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Seanad Éireann díospóireacht -
Wednesday, 16 Jun 1999

Vol. 159 No. 16

Aid to Sierra Leone: Motion.

I move:

That Seanad Éireann, noting that peace seems imminent in Sierra Leone, after an eight year civil war in which tens of thousands have been killed and 1.2 million have been displaced, urges the Government and its EU partners to play an active role in peace consolidation and reconstruction and calls on the Minister for Foreign Affairs to outline his plans and intentions in this matter.

I welcome the Minister of State. I have already spoken to the Minister for Foreign Affairs about this matter. He regrets he cannot be here this evening but he is deeply interested in the subject and has agreed to meet a group from the Sierra Leone support group within the next few weeks. I welcome the Sierra Leone support group which is in the Public Gallery this evening. Many of its members are Irish people who have worked for long periods in Sierra Leone. They have a deep commitment to that country and they welcome this opportunity to focus attention on Sierra Leone and to ask the Irish Government to take certain actions which I will outline.

Sierra Leone is about the size of Ireland. It has a population of approximately five million people. It is rich in natural resources and has one of the richest diamond deposits in the world. It also has extensive iron ore and zinc deposits. The soil in the country is good and, when it secured independence, Sierra Leone was a net food exporter. The time of independence was one of great optimism and this lasted for a number of years.

However, by the mid 1960s, corruption on an extensive scale had set in. As the extent of the mineral deposits became clear, the ruling government party, the Sierra Leone People's Party, started to line its pockets in a way that has become all too familiar. The change of government in 1968 was a change for the worse. Under Siaka Stevens, corruption took off. By the early 1980s the country's infrastructure was crumbling. Roads were reverting to dirt tracks, rural water schemes which had been installed with the help of the World Bank had ceased to function, agricultural developments were abandoned and teachers, who were rarely if ever paid, abandoned their schools. There was a series of coups in the late 1980s but none of them resulted in an improvement in the condition of the people. Those involved in the coups were largely concerned with sharing the spoils. The rest of the country slipped into anarchy and no attempt at economic development was possible.

I will now deal with the current situation. Sierra Leone is coming to the end of a devastating, brutal, horrific and, at times, barbaric civil war. At present, 70 per cent of the country is controlled by the Revolutionary United Front, a political movement described by The Irish Times, with an element of understatement, as an abominable collection of mercenaries, murderers and rapists. There is an elected government which controls Freetown and some of the major provincial towns. The government has strong support from Nigeria and other countries but, at present, it is under pressure to form a power sharing arrangement with the RUF.

The government is obviously not keen on this. It regards itself as the elected government and has every reason to be suspicious, if not distrustful, of the RUF. Nonetheless, in a situation where there are few good guys, it appears that a government will be formed. Talks started a few weeks ago and it appears likely that a deal will be made, bringing an end to the civil war. That is the context in which I speak to the House this evening.

Sierra Leone, which was in a bad state before the civil war began, is now devastated. Out of a population of five million, there are 1.5 million refugees. Tens of thousands have been killed and thousands of people have been badly mutilated. The health and education infrastructure is gone. The RUF, like the Khmer Rouge in another context, targeted anybody who was connected in any way with the previous governments, even if they were just teachers or nurses.

The country is faced with a major reconstruction programme. However, it has the potential to be prosperous and the reconstruction programme might not be as daunting as it first appears. The infrastructure required is basic. Schools and hospitals are simple structures which are not costly to build in this context. The first requirement is lasting peace. Whatever government is cobbled together, it is important that it is able to bring about peace. Hopes are high, apparently, that this can be done.

What we are seeking from the Government is clear, straightforward and within its capacity. It is also in line with the thinking and philosophy of this and previous Governments as far as developments in Africa are concerned. We ask that Sierra Leone be given priority status within the Department of Foreign Affairs. Over the years that Department has designated several countries as having priority status. This is a sensible arrangement whereby the Department directs most of its aid effort to the three or four designated countries. It is a good system which maximises our resources and ensures that aid is prop erly focused and funnelled. Given Ireland's increasing prosperity, we are in a position to help. I ask the Government to designate Sierra Leone for priority status. Sierra Leone is a small country. Our efforts and resources could make a real difference.

