things, can stomach. I am not sure who upsets me most, Fianna Fáil because of their extraordinary promises before the election or Fine Gael with their long post-election conversion to the health services and the need for public expenditure in that area. I will leave it to the two parties to resolve their problems between them but I cannot see any difference.

I take exception to one reference in the Minister's speech, first, because it is not true and secondly, because there is a philosophical implication in it which deserves to be tackled head on, that is that high income tax rates are the enemy of personal incentive, motivation and job creation and lead to the emigration of many skilled young people. I want to put on record something I said in Galway earlier this year. Young people who have learned skills and everybody who has got a training or an education is heavily subsidised by the taxpayer. Outside of private primary education, there is no other area of self-financing education. In every other area of education the taxpayer is a major investor. These skilled young people whom people seem to feel sorry for, having benefited from other peoples' taxes, now take exception to having to pay taxes themselves and walk out of the country. I want to say again for the record of this House, as I have said before, this country is better off without them. If they cannot see the advantages of living in this country with a high taxation system which has provided an extraordinarily good service in education, which has a relatively low crime rate, an extraordinarily good environment in which to bring up children, in spite of everything, and if they are not prepared to recognise that in their time they were beneficiaries from Irish taxation, then I do not know if they have anything worthwhile to contribute to our society but I am convinced there are many others who do.

I do not believe that a significant part of emigration results from the levels of taxation. I know the vast majority of highly skilled young people towards whose education I contribute — and I am convinced at this stage that young people, in third level education at least, mostly educate themselves — never even think of taxation as a reason for emigration. They think of staying at home or of going abroad for a variety of reasons but taxation is the least of their concerns. I would not worry if there are people leaving the country because of the high levels of taxation. I think we are better off without them.

As regards high income tax rates being the enemy of job creation, I will just quote a few figures. In Finland — and I an quoting from the OECD figures again — in 1985 the percentage of disposable income of the average single production worker, the category that most of our economists target on as being particularly heavily taxed, was 65.8 per cent. Unemployment in that country in 1987 was 5 per cent. Just for the record, the figure for disposable income in Ireland is 64.8 per cent, which is not significantly different and unemployment is in or around 18 or 19 per cent. In Austria the percentage for disposable income was 73.4 per cent and the unemployment rate was 3.1 per cent; in Norway the percentage was 67.3 per cent and the unemployment rate was 2.1 per cent; in Sweden the percentage was 64.4 per cent and the unemployment rate was 1.9 per cent and in Denmark the percentage was 63.7 per cent and the unemployment rate was 8 per cent.

I do not claim that proves anything positive but it demonstrates that it is idiotic nonsense to simply assume, because we feel like assuming, or because some people of a particular frame of mind feel like assuming, that there is some connection between levels of income tax an employment, unemployment or job creation. There is manifest evidence that there are countries with high levels of taxation and very low levels of unemployment and there are countries with low levels of taxation and very low levels of unemployment, just as there are countries with high levels of taxation and high levels of unemployment. There is no clear correlation. It is not about simple mechanistic economics; it is about public policy and strategies based on job creation.

While I am addressing the issue of taxation and job creation, I wish we could get away from the perpetual whinge about employers' PRSI. Employers' PRSI in this country is among the lowest by any index in the OECD. For instance, as a percentage of total tax receipts, employers' PRSI in this country is 9.4 per cent. There are only four or five countries in the OECD where employers' PRSI contributes a lesser proportion to total tax receipts.

It is time we got away from the idea that there is a single remedy to this country's problems and that it is taxation. What we have actually done in this daft pursuit of one solution to our problems is, for instance, encouraged 15,000 public servants to become unemployed. Many of them are paid fairly substantial pensions and are now taking up jobs in the private sector that would otherwise be taken by other people. In some cases, according to their own estimates, we are paying them up to 80 per cent of what they were earning when they were in the public service, paying them to do nothing, or we are supplementing their income from somewhere else, We did that not to save the State an awful lot of money, because that did not happen, but we simply got involved in a clever accounting exercise which gave the impression that we were saving the State money and having given that impression, we ignored the consequences. All those people are being paid by the State and the lump sums they got were financed by the State. The fact that the Government borrowed from a Government agency and, therefore, it does not show up as Government borrowing does not get away from the fact that we have seriously depleted the reserves of the Central Bank and the potential contribution of Central Bank profits to Government revenue. The economists and bankers who comment on Government policy were not really concerned about that. They were concerned about a perception that the public service should be reduced.

As a society we are not excessively taxed. We are heavily taxed because we believe in communal services, in communal mutual support, in a good education service and in the necessity to invest in order for our future to develop. Because we believe that, we have chosen to have relatively high levels of taxation in some areas. Of course, one of the great injustices of this country is that we have chosen not to have high taxes in some other areas and in those areas we have allowed people to get away with the most scandalous rip-offs in terms of capital acquisitions, manipulation of large amounts of property, ownership of property and ownership of capital.

Of course, on the issue of a wealth tax, we have allowed the small scale of revenue to divert the entirety of society's attention away from the real reason for a wealth tax which is not just to generate revenue but to enable revenue-gathering authorities to reconcile the stated income of somebody for income tax with their accumulated wealth. There is no quicker way of detecting tax avoidance and tax evasion on a grand scale than to force somebody to disclose the entirety of the value of what they own. There are a considerable number of professional people in our society who would have to pay real levels of income tax if they had to disclose their assets, even if it was only for a 0.1 per cent level of wealth tax. I believe in a wealth tax, not because I think it can generate enormous amounts of revenue but because I believe it can generate an awful lot of information which can be used to generate a lot of revenue from those who avoid paying income tax.

On the same topic of Irish taxes, their alleged disincentive effect, the nonsensical nature of it and, indeed, the way large sections of our society have actually been ripped off by public policy over the past 16 or 17 years, it is worth referring to an article in the spring 1989 edition of the Irish Banking Review. The article is about changes in productivity and living standards and gives an extremely lucid, legible and intelligible account of what has happened to industrial, agricultural, and services productivity in this country over the past 16 years.

Senator Ryan, as it is now 6.30 p.m. will you move the Adjournment of this debate? We will return to it at 8 p.m. and you will resume your contribution then.

Debate adjourned.
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