Vol. 125 No. 14
By agreement, we are withdrawing our amendment and have agreed to the motion. I move:
That, whereas freedom of movement is a basic civil right and the deliberate disruption of rail services is a denial of this right, Seanad Éireann demands that of Provisional IRA
1. stop the disruption of the Belfast-Dublin service which has linked the people of Dublin and Belfast for over a century;
2. stop putting the lives of passengers and rail staff at risk;
3. stop threatening the jobs of railway workers.
I second the motion. I am delighted the Senator has agreed to withdraw the amendments. The spirit of the motion shows that it would have been largely irrelevant to put that amendment because, when debating something so vital, it is important that we would be in agreement.
This morning we lauded the achievements of our soccer team and we are still reeling from their dazzling performance, encouraged by all Irish people, North and South; and, remembering how we heralded the Northern Ireland soccer team in 1986, surely unity of purpose from a political and economic viewpoint is possible.
In relation to the motion, the first overall reference is to freedom of movement being a basic civil right and the deliberate disruption of rail service is a denial of this right. Freedom of movement is a basic civil right and the deliberate disruption of rail services is a denial of that right. Could you imagine the outrage of Irish people during the past few weeks if we had been prevented — those of us who were lucky to travel — from travelling to Italy whether it was Cagliari, Palermo or Genoa? Obviously, that travel was for pleasure; but there was unity of purpose for people, North and South, to cheer on our Irish team. The fact that we had North and South did not matter, we were together — unity of purpose in sport.
But I want to deal with the freedom of movement that really matters to the people of this island. The word "Ireland" itself symbolises remoteness, perhaps inaccessibility in earlier times, when the first settlers in Northern Ireland, in County Antrim, came by sea across the narrow channel dividing us from Scotland. It is the right of every Irishman and woman to move freely on this island. Almost 3,000 passengers travel on the Dublin-Belfast line each week. Most of them go for work, not going for pleasure — although in some cases they are visiting families on either side of the Border — or they travel because they need access to education, or for business, personal or family reasons. In many cases people using that rail service use public transport. They may not have private transport; they may have no alternative means of travel. The continuing bomb attacks and bomb scares on the line illustrate to us in a very ironic way the hypocrisy of the Provisional IRA, who, in their warped sense of a unified Ireland, try to blow up one basic link that unites us.
We could use paradoxes, and very glaring paradoxes, in relation to their behaviour. First, they wish to eliminate the Border, but they make regular communication, travel and trade virtually impossible and, even more sinister, more dangerous. Second, in their aspiration to unity all they do is create divisions between people; and we are not even talking about divisions between armed forces but between civilians. We are talking about vulnerable people — women, men, children, shoppers, those visiting friends and families on both sides of the Border.
There is further irony: we witnessed the thirst for unity and peace throughout the world, starting with the Glasnost policy of Mikhail Gorbachev, the crumbling of the Berlin Wall, peaceful democratic unifications, accelerating now at this stage to South Africa. We in this little island are still witnessing a long drawn out and uncivilised campaign where the majority of our people seek co-operation, dialogue and understanding between North and South.
At this particularly trying time of high unemployment on both sides of the Border and the impending — I suppose I could coin a phrase —"doomsyear" of 1992 looming ahead, we should put enormous emphasis on and effort into economic co-operation and unity against the background of 1992 and European political union, which is both practical and attainable. This rail link which has been in operation over a century has far greater significance now with the impending European union. Our transport freight costs are significantly higher than in many of our mainland European neighbours and our insularity is constantly quoted as contributing to our uncompetitiveness.
The Belfast to Dublin line is the only rail link between North and South. It is the most important part of the Euro-rail network. We know from the European Commissioner for Regional Policy, Mr. Bruce Millan, that European funds are available for the upgrading of the line, from the southern end of the country to the northern end, and from our side the Irish Government and Iarnród Éireann would have to upgrade too. I hope the relevant Minister has already made an application for the money that Commissioner Millan says is in Brussels and which he referred to last January in Belfast.
In regard to the number of attacks on the line, on one occasion in 1989 the line was closed for almost two months as a result of attacks. This does not augur well for confidence in integrating us with Europe. Instead of being a mob of gangsters racketeering on cross-Border traffic, the Provisional IRA would now be racketeering on a Euro-scale. Most ironically, the leader of the political wing of the IRA has called for European Community funding for the development of the rail line. Between irony and hypocrisy, such double standards are extraordinary. We always associate the IRA with double standards in their idea of a unified Ireland and their ways of working towards one.
The threat to the lives of passengers and rail staff is the most horrendous of all. This refers to the second part of the motion, where it says: "stop putting the lives of passengers and rail staff at risk." It is just sheer good luck and perhaps prayers, that no passengers or railway staff have been killed or injured. One asks the question: what do the Provisional IRA hope to gain from a bombing campaign which puts lives and jobs at risk? Racketeering, as I said earlier, must be the motive. I certainly would not call it patriotism, unless in their own warped way they think of it as patriotic.
Yesterday in Tralee the outgoing President of the ICTU, Jimmy Blair, reiterated his own and his union's condemnation of the continuing disruption of the North-South link. I suppose it was fresh in his mind because of the bomb scare very recently. Looking back at their last conference, which was a women's conference in the Slieve Donard Hotel in Newcastle — actually it was around the time of the peace train initiative — the trade union members continued on with their conference despite the harassment by the IRA in placing a bomb in the lobby of that hotel. The IRA did not mind whether it was a women's conference or a full delegate conference, male and female. As far as they are concerned, nobody escapes unscathed from their threats.
The attacks in the vicinity of that area were clearly aimed at the ICTU members who have consistently and admirably — as shown again yesterday — conducted a positive campaign and will continue to conduct and step up that campaign in order to protect the rail link. This shows to the IRA a resolute determination that they believe the IRA campaign will not succeed and that they will work towards the defeat of that campaign.