My second request is for this country to contribute personnel to the newly formed and recently deployed UN peace monitoring unit in Sierra Leone. Again, this is an area in which Ireland has wide expertise. Our soldiers have worked with the UN in this type of operation in many other countries. This case would be a new experience but our security forces would be more than willing to undertake it. I urge the Government to consider this course of action.

My third request is that this country, through the Department of Foreign Affairs or otherwise, make its considerable experience in conflict resolution and peace consolidation available. As a result of our unhappy history over the last 30 years, this country has a great deal of expertise in conflict resolution and peace consolidation. This expertise should be made available in Sierra Leone.

Ireland should also take a leading role in the training and retraining of teachers and nurses. Our teacher training colleges could, without difficulty, adopt a number of teachers or teacher colleges in Sierra Leone. That is also true of our nurse training facilities. We could make a significant contribution where the need is great and where Ireland has particular expertise.

I ask for that to be done and for our training hospitals, health boards and teacher training colleges to adopt Sierra Leone and agree to channel support there. Likewise the agricultural faculties in our universities and our agricultural training colleges should be able to offer practical assistance to the people of Sierra Leone who have to redevelop their entire economy.

The Minister has already very generously agreed to my fifth request for him to meet the Sierra Leone support group in the next couple of weeks. I thank him for agreeing to do this.

Apart from the practical steps I have advocated this evening, there is a need for a thorough reappraisal of what is happening in Africa. The average African is now worse off than in the 1960s when they first received independence, despite billions of pounds given in aid over the past 40 years. The debt problem is a scandal, as has been stated many times in this House. This subject has been well aired in the past year. In many countries – and Sierra Leone is a good example – the problem is more fundamental. It is one of survival as an entity with some semblance of civilised existence for the majority of its inhabitants. Somalia has lost the struggle and is now ruled by factional war lords. Zaire, Liberia and Sudan are little better. Kenya and Zimbabwe could well be next on the list because the one thing all these countries have in common is prolonged rule by deeply corrupt regimes. More than anything else, a lack of good government has destroyed the hopes of black Africa in the past three decades of this millennium.

We cannot decide who governs Africa but we can decide our attitudes to its rulers. During the 1970s, while the Government of Siaka Stevens systematically corrupted and destroyed Sierra Leone, European Governments and the EEC – as it then was – signed trade treaties, supported and dished out aid to it as if it was a model government. We must stop supporting African regimes which are openly corrupt. We in Ireland should seek, together with our European partners, to adopt agreed criteria to deal with African countries. We in the EU are their biggest aid donors and trading partners. Human rights and open government must be the first criteria. Without these, aid development is impossible. With them, Africa is well capable of developing itself.

The Cold War is over. Africa is of no strategic importance. Perhaps this lack of strategic importance will allow us in the West to at last do the right thing for Africa. I commend this motion to the House and ask the Government to look sympathetically and positively at my proposals. I am sure the response will be positive. I ask Senator Tom Fitzgerald to second the motion.

I second the motion.

I support the motion. As has been stated, Sierra Leone is a small country approximately the same size as Ireland. When I was there I had to first pass over to the mainland from the airport to arrive in Freetown, Sierra Leone. In the city of Freetown which has colonial aspects, one sees children coming out of hovels beautifully presented in their uniforms to go to school and one would think every house had showers and the facilities we have in the West. Seeing the children go to school one would swear there was prosperity rather than poverty in Freetown, Sierra Leone. It is the place slavery in Africa started and finished. This small country has huge natural resources, including water, agriculture and diamonds but it has been raped by people from outside the country and internally.

I could not speak in this debate without paying tribute to the Irish priests, nuns and bishops who have worked extremely hard to educate the people of Sierra Leone and to improve their quality of life in adverse conditions.

How can Ireland, a small country in the west, help them? I agree with the motion in terms of making Sierra Leone a priority country for aid from Ireland like countries such as Mozambique and Tanzania on the far side of the African continent. We should respond very positively to this motion. The Government is interested in arranging for it to become a priority country for aid, that is, aid focused on the smallest communities which can help themselves rather than multilateral aid which goes through the huge United Nations groups.

