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Seanad Éireann díospóireacht -
Wednesday, 26 Nov 1997

Vol. 152 No. 15

Agriculture — Santer Proposals: Statements (Resumed).

I would hate to be misunderstood. We need a system of income support for everyone in society who cannot make a living. I am moving toward acceptance of the principle of a guaranteed minimum income which is advocated by a number of lobby groups. That is probably the fairest system and it should apply to those in agriculture who need it. I do not believe in the present distorted, anti-competitive, anti-social and expensive system, which is also potentially disastrous for the environment. That is the risk of encouraging intensive agriculture under the Common Agricultural Policy. Industry is not the major cause of our major environmental problems; agriculture is. Agriculture kills fish every summer, causes serious nutrification in the rivers and causes major water pollution. Excessive use of fertilisers causes the river in my city to turn green every summer. Individual farmers who are responsible cannot be identified because there are multiple sources of pollution which are difficult to regulate. Farmers have received almost £1 billion from the State to protect the environment, but they have failed to do so.

We need a fundamental review of what agriculture is for. It should produce food for our society that can be sold and processed competitively for national and international sale. Farmers need to go through the period of trauma experienced by workers in Aer Lingus, ESB, Telecom Éireann and most of the private sector. They have been protected for too long, and those who are best off in agriculture are the best at defending their interests. It is time that stopped.

Local authorities are the biggest polluters.

The Minister of State is right. Local authorities are the biggest polluters. Farmers are the second biggest polluters.

I am disappointed at Senator Ryan for blaming agriculture for pollution. He is wrong to blame the farming community, as farmers everywhere have made great strides to clean up the environment. Many generations of farmers have looked after the environment and will continue to do so.

While many sectors will grow under the Santer proposals, there is still no specific increase in finance for the areas. The Santer proposals are an extension and acceleration of the MacSharry CAP proposals, which involved direct compensation for income cuts, but with certain limits, overall in some cases, per hectare. While the direct payments system is an efficient method of supporting farmers' income, it is more expensive in budgetary terms than price supports and the CAP budget becomes a limiting factor.

It is apparent that the Commission envisages that CAP direct payments will not apply to farmers in new member states on the grounds that they will not suffer sufficient price cuts. The Commission intends to offer some structural aid instead, which is obviously necessary. However, the applicant countries are unlikely to accept that a cereal farmer on one side of a national border should receive approximately £300 per hectare in direct payments under the CAP while his counterpart on the eastern side of the border receives nothing, although both sell their produce at world market price levels. Enlargement on the cheap as envisaged by the Commission may be difficult to achieve, with significant implications for the cost to the CAP budget in the long term.

A further major implication for Irish agriculture is that the Santer proposals in the beef and cereals sectors will cut prices to below the cost of production. This has serious implications for farmers in the long term. When prices are lower than production costs, the direct payment becomes more than 100 per cent of net farm income. Non-production would then be more profitable for many farmers, unless a link between payments and production is maintained. The concept of a direct payments system for non-production would be seen as rural dole funded by Brussels and would be vulnerable in political and budgetary terms.

However, it should be noted that the Santer proposals in the beef and dairy sectors have not gone for full decoupling in terms of area payments. The link between the direct payments and livestock numbers is to be retained in these sectors. Even where the link with production is maintained, cutting prices to below production cost equivalent would inevitably result in low cost-low output agriculture, with implications for the food processing and farm input sectors, the service sectors to agriculture and the Irish economy.

It is a matter of concern that the proposed 20 per cent cut in cereals prices has serious implications for grass-based agriculture. Cheaper cereals will make grain-based livestock and milk production more competitive than grass-based production. The proposed 30 per cent beef price cut and 20 per cent cereals price cut implies a rapid erosion of export refunds after 2001. Ireland also has a disproportionately high dependence on export refunds for beef and dairy products which means the adjustment process will be greater and more costly.

The Santer proposal that member states introduce differentiation of direct payments has many worrying implications. It means that an envelope of money is provided for each sector in each member state. The national government will then decide the rate of payment per hectare or per animal and the individual ceiling on the payment per farmer. If governments interpret CAP direct payments as mainly income supports, then front loading is likely, with serious implications for commercial agriculture. The social agenda will supersede the long-term commercial agenda. This could be the first step to renationalisation of funding of the CAP direct payments. The accompanying measures are already on a co-financing basis. CAP direct payments could be supplemented from national budget resources. The consequences of this for Irish farmers are self-evident.

If Irish grain prices post-2000 are tied to the intervention price of £75 per tonne, all growers will experience a serious reduction in income because of a shortfall in direct payments. Income reduction will be more serious for winter growers of high yielding crops because of a further movement away from support on a tonnage basis to an area basis where average yields are the basis of payment.

The Santer dairy proposals are not as severe as those relating to beef and cereals. The proposals suggest a 10 per cent price cut to be compensated by direct payments. These are costlier for the budget than the current market supports and are bound to be more vulnerable politically. They are short on specifics and assessing their impact on dairy farmers' incomes involves making many assumptions. Santer proposes that direct payments will be subject to a maximum per farm limit, although no figure is given for this ceiling. He also indicates that the amount of dairy cow premium will vary, depending on national average milk yields. Stocking density criteria are not mentioned in the dairy package but would be coherent with environmental concerns and precedents in CAP Reform 1.

An intervention price reduction on beef of approximately 30 per cent is severe. Aids to private storage will be favoured over intervention where possible. Increased direct premium payments will be necessary, particularly for the suckler cow and special beef premia. The price cuts will reduce Irish prices from over 84p per pound to over 59p per pound, a price drop of 25p or £200 per head on the average steer. A 30 per cent drop will cut output in the beef and livestock sector. The increased level of premium payments will be worth approximately £265 million, leaving a net loss of in excess of £88 million.