The last point in the motion, which relates to railway workers, concerns threatening their jobs. The trade union leaders have quantified the number of job losses at approximately 400 workers, North and South. These people's jobs are in jeopardy and could be lost if the line were closed. It is not just the railway workers jobs, but also ancillary jobs in freight services etc. As I mentioned earlier, our transport costs are even now far too high and any additional interference can only increase unemployment and sever connections between major Irish firms — for instance, Guinness, Bell Lines, NET, who ply that line on a regular basis. If alternative freight arrangements have to be made they can only add to costs and cause more unemployment.
It is essential that at every opportunity we voice our condemnation of these cowardly acts. We obviously must work together, North and South. We must strive to create a unity of purpose and solidarity. We must encourage dialogue between the democratic parties in Northern Ireland. We must campaign across our community, North and South, to publicly challenge the activities of the Provisional IRA. We must look again towards our local authorities to continually condemn these attacks and threats; and, because it is so relevant with the advent of 1992, we must again urge our MEPs, North and South, to move similar motions in Europe to ensure that our European neighbours are aware of these cowardly acts.
As the thirst for peace has spread like wildfire from eastern Europe to western Europe, surely that torrent can touch us eventually and even overwhelm the members of the Provisional IRA. I hope I am not indulging in pious aspirations, but I hope that even they can be affected by that tremendous torrent of goodwill towards peace.
I am delighted to second this motion and I am glad that the Senators opposite, particularly Senator Fallon, entered into the spirit of unity and did not put their amendment.
I know there are a number of speakers wishing to contribute so to try to facilitate everybody I ask the Members to be brief. I call Senator Conroy.
I yield to Senator McGowan, who reserved the right to speak.
I welcome the opportunity of supporting this motion because I am one of the few Members of the House and of the Oireachtas who has to pass through part of my own country that is obstructed and blocked and access to which is denied to me. Therefore, it is fitting and proper that I should support the motion in the strongest possible terms.
What will be achieved after we have discussed this motion in the Seanad? What benefits will accrue? Will those involved in the disruption and bombing of the rail line link between Belfast and Dublin take any notice? It is important for the Seanad to be involved and publicly to condemn. It is important to condition public thinking in regard to something that is a fundamental civil right here. We have got to say it often and not sit back and by our silence allow people to continue to disrupt a rail link which is a fundamental part of the infrastructure of our small island. Perhaps the complacency or the lack of condemnation by this House encouraged them to believe there was tacit support from people who believed they were doing a useful job nationally.
The House will be spending its time wisely by discussing this motion and agreeing to condemn those involved in the bombing of the rail line. As a member of the local authority in a county that has a big problem, as the most peripheral part of this country and of Europe, we cannot but be concerned at the activities of those people. It is ironic that I attended a meeting of my own local authority where two Sinn Féin council members in Donegal were expressing concern and criticising the Government because of the lack of development. They were seeking greater funding and improvement, and the building up of different industries, at a time when not only the rail line between Belfast and Dublin was blocked by a bomb but on the very day that we could not cross to Strabane because there was a bomb on the bridge between Strabane and Lifford. Although I totally believe that the two people I referred to were not directly involved, nevertheless they were part of and supported an organisation that felt they were advancing the cause of the Irish people by bombing, disrupting and blocking the rail link between Belfast and Dublin and by blocking the main road between County Donegal and Strabane, one of the main outlets of our county. Donegal people have to travel via Strabane and the outlet from County Donegal was cut off: we were then an island with an outlet at Ballyshannon Bridge. Donegal people are entitled to be concerned and I believe there is an obligation and responsibility on me to support the motion and to be part of the condemnation by this House.
Those who are involved in continuing to block the rail link do so in the belief that they are drawing in the British Army to get involved in the defusing of bombs, that they are diverting the attention of the British Army, that they are making it harder for Britain to stay in the North and that ultimately they are doing something for the Nationalists in the North. It has to be said, loud and clear, that that is contrary to the facts on the ground. The people who are pressed hardest are those who have to depend on road and rail transport; and it is fair to state that those who are depending on rail transport are the poorer section of our community. Those who are not depending on rail transport have cars or they can take a plane. The better off people, North and South, can use alternative sources of transport. Those affected by the continuing blocking of the rail link between Dublin and Belfast are, apart from the workers, are the poorer section of the community. I cannot see what advance has been made in the name of Nationalism. Even if you were a super republican and examined how best you could further the cause of uniting Ireland and the people of Ireland, I cannot see any achievement, no matter what way we look at it. We have to continue to isolate those involved.
The tourist industry has suffered much in my part of the country. The upturn in tourism nationally has not brought its full benefit to my part of the country. Last year Donegal had some slight upturn, but there has not been the same development in Donegal and in the North because of the continued disruption to transport and to travellers. This has to be said. The tourist industry employs a lot of people and is one of the few growth areas, but it has been restricted and retarded by the continuation of the activities of those who disrupt transport here.
It is vital that all political persuasions join together and continue to enlist public support condemning those who are involved in these activities. We must bring home to the godfathers who are directing this and to the people who are placing the bombs that they are not achieving anything for the cause they believe they are helping.
Twenty years ago you could have travelled across the Border without meeting a policeman or a Garda or an Army checkpoint. Today surrounding my county we have seven military bases, with barbed wire, sophisticated communications equipment and thousands of pounds worth of tanks, armoured vehicles and equipment. It is a miracle that we have a tourist coming into our area at all. We have to bring this home to the people who are largely responsible for having created the situation where we have those massive military bases, which have to be there to protect the railways, to protect the links of communications. We have to tell those people who have set out to achieve a united Ireland that they have done this country a major disservice and that they have turned the clock back a century. Twenty years ago you could have driven your car freely across the Border. Today you cannot do that. Most people coming from the South, or a visitor to this country, would not drive across the Border. A visitor would not use the rail link between Belfast and Dublin because there is a danger, because there is a threat.