When one goes to Freetown, one is overwhelmed by UN vehicles. They have every type of UN flag on their sides. Every UN agency is out there and I wonder what they are doing. It appears they are doing very little but a huge amount of money is being spent. In Sierra Leone, as in many other African countries, a UN oriented and UN driven substructure of society exists. It is driven by people who are well paid and invariably white – there may the occasional member of the indigenous population. They do nothing except set up a substructure of society there.

Southern Africa has, for years, been bedevilled by the results of colonialism. As in other small countries with small populations and huge natural resources, every renegade in the world is in Sierra Leone ripping the people off and creating warlords, tension and murder so they can reap the benefits of Sierra Leone for themselves. This has happened in every south African country. Angola, one of the biggest countries in Africa and potentially one of the richest in the world, is close by. It has a population of 10 million and every Angolan should be a multimillionaire. Every citizen of Sierra Leone would be quite wealthy – though not a multimillionaire – if the benefits of the God given resources were reaped for the people of Sierra Leone.

There is no point suggesting, as an editorial in The Irish Times did, that the RUF are an abominable collection of mercenaries, murderers and rapists. They exist and must be dealt with through international intervention. We can do something, although not a lot because becoming post-colonial advisers in a country which has plenty of potential is not our role. The people of Sierra Leone are well educated. They came through an excellent education system but they have been abused and misused by people from the outside.

I am delighted this motion has been tabled. Many people might ask why raise the issue of Sierra Leone in the Irish public arena, but what is happening there is similar to what is happening in much of southern Africa. The population of the continent is growing at such a rate that there will be major conflicts. The beneficiaries are mainly European and predominantly American while the people of Sierra Leone suffer.

Can the Minister of State use his influence to ensure the spirit of the motion is presented at the highest level so that we can perhaps fulfil the role mentioned in the motion? I commend the motion and thank the Minister of State for attending this evening. Even though Sierra Leone is a long distance from Ireland, we have had connections there for many years. We should do whatever we can to bring about a regularisation of life in that beautiful country.

I support the motion and I am delighted Fine Gael tabled it. This is an important debate. I have had the good fortune to visit west Africa. While I have not been as far as Sierra Leone, I have spent time in Benin and Nigeria. Considering the wealth of these countries and the possibilities for their populations, one must bitterly regret that Sierra Leone has been so devastated by war in the past years. The most important thing we can do is to give priority status to the country. It is a small one, so there is no earthly reason we should not do so. With our increase in prosperity, it is important we realise we have additional responsibilities, some of which are to support countries such as Sierra Leone.

As a doctor, I have seen what we can do with medical links to countries such as Sierra Leone. I have been involved recently in trying to help to bring postgraduates from Nigeria to work in hospitals here and also to get those who could be useful in giving lectures to postgraduates in Nigeria to go there. While I have had a good response in theory, in practice it has not been as good as I expected. This is despite the fact it would not cost anyone here any money because the Nigerian Government is prepared to pay.

However, Nigeria is a country which has recently become democratic and has the potential to be a very wealthy country. Given that the Government of Sierra Leone is not in a position to pay for help for its people, it is in a weaker position. The Irish medical and nursing professions need to seriously examine initiatives such as that operated by the Nigerians. It is important to remember we rely on non-EU doctors to staff a large number of our hospitals. Most hospitals outside the major teaching centres could not run if it were not for non-EU doctors. If we are not mindful enough to give something in return now to a country which is in such need, it is extraordinarily serious.

We also need to become aware of the serious injuries the civilian population of Sierra Leone has sustained, many of them young people. We should become involved as a matter of urgency in the rebuilding of these people's lives to the best possible standard. Our technology is good from the point of limb replacements and so forth, and it would be well worth our while to ensure this happens.

The education system has also been devastated in Sierra Leone. Nothing is more serious in a developing country than having a cohort of its population ageing without the benefit of primary, not to speak of secondary, education. Given that we have had such strong links for many years with Africa through the teaching profession, many of whose members were from various religious orders, we should now try to ensure we send out teachers to replace those who are no longer there and to train students who want to become teachers. This is the type of investment in that country which we have been fortunate to have had in our country. It is time we tried to repay some of that debt.