With the cost of beef production at 80p per pound, a beef price of 60p per pound is well below the cost of production. No farmer can stay in production below cost. Due to Ireland's dependence on market supports such as intervention and refunds, this level of cuts would impact more severely here than in any other member state. If refunds are cut severely, will Ireland still be able to sell beef to our main markets in Russia and North Africa? There is no compensation for price cuts on heifer beef in these proposals.

According to farmers, the Minister's and the Government's priorities on the Santer beef and livestock proposals should be the protection of Ireland's largest agricultural sector, involving over 100,000 livestock producers, the maintenance of the beef price above the costs of production, the maintenance of a meaningful market price support system and the restoration of balance to the EU beef market through increased consumption and reduced production to support beef prices. It is important to secure full premium compensation for any production or price cuts.

Protecting the EU beef budget for beef and livestock farmers is also important, as is eliminating discrimination against the intensive grass based steer beef producer in favour of less intensive cereal based bull beef production. Our suckler cow beef herd must be protected and premium compensation for heifer beef producers must be secured. That sector of beef production has suffered more than most. It is important to ensure that farmers remain in production during the year through the maintenance of deseasonalisation payments for winter finishers. Equality of premium payments on livestock must be secured.

The Santer proposals do not make much mention of the sheep sector but if the price of beef is cut by 30 per cent it will have a knock on effect on sheep production and lamb prices, thus posing serious implications for that sector.

The Santer proposals for the beef and cereal sectors would cut costs to below production levels and when that happens farmers can no longer remain in production. I urge the Minister for Agriculture and Food, Deputy Walsh, and his Ministers of State, Deputy O'Keeffe and Deputy Davern, to make every effort to ensure that farmers can stay on the land. Farmers themselves will take steps to ensure that no one can point the finger at them over pollution. Farmers have been caretakers of the environment for generations and will continue to be so.

I wish the Minister of State well. I have no doubt that in negotiating this package of proposals he will ensure to the best of his ability that the interests of the farming sector are looked after.

I welcome the response by the Leader and the Government to the repeated calls in this House for a debate not only on the Santer proposals but also on the future of agriculture. The Santer proposals mark yet another stage in the development and change of the agricultural sector of which we have seen so much in the past 25 years, including the knock on effects for the economy and society generally.

I would like to widen the context of the debate on the Santer proposals which are not just about prices and compensation for beef and cereals. The proposals paint only one part of an overall picture and are only one aspect of a bigger issue, which is the future of rural economies and communities. We cannot separate the two. It has never been more true to say that when farmers sneeze the rest of the community catches a cold. Our rural towns and villages are closely linked to the health of the agricultural industry.

The Santer proposals provide an indication that the future has, in effect, already arrived. They constitute another stage in the reform of the Common Agricultural Policy, which has been under way for a number of years. I would like to draw attention to the future of our rural communities. The picture is one of a declining population engaged in agriculture and figures are widely available to support this. The recently published ESRI report on occupational employment forecasts points to a steady increase in employment in every sector except agriculture. According to the ESRI, the only major occupational group in which jobs are expected to be lost is agriculture, which has been in continuing decline for a long period. We can no longer ignore the implications of that.

Similarly, recent labour force figures — which I have broken down to look at the mid west, part of which I represent — show that the number of people engaged in agriculture has declined from 21,500 in 1990 to 15,000 in 1997. Even though the overall population is growing, there is a persistent decline in the rural population. In other words, Ireland is becoming largely an urban society. In the context of a declining rural population and declining numbers engaged in agriculture, we must ask ourselves what the future is for rural Ireland. The reforms have started a process which, to a large extent, is inexorable. That does not mean, however, that we cannot look at the whole issue of rural renewal, which is at the centre of any debate on the future of agriculture and rural communities.

There has been a steady growth in the consolidation of large farms while there is a smaller but more affluent population on those farms. That does not mean, however, that we do not have rural exclusion or poverty because we do. In March 1997, the National Economic and Social Forum produced a report, Rural Renewal: Combating Social Exclusion, in which it refers to the factors contributing to rural social exclusion. When one examines the summary of those reasons, the extent to which EU policy has contributed to rural exclusion is stark and frightening. In summary, it points to centralisation as the main reason. Since we joined the European Union in 1973 our policy has been hugely influenced by EU requirements and EU funding rules. The Common Agricultural Policy has had a particular influence on rural Ireland in the areas of transport, tourism and communications. This increased centralisation has not had a beneficial effect for everybody.

The curtailment of services in rural areas is one element that has occurred as a result of increased rationalisation, which has become necessary as our membership of the European Union places greater demands upon us. We have heard more than one reference in this debate and in others to globalisation and increased competition. The intensification of this and the further enlargement of the European Union will, according to this report, further contribute to rural decline and social exclusion. That is something we simply cannot and should not ignore.

Looking to the future of rural Ireland from a lay person's point of view, towns which are currently being supported by the agricultural economy will have to adjust their economies to a large extent in the coming years as the rural population declines and the economy changes completely. It creates a whole different set of needs for rural communities. For instance, jobs should be distributed to more than just the large centres of population and the infrastructure of cities. Otherwise, the social cost does not bear thinking about. Towns such as Nenagh, Thurles, Templemore and Roscrea are not getting their share of IDA jobs because its policy is to bring large employers to towns and cities such as Leixlip, Limerick and Cork. That is great for those who work there. An increasing number of workers in north Tipperary go to work in Limerick each day.

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