Those factors have to be recognised. The public has to be requested continually to isolate these people at the time of a local election or a general election. Whether you are in the Falls in Belfast or in Bandon in County Cork, this island is very small and we must totally condemn the activities of those who believe they are achieving something for the people of Ireland by blocking the railways and the roads. I am glad to be associated with this motion and I hope that the message gets through to those people.
For the past 18 months or so the Dublin-Belfast railway line has been the target of a protracted campaign of disruption carried out by the Provisional IRA or by persons claiming to act on behalf of that organisation. This campaign of disruption takes the form of placing bombs on the Northern side of the line or making hoax telephone calls to the effect that there are bombs on the line.
In the period in question there have been 87 disruptions of this kind of the railway service between Dublin and Belfast and it is incredible to have to say that in the course of those disruptions the Provisional IRA have placed 29 bombs which have either exploded or been defused on the railway line, a line used by the ordinary people of Ireland going about their everyday business.
The most recent disruption was on the 28 June when a bomb exploded at Newry railway station, the second such attack on the station this year. In this incident, a 13-year old boy narrowly escaped death when sharpnel from the explosion crashed into his house nearly half a mile away from the scene. Only the previous week another teenager was injured when a bomb exploded on the line at Lurgan. This was an incident in which a bomb had been placed in a location close to the scene of an explosion the previous day and which was clearly intended to murder those engaged in carrying out a clearance operation to ensure that the line was safe to travel.
It is only through the good grace of God that a major disaster involving massive loss of life has not take place on this railway line as a result of this mindless campaign of disruption. On at least two occasions last year, passenger trains narrowly avoided passing in the vicinity of bombs placed on the line through the sheer good luck of being slightly delayed for a few minutes. Any organisation which places bombs on a railway line used by ordinary citizens in going about their peaceful everyday business shows a callous disregard for the possible disastrous consequences of their lunatic behaviour.
All right minded persons are at one in calling on the Provisional IRA to put an end to this senseless campaign before there is a major disaster. I welcome the contributions of Senators Jackman and McGowan and their condemnation of this campaign and I know that all those who contributed today to the debate will echo this call. Only last March, all sides of the other House joined together in a motion condemning the Provisional IRA campaign against the line, not only as a threat to the safety and well being of passengers and staff alike, but also as a denial of the basic civil right of freedom of movement and as threat to the jobs of over 400 railway workers.
On that occasion, the Minister for Justice emphasised — and I repeat now — the concern of the Government about these attacks and the Minister for Justice drew attention to the fact that the Minister for Foreign Affairs had personally raised the issue with the Northern Ireland Secretary of State. The Department of Foreign Affairs have maintained close contact with the British authorities on this matter through the Anglo-Irish Secretariat and they, the British, fully share our concern about this issue and about the importance of keeping the line open and safe for travel.
It is important to acknowledge that, while the Dublin-Belfast railway link has been severely disrupted on nearly 90 occasions since December 1988, it has never been suspended or withdrawn. On those occasions when the rail schedules have been disrupted by bombs or hoax telephone calls, services have been maintained by bus substitution between the nearest station on each side of the incident. The staff of Iarnród Éireann and Northern Ireland Railways deserve the greatest credit for maintaining the service in the face of adversity and, while bus substitution may not be an ideal solution to the problem, it is a clear example of the very determination to ensure that all steps possible are taken to keep the Dublin-Belfast line open.
The Dublin-Belfast railway has united both parts of this country for over a century. It has provided a vital link between business and commerce as well as providing a personal link for people from North and South to travel freely from one part of the island to another. It is not merely a link between Dublin and Belfast but a service which is available to all, North and South. It is as important to the citizens and businessmen of Cork and Antrim as it is to the citizens and businessmen of Dublin and Belfast. It is used by people every week for family, commercial or social reasons, many of whom have no other means of travel as was pointed out by Senator McGowan. This is a time when barriers are coming down all over Europe and it would be comic, if it were not so tragic, that those who claim the unification of the island as their primary goal seem to be determined to undermine and destroy the primary visible and symbolic link of unity between North and South.
In conclusion, I wish to ask again those responsible for this senseless campaign to call it off before there is a major disaster resulting from their actions. The people of Ireland want them to stop and to stop now, and they should heed this call. For my part, I can assure the House that the Government recognise the importance of the railway link and will continue to take whatever measures are necessary on our side of the Border to ensure that the line remains opens.
First, I would like to express my appreciation to the Government side for dropping the amendment which read:
To delete all words after "That" and substitute the following: Seanad Éireann condemns the IRA for their attempts to disrupt the Dublin to Belfast railway line, which attempts pose a threat to the lives of passengers, of staff of the railway companies and of the public at large, to the right of free movement of individuals and to the jobs of members of the staff of the railway companies.
That is absolutely unexceptional. Everybody could agree with that. There is no disagreement whatever about the content. However, as the proposer of the original motion I approached the Government Whip this afternoon and explained to him that I was rather anxious that we should maintain exactly words.