Agriculture is another area in which we are strong and from which we can send experts. People do not have to go for very long periods. I strongly applaud APSO for the work it has done in developing countries. It gets good value for money by sending experienced people who are prepared to go to an area for two years to make a worthwhile effort developing it. We have expertise to offer, and it is something we should try to do.

I do not know what will happen with the energy situation in Sierra Leone. There has been a terrible problem with electricity supply in west Africa since the great dam on the Volta River silted up. If expertise in this area is needed, it is important it is brought forward. There are highly trained people in the Electricity Supply Board and we frequently hear about its engineers being seconded to other countries to help with the development of electricity supply services. That is an area in which we could give important assistance.

All these things are necessary to build up the infrastructure of Sierra Leone. The supply of electricity to some of the countries between it and Nigeria comes from generators in those countries with oil or gas supplied from Nigeria. We should give assistance if we have expertise in those fields. We speak of great finds in gas fields here. Those who can give assistance in gas engineering or such matters should come forward now.

It is important we welcome those from Sierra Leone who wish to come here for training. The stories I have heard about the difficulties people have had in obtaining visas are outrageous. I have had to deal with many members of the medical profession who have had great difficulty getting here to avail of further training. It is not possible for people from countries such as Sierra Leone to obtain higher skills training there. If we do not give them at least that much help, things are very bad. Furthermore, if people training here leave temporarily to go home because of a family problem or something similar, they are charged another £50 for a re-entry visa. I find this almost unbelievable and I encounter such problems every day. Let us ensure that, while saying we will send people out there, if people from Sierra Leone find it more useful to come here, we will do our utmost to facilitate them and not allow the outrageous situation reported recently to continue where people have been refused entry even though it is known they have support when coming here.

The amount of time and effort the Nigerians have put in to solving the problem should not be forgotten. I hope when we are asked by them for assistance – they have great resources – there will not be any more of the outrageous carry on we have encountered regarding visas and such as I experienced when trying to bring in postgraduates for training here. It shows our country in an extraordinarily bad light. These states in west Africa have resources and intelligent people who are ready to enter government. In many instances these people have a good standard of education. The francophone countries are used to running their own affairs. The least we can do is to make every effort to ensure that, as soon as possible, they become self-sufficient in every way and take responsibility for running their economies.

I thank Senators Manning and Lanigan for proposing and seconding this motion. I apologise for the absence of the Minister for Foreign Affairs, Deputy Andrews, who is discussing the Estimates with the Select Committee on Foreign Affairs. If the Minister does not appease that committee, he will not be given any money to spend. I also apologise to Senator Henry for leaving the Chamber during her contribution but I was obliged to deal with an urgent matter.

The Government and its EU partners are supporting efforts aimed at securing lasting peace and stability in Sierra Leone. We are also seeking to provide appropriate humanitarian assistance to the suffering civilian population. This action follows the position adopted by the EU at the General Affairs Council on 25 January, when the Council expressed its grave concern at events in Sierra Leone and reiterated support for the democratically elected Government. Last week's decision of the UN Security Council to extend the mandate of the UN Observer Mission in Sierra Leone, UNOMSIL, until 13 December has been welcomed by the Government as consistent with its wish to see a continued UN presence in that country.

At the recent 55th Session of the UN Commission on Human Rights in Geneva, the Irish Government voiced its continuing concerns about the deplorable human rights violations perpetrated during the current conflict. In wishing to see an early return to peace throughout the country with full respect for human rights and the rule of law, we welcome plans of the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights, Mrs. Mary Robinson, to visit Sierra Leone with a panel of prominent human rights experts, possibly later this month.

The eight years of civil war in Sierra Leone have caused untold suffering to the people there. Efforts to resolve the conflict by military means have been unsuccessful and the Government and rebels have finally accepted that there can be no settlement without dialogue. This has led to a more political approach and to discussions between the warring factions, facilitated by the UN and African regional organisations.

At present, hopes for a peaceful settlement lie in the joint efforts of Mr. Francis Okelo, special representative of the UN Secretary General, and President Eyadema of Togo, who is chair of the Economic Community of West African States, ECOWAS. This community represents the sixteen countries of west Africa and it has deployed a peacekeeping force under its regional monitoring group, ECOMOG. Nigeria, Guinea, Ghana and Mali are contributing to this peacekeeping operation. In broader regional terms, the Organisation of African Unity is also actively supporting peace efforts.