I think it is appropriate that I should start by explaining to the House why I made this request which was so graciously acceded to by the Government side. This wording, which was written by a group of us on the peace train when it was stopped as a result of a bomb hoax, was deliberately written with the intention that it should be passed by both Houses of the Oireachtas in precisely this wording and that it should then be sent to all the county councils, both North and South of the Border, so that the 32 Counties would have an opportunity democratically to vote upon this and to express their wish. It is our feeling that if this was done, if both Houses of the Oireachtas and each county council on a 32 county basis, voted this measure through and passed it in democratic session, it could then be transmitted to the provisional IRA or Provisional Sinn Féin as a plea to them to obey the clear and determined voice of the Irish people. For that reason, I appreciate the fact that the Government did yield on this matter and agreed to drop the amendment. As I said, there was no conflict whatever between us with regard to the sentiments; it was just the feeling that our case would be much strengthened if the original wording was maintained.
I would like to mention the peace train, because it was really in support of the peace train initiative that this wording was forged. The peace train ran in both directions. A train was seen off by the Lord Mayor of Belfast and arrived in Dublin on the morning of Saturday, 28 October 1989, and we were seen off at Amiens Street station by the Deputy Lord Mayor representing the Lord Mayor, Seán Haughey, and the trade union brass band. It was a marvellously inspiring occasion and a mass of ordinary Dublin people and travellers joined with public figures and went up to Belfast. On the return journey a bomb hoax was telephoned to the railway authorities and we were all asked to leave the train. Like a lot of sheep, we started doing just that and I spotted a distinguished former Member of the other House, Jack McQuillan, one of the founders of Clann na Poblachta, sitting in his seat. I thought perhaps he had been taken ill and I said to him, "Jack, you are going to miss the bus; are you ill?" He said: "I certainly am not ill, and I certainly am going to miss the bus. I came up here on a peace train and I am going down on a peace train if it takes me a forthnight". I said: "Well, I think you are right. Do you mind if I join you?" Then Monica Barnes came bumbling down the corridor and said: "David you are going to miss the bus". I said — if you will excuse the expression, I do not know if it is parliamentary —"You are damn right Monica; I am going to miss the bus. Why don't you miss it too?" It kind of snowballed from there. Nearly 100 of us, not only public representatives but ordinary people, showed their solidarity by staying on the peace train. It really was a very remarkable, although slightly uncomfortable, event.
A number of things struck me about that. When we were lodged in the station first, the British Army gave us some of their food, and we established some kind of human contact with them which was rather interesting. It was a gesture of charity and kindness on their part but more importantly, when we were stranded later in the night, both sides of the community and representatives of the Protestant Unionist community came and delivered food and hot coffee to the railway station. I took great heart from the fact that both sides were able to unite in appreciation of what we were doing. The reason is that it was a simple idea. It lacked all kinds of sophisticated political folderols; it was a simple idea that ordinary people could very clearly associate with. We heard, most interestingly, in what I thought was a very perceptive, direct and pointed speech from Senator McGowan about how this attempt to disrupt communications affects the lives of ordinary people.
I have to raise another point and I do so because I want to scotch it. We noticed on the way up through Dundalk that there were a group of protestors in the station. They had placards and were talking about another form of disruption which I also regret, and that is the cratering of Border roads. I raise this because it is important that we deal with this issue. People like myself on the Peace Train committee and in New Consensus are asked sometimes to be even-handed so that on any occasion when we condemn the IRA it is assumed that we have got automatically in a Pavlovian response to launch a blast at the British Army or the RUC or something else. I take these things into account as much as I possibly can. May I also point out to the House that Senator Brendan Ryan in supporting our request that this motion be taken, raised that point and indicated that if he spoke — and, perhaps, he will speak later this evening — he would attempt this balancing act.
I received communications from the people involved in the South-Tyrone-North-Monaghan Community Association about what they called a peace bus. They explained the disruption to the communities involved and I have a good feeling of sympathy for them. It is very unpleasant to have this division between communities, farmlands and so on. I was unable to go that afternoon because I was involved in charity work to which I had previously committed myself. I wrote back to the chairman who had written to me and explained this. However, I said I would like to be kept in touch and to be reassured that I was not unwittingly involving myself in political affiliations which I would find distasteful. I await a reply to that letter.
However, I explored the matter further. I explored it when, with other members of New Consensus, I went to the North of Ireland and met senior officers of the RUC and I asked them for statistics. I explained I had been approached and that I was concerned because I understood the human disruption involved. I received from them some very clear facts and figures which I would like to place on the record. There are approximately 300 milies of Border between Northern Ireland and the Republic of Ireland with a total of 291 recognised Border crossings which are called BCPs. Of the 291 BCPs, 16 crossing points are land routes approved by customs commissioners for the importation and exportation of goods of every description, including vehicles.
There are nine concessionary routes through 19 BCPs, that is, routes that pass from the Republic of Ireland into Northern Ireland and back into the Republic of Ireland and on which customs commissioners have waived customs regulations. A total of 92 BCPs are the subject of road closure orders issued for security reasons by the Secretary of State for Northern Ireland under the provisions of section 19 of the Emergency Provisions Act (Northern Ireland), 1978. In addition, there are 18 permanent vehicle check points (PVCPs) on cross-Border routes.
The figures that accompanied the letter I received from a chief superintendent of this district tell a very significant story indeed. They demonstrate clearly that since the Border roads were closed in 1981 there has been a dramatic, sustained, continuing drop in bomb attacks, shooting incidents and murders, both of policemen and civilians. That is an unarguable answer to people who accuse those of us interested in the North-South rail link of being insensitive and uncaring with regard to the rights of the people whose lives are disrupted, admittedly, by the cratering of the roads. I have figures both in graph form and statistical form.
In the Lisnaskea sub-division, in 1980 there were six deaths. In 1981 there were three and after the introduction of the policy of closing the roads it dropped to none. It went up once or twice subsequently but there were several consecutive years in which there were no murders.
In regard to shootings, in 1980 there were 17; in 1981 there were 21, but immediately following the closure of the roads it was down to nine. It now hovers somewhere between three and seven.
With regard to bomb incidents, in 1980 there were 12 and in 1981 there were also 12. In 1982, there were three. In other words, those serious incidents have been reduced to a quarter or a half of what they were.
I understand the inconvenience and disruption to people in the communities along the Border but I have to balance that against death. If it is a choice between death, on the one hand, and inconvenience, on the other, I am sorry, but some people will have to be inconvenienced. That, I hope, puts to rest the peace bus campaign which was so actively promoted by Provisional Sinn Féin.
Having made that little digression which is rather important, I want to address again the subject of the North-South rail link. Several people have indicated they consider it a very strange method of operation by the IRA. It is difficult to understand their motivation. I do not believe there is a great deal of value in simply blackguarding the IRA and describing them as monsters, terrorists, perverts and so on because it is important that we get them to listen to us. Like any other human being, if you use bad names and derogatory language about them they will just erect a shutter. They will not listen; it is a natural human instinct.
However, it is worth while asking them simply questions. The simple question I would ask the IRA is how they can square their stated objective of unifying the country with the disruption of the principal rail link between the two parts of the island. I would be interested to hear their answer. I would also like to know what is the military objective. In a war situation like, for example, World War II there was, of course, bombing of railway lines for a very good reason; it was interrupting the transfer of military supplies. There is no such reason for these attacks on the railway line.
I would like to refer the House also to another matter which is regrettable. It was mentioned in Dáil Éireann by Deputy McCartan. He placed a rather interesting piece of evidence on the record of that House. Talking of the Dublin-Belfast link he said that this issue first came to his attention most directly when a number of train drivers, some constituents and some acquaintances, told him that they could not stand the strain any longer. They explained that they had, in the face of unbelievable pressures, written to Mr. Gerry Adams, so-called Member of Parliament for the people of West Belfast and President of Sinn Féin, requesting a meeting. Those train drivers, as workers, wanted to bring to his attention what his associates were inflicting on those who drove the trains on that line. They never received a response from Mr. Adams, a Member of Parliament for the people as he describes himself. He refused to meet them. He refused to meet his constituents, whose lives and livelihood were threatened. I do not wish to engage in personal attacks upon people but that stands, without further gloss from me, as a comment upon the nature of Mr. Adams' commitment to democracy.
It is also important to remember that the Irish Congress of Trade Unions yesterday again passed overwhelmingly a simpler resolution to this. In speaking on it on the radio this morning the General Secretary mentioned that he had been approached by a train driver who had driven four times over an unexploded bomb on the railway line. It is extremely difficult to ask people to continue driving trains in this appalling situation because you never actually know when you are going to be blown into smithereens. There is a danger, not only to employment but also to lives, firstly, to the lives of railway employees and, secondly, to the lives of the innocent travelling public.
I want to put two or three other things on the record. There is a political dimension to this from which the Southern Government cannot escape, and that is, the necessity of investment in this rail link. I was sad and puzzled to hear some weeks ago the Minister for Tourism and Transport, Deputy Séamus Brennan, whom I respect, saying that where it became necessary to choose between investing funds in the development of the North-South rail link on the one hand, and the suburban network in Dublin on the other, he would go for the suburban Dublin network in terms of seeking funding. Although I am a Dubliner and I tend to think in Dublin terms, I question whether his priority is right. It is not just an economic situation; it is an economic plus a social situation, and one with a very definite political touch to it.
Like most Members of the House, I get some very odd literature through the box in the morning and yesterday I got something from the Societé Internationale des chemins de fer, a French rail way magazine. The entire issue was devoted to the heavy investment currently being embarked upon by both sections of Germany to increase the transport link between the two countries. In this House, and the other House, we often hear of parallels being drawn between the developing situation in the East and what we could do here. That is one very clear development.
I very much welcome this motion and, once again, I would like to place on the record my thanks to the Government for allowing us to pass the motion in its original form.
We, on the Government side and indeed, the Leas-Chathaoirleach took the deliberate decision to withdraw our amendment and to support the motion in its original form. Effectively, the disruption of the rail link between the North and South has become, as it should, an expression of abhorrence by both sides of this House. It is, perhaps, one of our most historic links. The old Great Northern Railway is a part of Irish history and, indeed, a part of international history. It has been the form of transport by which people came from the North to the South and from the South to the North during the past century. I particularly remember as a young person — it still happens to a considerable extent today — trains coming down from the North of Ireland for an international match in which Ireland, to which all of us on this island belong and of which we are so proud, were playing. People came from the North to join us at Lansdowne Road, shouting for their fellow Irishmen, North and South, who were proudly wearing the traditional green jersey.
It is, indeed, ironic as Senator Jackman suggested, that in some wildly misguided way those individuals should imagine that by this dangerous and stupid process of bombing the rail link between the two parts of the country, they are in any way advancing their professed aims of uniting the people of this island, a unity which I, and I am sure every Senator, deeply favour and want. One of our reasons for being so appalled by this campaign is that we know it is deferring the coming together of our people; it is not bringing us together. We implore those responsible to call a halt to this campaign.
Senator Norris referred to Mr. Adams, a duly elected MP. Even he has come some way towards condeming the civilian loss of life — but no way near far enough — and certain of the horrible incidents that have occurred. I would hope that all those who are committing those crimes, would pull back and think for a moment what would have happened if, instead of being unexploded, the bomb had gone off beneath a train. It would be too late then to start making apologies, talking about a mistake and how dreadful it was that so many men, women and children had been massacred or mutilated. As well as condemning this outrageous campaign, let us appeal, on the grounds of humanity and commonsense, that this campaign of terror be brought to an end before there is a tragedy
I am sure we all want to see peace and justice on this island. I have no doubt that we are seeing in the North the last vestige of colonialism. The last significant reason for our neighbouring country to an interest in the North was, of course, security. Now with the easing of tensions, with the complete remoteness of any sort of conflict East and West, even that reason, however deeply felt it may have been by persons across the water, no longer holds. There is no basic reason now, with goodwill on both sides, the moves which are being made at present, and hopefully further moves, should not begin to bring about peace and democracy in a true sense on this island, the peace that we all want. Admittedly it could be disrupted by the appalling consequences which this dreadful bombing campaign may inevitably bring. It is no use saying the bombs should not have gone off; if you plant a bomb on a railway line, just because you think you used a timer is no excuse if the train and those unfortunate people who happen to be travelling on it are blown up.