Talks have been held between the conflicting parties, including the preparatory meeting of rebel representatives convened in the Togolese capital, Lomé, where position papers were prepared. Corporal Foday Sankoh, leader of the rebel Revolutionary United Front, RUF, has been allowed to travel to Lomé from Freetown where he had been held on charges arising from a previous rebel coup attempt. President Kabbah of Sierra Leone has visited several key countries in the region including Cote d'Ivoire, Ghana, Nigeria and Togo in support of the search for an early settlement.

As signalled by today's motion, there is a growing momentum towards peace in Sierra Leone. An initial ceasefire proposal was tabled by the special representative Mr. Okelo and, following negotiations, this resulted in the signing of a ceasefire agreement on 18 May. Talks between the Government of Sierra Leone and the RUF began in Lomé on 25 May. In addition to Corporal Sankoh, UNOMSIL also facilitated the attendance at the Lomé talks of 14 other RUF leaders from their bases at various locations in Sierra Leone. On 29 May, the Government in Freetown undertook to take the appropriate legal steps to grant an absolute and free pardon in response to which Corporal Sankoh confirmed that his delegation would proceed with the dialogue. UNOMSIL is also working on a framework for the immediate release of prisoners of war and non-combatants, having been requested to do so by the negotiating parties on 2 June.

As part of our ongoing bilateral support for early peace in Sierra Leone, Ireland was represented at the second meeting of the Sierra Leone contact group which took place at the UN in New York on 19 April. This was attended by representatives of 22 countries, the UN, ECOWAS, the European Commission and others. The meeting, in seeking to sustain momentum towards a peaceful settlement, recognised that the Abidjan Accord of 1996 remained a valid framework for a negotiated settlement and that it was time to end the cycle of violence in Sierra Leone through a fuller commitment by the parties to that agreement.

While these developments augur well for the achievement of an agreed settlement in Sierra Leone, the Government is anxious, along with other members of the international community, to ensure that the weaknesses of previous settlements are not repeated. In particular we wish to see the question of demobilising combatants in the current conflict dealt with in a sustainable manner. The current conflict is largely attributable to the fact that previous settlements in Sierra Leone have not dealt effectively with the issue of demobilisation, thereby leaving large numbers of armed ex-combatants in circulation without gainful employment. We consider this to be a central priority, alongside dealing with the gross human rights violations being perpetrated in the current conflict. UNICEF, under the framework of its child protection network, is working with the UN and ECOMOG on the ground to secure the welfare of former child soldiers while the UN development programme is reviewing the reintegration aspects of demobilisation.

In reporting on the conflict in Sierra Leone, the UN Secretary General has commented on the highly constructive role being played by the Sierra Leone parliament and civic groups, particularly the Inter-Religious Council of Sierra Leone which is supported by the World Conference on Religion and Peace. President Kabbah has proposed that the Inter-Religious Council, whose role has been appreciated by all parties, should become one of the moral guarantors of a future peace settlement. The council enjoys close links with Irish missionaries and NGOs who are working tirelessly – I am acquainted with several people who have worked in Sierra Leone in the past or who are working there now – including through contacts with the Department of Foreign Affairs, to support the search for lasting peace in Sierra Leone. This is a prime example of the unstinting work being done by Irish people and NGOs in solidarity with the suffering civilians of other countries and to which tribute can justifiably be paid on this occasion.

The overall humanitarian situation remains dire. The UN estimates that nearly half, or 2.6 million, of the Sierra Leonean population in the northern and eastern provinces, is effectively inaccessible to humanitarian agencies due to insecurity. Another 400,000 have become refugees. While the number of internally displaced persons in inaccessible areas remains relatively constant at about 370,000, there are many more civilians countrywide who have been directly affected by the war in and around their own homes and villages. Many of these have been forced to live under rebel control and denied their right to sufficient food, shelter and health care. In addition, it is estimated that well over one million civilians countrywide still require some form of humanitarian assistance.