Let us see this campaign stopped immediately; let there be no more of it. It is not even in any way helping the aims of those people they profess to want to help. In fact, it is tremendously ironic — and Senator Jackman gave some excellent examples of irony. I agree with a lot of what Senator Norris said, but I have to differ with some of his comments. I support every word in the motion. We are condemning the campaign to disrupt the Belfast-Dublin rail link on a number of grounds, including freedom of movement, we are not talking about the cratering of the Border roads. Without entering into the arguments about that, I am sure the Minister will recognise that there are other reasons, not least the heroic efforts of our own security forces and Garda, to help reduce both the death rate and the number of cross-Border incidents. I deeply regret the business of disrupting cross-Border roads. I find it ironic that the Provisional IRA are condemning some people while they are doing something infinitely worse as regards restricting freedom of movement between one part of Ireland and another. That, to me, is a supreme irony. Let us hope it will not be an extreme tragedy and that nothing further happens. Indeed it has put an amount of stress and anxiety on the rail staff. People continue to use the service and, thank goodness, most people have maintained their normal habits. It is a tremendous tribute to the rail staff South and North that not once has the service failed despite all those incidents.
I would like to join in supporting Senators Norris, Ross, Manning and Doyle in their motion. I feel sure it will be passed unanimously. We want to live together in peace and unity on this island and this dreadful campaign does nothing to forward that honourable objective.
I should like to congratulate those people who travelled on the peace train, and several Members come to mind including Senators Norris, O'Toole and Murphy. I do not know who else was on it, but I was not. I would like to congratulate those people who took that initiative. It was a very good and effective way of highlighting this problem. The fact that the incident to which Senator Norris referred took place only served to highlight the issue even more. In some ways it was a good thing because it has prompted a debate in this House and in the other House. It has also prompted a debate which is going to have that rare quality of unanimously passing a motion in this House. I do not think there is any question of anybody opposing this in any way. I share that unanimity, and I share the deep feelings that exist about this motion on all sides of the House.
I should like to take up one or two things previous speakers said, specifically some of the things that Senators Norris and Conroy said. I sympathise with those academics — and the last two speakers are academics and I am not——
We stray outside occasionally.
I sympathise with the arguments of academics on this issue but when Senators Norris and Conroy, in implicit agreement, say they believe that the thing to do is to ask the IRA simple questions, they are being unrealistic, if very well meaning. It seems to me that the Provisional IRA by these acts on the railway and by other acts and atrocities which they have committed all over Ireland are beyond the Pale, they are beyond reason. Those who are prepared to blow up people at random, to blow up bridges, to take risks with people's lives, are not really going to listen to a person who says, "why are you doing it?" or "what are you doing?" or "what do you hope to achieve?" They are not the type of people who listen to the reasoned arguments of Senators Conroy, Norris and others.
Academics?
No, thank God there are not many more academics in this House. I do not wish in any way to be divisive in this debate but I believe that the encouraging words which Senator Conroy said about that, and about Gerry Adams condemning loss of life are probably a little optimistic. Mr. Adams, MP — elected to the eternal shame of those who voted for him — who was elected by the people of West Belfast, condemns loss of life very selectively. He condemns loss of life when he feels that public opinion is so horrified by it that it will reflect badly on him.
I was making the point that it would be a little late after a train was blown up to apologise.
That is true. I find that his condemnations of any of the atrocities of the IRA are rather unconvincing if he is going to condemn some and not condemn others. He cannot really do that with any conviction and I find his condemnations rather hideous. I do not see this campaign being waged by the IRA as iniquitous because it is impeding the road to a united Ireland. It is, but it is iniquitous because it is an evil thing to bomb railways and to risk life itself. It may be that a by-product of this is to retard a united Ireland. That may be true and I do not find that a particularly horrifying prospect. I find the nature of what is being done so horrific that it should be condemned in itself. The political consequences at this stage are not particularly relevant.
What I do find about it is that it is a partitionist thing to be doing in their own terms. Undoubtedly, what Senator Conroy and Senator McGowan have so eloquently said is true, that what they are doing is dividing and partitioning the country further and that, on top of that, they are delighting the extreme Unionists. I have been able to talk to people in the North on the very right of the Unionist side about this and I have to say they were not too displeased about the bombing of the railway line. They did not find that it stood in the way or obstructed their own political objectives because they found that this was a way of dividing Ireland, a further extension of dividing Ireland and ensuring that the two sides of the Border are parted even further.
In political terms, we are right; it will backfire on the Provisional IRA. In political terms, I really do not understand, like everybody else, what they hope to achieve. In military terms, possibly, there is some merit in what Senator McGowan said, they are maintaining the campaign to distract the British Army from other areas and, therefore, more effectively waging their campaign. I find that fairly unconvincing. I am more convinced by the belief that they are running some sort of protection racket and benefiting from this as well, that they are gaining financially by the side-effects of what is happening on the railway line. It is no secret that the Provisional IRA are professional racketeers and that any opportunity they get to blackmail or prise money out of people illegally, they will take. This may well be just one more way of gaining money for the coffers of the IRA and buying guns.
I regard this as a very serious extension and escalation of the IRA campaign because even though they have tried in their cynical way to restrict their activities to Northern Ireland in order that public opinion here is not alienated, to me this is an attack not only on the train or the railway line, but also an attack on the Irish State. We who have in the past been somewhat silent in certain areas to do with the IRA should take this far more seriously because it is an attack on ourselves, on our citizens, on our property, on our State and on our trade. For that reason it is a more serious escalation for us.
I would like to say one or two words about the cratering of the roads. I take the point made by Senator Norris on this. It seems quite obvious that the cratering of the roads was not done to antagonise the local people. The British Army at no stage wanted to antagonise them. The cratering was done for purely military reasons. Let us be quite straight about it, if there was no Provisional IRA campaign there would be no cratering of the roads. The people who are to blame for that are the people who are using those roads to transport military equipment. If the IRA laid down their arms, gave up their struggle, gave up their military campaign, the cratering of the roads would be unnecessary. It probably does alienate the local population but it is in no way a parallel to what is happening on the North-South rail link.
The IRA in this campaign are showing us the sort of desperation from which they suffer. For more than 20 years the IRA have been running a similar campaign. If there ever was a possibility of a united Ireland it certainly is not going to happen in the lifetime of Professor Conroy, Mr. Norris and, probably, not mine.
The Senator is very optimistic.
Youth is on my side. If it ever was going to happen it is less likely to happen now because of the campaign of the Provisional IRA in the past 20 years. What they are doing here is just one more sign of desperation. They are escalating their campaign to less relevant but easier targets. Their campaign is extending to the continent and soft targets there, it is extending to the North-South railway link and to soft targets in the United Kingdom. There is no doubt that the more they escalate their campaign, the more they show their desperation, the less likely they are to achieve their ultimate objective, if they are even genuine about that.
When there was a reference to age I was hoping that Senator Ross might say that maybe in his lifetime we might see a united Ireland. I was pleased that the amendment to the motion was withdrawn because we are united in the spirit and the intent of the motion. As happened in the other House, there is unanimity about the approach from all sides on this issue. That is very important because it serves to underlie the totally undemocratic nature of the Provisional IRA and the lack of support for their activities. Tonight we have pinpointed one particular activity but there are so many others that we continuously have to condemn.
Often when one is addressing problems in Northern Ireland there is a degree of incredulity about them. What can an organisation hope to achieve by the constant disruption of a rail link which unites the two communities and which serves men, women and children going about their daily business and are, as ever, the innocent and long-suffering victims of the Provisional IRA, or the so-called godfathers of terrorism? What purpose can they possibly be setting out to achieve? Can this campaign in any way be seen as furthering the cause of Irish unity? Of course, as we have all said tonight, it is not. It is nothing more than cynical manipulation by a group of people who are more an example of the Mafia than anyone else. If their cause is not in this instance Irish unity, and how could it be, then what are they aiming to achieve? Part of the answer, and it has been mentioned here already, is that they are holding up to extortion and blackmail those who are engaged in cross-Border trade in particular.
There is no doubt that the Provisional IRA who have tried to destroy the rail link between Dublin and Belfast both by bomb attacks and bomb scares are putting at risk not only the lives of the staff of the railway companies but the passengers who include women and children. I cannot claim the same experience Senator McGowan mentioned about disruption to ordinary life. I have been to Northern Ireland many times in the past few months and on the train I saw ordinary men, women and children going about their business. They are in constant danger, at the very least, of minor disruption of their day, and are fearful of what is going to happen. They wonder if they will get to the station on time, if there will be a bomb scare and so on. They worry if it will go off in this instance. The fear and the trauma is very real. The fear of any parent in those circumstances is that the worst will happen.
We have seen all too often, particularly recently, the sickening hypocrisy of apologies from the IRA for the "mistakes" they made in murdering the wrong people. When will this happen here? Are we just waiting for it to happen? How can they guarantee to us that another mistake will not occur and that it will be even closer to home? This hypocrisy is sickening and that is why it is so important for all of us to join in the condemnation of the IRA campaign.
Unfortunately, we know only too well by now that the IRA do not respond to appeals on humanitarian grounds. That is not to say we should not make them do so. We should spare no effort to counteract their campaign. I welcome the initiative of the peace train as a symbol that we all refuse to be intimidated by the activities of the Provisional IRA. I was not on the peace train but I have met many people who were. I know of many Ulster Unionists who in their own quiet way supported it and gave sustenance on the night, as Senator Norris described, when the passengers were the victims of that bomb hoax. We are more concerned about employment and the creation of opportunities for our people but these terrorists are causing even more unemployment in the areas which are most deserving of investment.
The economic consequences of this campaign are well-known. Earlier today in the House we approved an order which will, in effect, permit Bord Gáis through a subsidiary provide for a sub-sea gas pipeline inter-connector to Britain. How ironic it is that we have had to abandon the prospect of cheaper electricity both North and South because of the activities of the Provisional IRA who destroyed the electricity inter-connector between the two parts of this island. It is indicative of the hypocrisy of the IRA that they would seek to destroy the livelihood of the people whom they claim to represent. They say they are seeking a united Ireland but I wonder what type of Ireland we would have if these are the criteria they use. I found it extremely ironic to discover that Mr. Adams, whom we have heard about tonight, was looking for EC aid to develop the railway line between North and South. The final irony is that on the one hand people in his organisation, or very close to it are seeking to destroy the line and he is seeking to develop it. It may be that Sinn Féin and the Provisional IRA are going their separate ways and this is indicative of that. The irony of this goes beyond the beyonds.