Until now the humanitarian effort has been restricted to Government controlled areas, including Freetown, where the humanitarian community has continued to provide food, shelter and emergency health services to 370,000 individuals. At present more than 120,000 internally registered displaced persons living in camps are receiving a comprehensive package of assistance, including food, shelter and health care. However, with more than 80 per cent of the buildings destroyed in some parts of Freetown, many thousands more are squatting in other areas or staying with relatives. A war ravaged economy, characterised by low incomes and high costs for food and other basic items, has compounded their suffering. To address chronic food insecurity the UN and non-governmental aid agencies are distributing emergency seeds and tools to farmers while the World Food Programme continues to support the Government in its efforts to buy imported rice and access food on a bilateral basis from donor Governments. Basic support for clinics and hospitals has continued to come from UNICEF, the World Health Organisation and the medical NGOs.

Ireland has been consistent in its support for the people of Sierra Leone and continues to commit significant funds to the international humanitarian effort. Last year, when the conflict was at its height, the Government provided emergency aid totalling £379,000. This aid was distributed via the International Red Cross, the UNHCR, Irish NGOs, Concern and Trócaire. In response to the ongoing crisis, Irish Aid has this year provided £200,000 in emergency humanitarian assistance. This aid is being channelled via the World Food Programme and Concern for their respective programmes. In addition, the EU, through the European Community Humanitarian Office, has provided 5 million euros in emergency humanitarian assistance.

The delivery of emergency assistance to date has been restricted by the high level of insecurity throughout the country as evidenced by the rebel assault on Freetown earlier this year. However, on 4 June the Government of Sierra Leone and the Revolutionary United Front reached an agreement guaranteeing safe and unhindered access by humanitarian agencies to all areas under their control. This significant step will enable access to those in desperate need of assistance and ensure the safety of aid workers and the security of humanitarian relief.

By way of example, the WFP reported on 7 June that it has, for the first time in five months, successfully delivered food supplied to the town of Bo in southern Sierra Leone. CARE, the relief and development agency, reported on 9 June that it had delivered 800 tonnes of food to the south ern interior of Sierra Leone for the first time since April. In the past fortnight a humanitarian assessment mission led by the UN Humanitarian Assistance Co-ordination Unit travelled through areas held by the RUF. It reported that it has been well received by the RUF who showed a willingness to allow humanitarian agencies access. Following the initial assessment, the humanitarian agencies will now make a list of urgent humanitarian needs and actions to be taken. To take full advantage of this more secure environment the Government is actively considering providing further humanitarian assistance and will shortly decide on how best to assist.

With our EU and UN partners, the Government will continue to support diplomatic efforts aimed at a lasting peaceful resolution of the conflict in Sierra Leone. We will also continue to provide appropriate humanitarian relief to the vulnerable civilian population and to seek improved humanitarian access. Pressure will be maintained on all parties to fully observe human rights and international humanitarian law.

I welcome the Minister of State to the House. I am delighted we are debating the unfortunate country of Sierra Leone. However, I am disappointed that the Minister for Foreign Affairs did not respond directly to the issues raised by the motion. The major issue relates to Ireland making Sierra Leone a priority target country for its overseas development assistance now that peace appears to be imminent. It would be a nice gesture by us. Ireland already has an excellent reputation on the African continent which is probably due to our colonial past. The Minister did not address the other issue raised which is that Ireland, along with its EU partners, would seek special aid and assistance for Sierra Leone in the light of a possible peace agreement that would end its civil war.

Sierra Leone is one of the most unfortunate countries in Africa. It became an independent state in 1961, 38 years ago. In that time it has experienced a mix of governments, which has been the African experience. They ranged from single party to multi-party governments and to being ruled by juntas after successful military coups. Unfortunately, Sierra Leone has gone through a period of terrible civil war and dislocation in recent years.

I read the United Nations development report which deals with countries from all over the world, especially the development ones. The report gave key indicators on how these countries are performing. I also read the excellent annual report prepared by the UN, The State of the World's Children. The key indicators referring to children in Sierra Leone showed that they are in the worst possible situation. To prove it I will outline some relevant statistics. The number of children who died within one year of birth in Sierra Leone is one of the highest in the world. The number of children who died before the age of five is among the highest per 1,000 births in the world. Access to primary education by children born in Sierra Leone is one of the worst in the world. There are no schools because of total dislocation within the country. Access to key medical care such as immunisation against something simple like measles for a child living there is the worst in the world. Access to clean drinking water by ordinary Sierra Leone citizens is also among the worst in the world. It is a basic human right to have access to clean water. These statistics illustrate the wretched state of the country.