I am constantly amazed that when we are talking about a united Ireland the godfathers of crime are doing the very things that will destroy our economy and our Island. There are few words one can use to describe the trauma and the sickening evidence we have seen of the campaign by the IRA. I am glad we are united in supporting the motion. On behalf of the Progressive Democrats I should like to add my support.
I do not intend to delay the House very long on this motion. I join with the other speakers in condemning the actions of the Provisional IRA against the civilian population North and South. We have seen over the past 18 months that there have been 87 disruptions on this line caused by bombs being placed either on the line or very close to it. They were found but the danger is that there may be some that have not been found and may cause carnage in that area. A total of 87 bombs have gone off and nobody has been injured but, to use a racing phrase, the odds are shortening dramatically. It will be a very short time before this inevitable "mistake" occurs and the carnage that will result will be condemned by every right-thinking person on both sides of the Border. The IRA will come out and say they made a "mistake" and are very sorry, their usual response when they kill or maim innocent people.
Mention has been made of the reasons why these bombs are placed but nobody knows the reasons exactly. It has been suggested that they may be aimed at commercial targets, that the IRA are trying to divert the carriage of goods and people from the railway system to their own illicit transportation system. That may be correct. It has been suggested that the campaign may be part of their efforts to disrupt the economy of the North and that they hope that by attacking the economy they will gain in the long term. It may be also that not alone are they attacking the Government, the economy and people of the North but that they are deliberately trying to disrupt the economy of the South. The IRA have no intention of allowing the style of Government we have in the South to continue if they get their way in the North. That is well known. It may be that that scenario has not been looked at realistically.
The people of the south-east are not affected greatly by disruptions on the line between Dublin and Belfast but, nevertheless, it is important that people from all parts of Ireland should condemn the disruptions on that line because the lives of people both North and South are being put in danger. Tributes have been paid to those who travelled on the peace train. It was a symbol but the people who should be praised are those who travel everyday on that line without getting any publicity. They are the ordinary people who get on the train and who realise what could ensure if a bomb goes off. Those people travel day in and day out on that train. They and the rail staff are the real heroes.
The rail companies on both sides of the Border should be congratulated because the economic consequences of keeping that line open must be enormous. Nevertheless, the bombings have not been allowed to disrupt the daily train services from Belfast to Dublin and we cannot but pay tribute to Iarnród Éireann and their staff for that.
Every opportunity should be availed of to condemn the actions of the IRA. I have travelled a good deal and I have heard many people describe the IRA as a liberation movement, as a freedom fighting movement that does not attack civilian targets. Nothing could be further from the truth. They are a murdering gang of terrorists who do not give two hoots whether the person they shoot, maim or kill is in a uniform or in a cot. Unfortunately, our appeals in this House over many years on humanitarian grounds to the IRA to desist from this action have never been listened to. The godfathers of the IRA could not care less about what they describe as the utterances of the yuppies of this State.
It is as certain as day follows night that deaths will occur on that line unless the IRA desist from their campaign. We should continue to try to get home to those people that they are involved in a futile campaign. The futility of it has been shown by the fact that the number travelling on that line has not decreased over the past 18 months.
It gives me great pleasure to support this motion in the hope that it will do some good in stopping the campaign of the IRA.
I should like to support this motion. It seems totally illogical to me, and I will be quite clear and open about this, that those who seek to unite this island, according to themselves, should continuously disrupt the means of communication between the various parts of the island. It is totally illogical that the primary rail connection not only between Belfast and Dublin but also between Derry and Dublin should be under continuous attack thereby reducing communications between both parts of this island. Those of us who believe that the prosperity of the people of this island will only be achieved through unity, that the economic consequences of Partition have never been rightly estimated, and that for our survival in post-1992 Europe we must consider this island as one for economic purposes, believe we should strive in every way possible to integrate all our activities in the economic and social sphere in a practical way to promote the unity of the people of this island.
This disruption has being going on for some considerable time. The reasons for it have been speculated on here tonight but nobody can give the true reasons. However, it has to be recognised that one possible reason is that it is part of the tit-for-tat military exercise that is going on in the North, and that it is part of the campaign that has been going on between the IRA and the British Army. This civilian utility has, quite wrongfully and I would condemn it, become part of that campaign. However, we have to ask ourselves why society in this part of Ireland is so unstable that this type of civil strife goes on year after year. We cannot just confine ourselves to simple ritual condemnations. We have to try once again to look at the fundamental reasons for this continuing civil strife.
Many speakers have referred, for example, to the IRA and to Sinn Fein. We have to ask ourselves how a Member of Parliament can be elected in that part of this country by popular franchise who supports, tacitly or otherwise, this type of action and in what type of society this type of thing can happen.
We all crave for stability and peace. We all crave for a situation where men of violence will have no succour in our community. We all crave for a society where we have a lasting peace, not only as we have in this part of the island but throughout the island. We have to do more than ritually condemn the people who perpetrate this type of activity. It is also incumbent on us who believe that this is wrong to seek once again fundamental change. Those of us who believe that the ultimate solution to the problems of this island is the coming together of the people in spirit and in fact must not let the activities of people we condemn hinder us in any way in pursuing what is a legitimate political belief. I have always believed, and I still believe, that it is only when the people of Ireland can come together and work out their destiny without outside interference that true peace will be achieved on this island. I would not like somebody to try to extend that belief into an association with anybody involved in violence.
It is very important that it is recognised that this is a legitimate belief and that, at the same time, those of us who believe this, utterly and totally condemn the bombing and disruption of the rail link, we condemn every type of violence on this island, particularly the senseless, totally negative violence of the IRA campaign which is, in the view of most thinking nationalists, not only putting the life of all people, military, security, civilians and their own member's at risk, but is also putting back the day of reconciliation, peace and unity in this island.
I support this motion and compliment the people who promoted it.