Ireland has a responsibility, particularly as it has enjoyed enormous growth and prosperity. Our citizens have shown great generosity and a great willingness to help developing countries. Unfortunately, this Government has not been so good. The UN drew up a league of nations showing the amount of gross national or domestic product donated to overseas development aid on an annual basis and Ireland can be found at the bottom end of it. We are not even quarter way towards the UN's target. We have made some progress in recent years but it has not been impressive. It has not been in line with our level of economic growth. Earlier this year we had a debate where the Minister for State at the Department of Foreign Affairs, Deputy O'Donnell, who has specific responsibility for overseas development assistance, had to threaten to resign from her post. She resorted to that measure because the Government had proposed to reduce our ODA programme during our time of prosperity.

I plead with the Minister to identify Sierra Leone as a priority country for overseas development assistance. We have assisted Zambia, Sudan and a number of other countries. We did experience some difficulties in Sudan. Within the past two years we have not nominated an additional priority country for our ODA.

Our programmes are a success no matter where they operate. ODA refers to the bilateral agreements between governments and host countries. These programmes are well targeted because they identify areas in need of social, economic and educational development, etc. We achieve excellent results because we deploy resources in a wise and professional manner.

I have visited Tanzania, one of the poorest countries in the world. The rest of the world takes a great interest in it and, as a consequence, it attracts a lot of ODA. The Tanzanian government has received a lot of assistance. It can verify that the Irish aid programme is the best because of the manner in which it is targeted and the way it functions and delivers results. We should target a poor and unfortunate country like Sierra Leone which may get a chance to pull itself out of the terrible doldrums of civil war. It had joined that league of wretchedness and misery evident in Liberia and Somalia where civil order has broken down.

The President of Sierra Leone was democratically elected in 1996 and was removed from office in a coup a year later. Those leading the coup were driven out of office by ECOWAS, the Nigerian-led peacekeeping force, in February 1998. The government has had a terrible time trying to re-establish civil society in any form since then. The army of Sierra Leone joined a rebel force and is, effectively, the backbone of the force which is fighting the government.

The rebels control much of the economic resources of the country, especially the diamonds, which Senator Manning mentioned. Diamonds are easily mined in Sierra Leone; they are found in alluvial areas where they are dug up and are easily marketed. Mining technology there is most basic – one can literally dig diamonds out of the sand. The country is lucky to have such a resource.

One of the reasons the country is being destabilised is that the mining companies, including one from South Africa, bring in private militias and armies to protect their interests who behave like thugs and who contribute to the lawlessness in the country. We should condemn this absolutely. The overseas development assistance resources of the European Union, which are considerable and highly respected, are, to my knowledge, barely deployed in this country.

I join with my colleagues in reiterating the need to implement the spirit of this motion. Perhaps the Department of Foreign Affairs was caught somewhat by surprise given the fact the Minister of State did not have a more comprehensive reply. The reply was very general—

It was very specific.

—and, regrettably, it did not—

The Senator always has a bitter word. He is the most political person in this House. This is an issue on which there is agreement.

It is a pity the Minister of State carries a heavy load of bitterness into the House. The speech did not specifically address the issue raised in the motion, that is, that the Government should consider favourably—

It is an agreed motion and the Senator is carping.

The Government should consider favourably including this country as a priority country in our overseas development assistance programme.

While this is not a subject area on which I usually contribute, I am pleased to support the motion. I support fully the points made and the Government's approach to the depressing circumstances which have prevailed in Sierra Leone for some time. This and previous Governments have worked towards a ceasefire in Sierra Leone. It is now the responsibility of the Government, through the international bodies of the EU and the UN, to consolidate that peace and to bring humanitarian aid and stability to Sierra Leone.

Ireland has always deplored human rights abuses in Sierra Leone. We read and heard with horror accounts of the most obnoxious atrocities and human rights abuses in recent times, and they are to be deplored. The Government has consistently deplored those atrocities and has spoken out regularly at EU and UN levels.

Sierra Leone is a small country like Ireland. I have never been there but I have read much about it and, to a degree, I know the position there. I have taken a great interest in it because of the involvement of Ireland and Irish aid personnel for over 100 years. We have had a direct involvement with Sierra Leone through different programmes and the churches. Now, more than ever, we need agencies to become involved and to help. The leader of the Opposition mentioned teachers, nurses and doctors and Senator Henry made a valid point about the involvement of our semi-State bodies and training in that area. We should look at how the people can help, and I support all those calls.

Sierra Leone is a wealthy country and has many resources but, unfortunately, peace and stability are missing. For Sierra Leone to progress, those two vital elements must be present. It behoves all governments and the United Nations, in particular, to ensure the present ceasefire and the negotiations are consolidated and progressed to the stage where a democratically elected government can run the country with one army and one police force. Only then can the people of Sierra Leone begin to live normal lives with hope and a future for themselves and their families.

It is not my intention to be divisive in a debate in which we hope to be at one. I hope that we in the Upper House are always at one when such issues are debated. In the past when I contributed to or listened to debates on matters such as this and during my time on the consultative council of the European Commission, I have not seen division and would not like it to see it as a developing trend. Sometimes there is a difference of emphasis, but a dispute should not take place.

Ireland has a record of involvement in Sierra Leone and was represented at the second meeting of the Sierra Leone contact group which took place in the UN in New York on 6 April. This was attended by over 20 countries and the Abidjan Accord was considered the basis for a future agreement. That should be endorsed by the House.

The Government's priority is the provision of emergency humanitarian assistance, and that must be our priority at this time. I am sure all requirements will be considered. Ireland has been a consistent supporter of the provision of assistance to Sierra Leone through its UN funds and contributions to NGO activities.

We are not saying that is all that is necessary but it is part of our ongoing financial support. Moral and physical support at the EU and UN institutions in which we are involved exists, as does the goodwill of the Irish people.

I am pleased to have had an opportunity to contribute to this very worthwhile debate. I compliment Senator Manning on tabling the motion which has the full support of the House. The debate has been worthwhile and I am glad the Public Gallery is so well attended – it is an indication of the great interest people have in what we are discussing.

I wish the people of Sierra Leone well and hope that peace and stability will be theirs before very long.

An Leas-Chathaoirleach

I wish to be associated with those remarks and the remarks of other Members.

I thank the Minister and my colleagues who contributed to the very constructive debate. A general sense of consensus and agreement has emerged.

I pay tribute to the Sierra Leone Support Group. None of us has any conception of what it must be like to be living thousands of miles from home, hearing and knowing of the devastation, brutality and torture which is taking place and being utterly unable to do anything to stop it or help the people there. The sense of futility must be enormous and my heart goes out to those from Sierra Leone living in Ireland who must look on from afar. Hopefully what we are doing is in some small way of moral and practical comfort to them. I wish also to include in my comments the very many Irish people who have very strong links with Sierra Leone. There are some people in the Public Gallery who have spent 40 years working in Sierra Leone and others who have spent significant portions of their lives there. Whatever it is about the country, it seems to leave its mark on those people. They have a loyalty to Sierra Leone and a great desire to see the well-being of the country being given every opportunity.

I attended Rockwell College, a school run by the Holy Ghost Fathers, an order which had many links with Sierra Leone. I grew up hearing of the exploits of Bishop Brosnahan and some of the other pioneers in that country. The links are strong between our two countries and, as was clear from all speakers this evening, there is a very genuine desire to do what we can on their behalf.

In practical terms, I ask the Government to carefully examine the possibility of genuine asylum seekers from Sierra Leone being granted refugee status similar to the granting of such status to genuine asylum seekers from Kosovo. I know some asylum seekers from Sierra Leone, one of whom is a friend of mine. The Leas-Chathaoirleach will know the hostelry in Upper Baggot Street which used to belong to Mr. Desmond Hynes and in which I met this man. This man is a genuine asylum seeker, yet I am ashamed of the way he is being treated and being sent from pillar to post trying to get the status to which his position entitles him. I ask the Government to again examine the position of genuine asylum seekers from Sierra Leone in terms of granting them refugee status.

There is a great danger that the full focus of the EU in the current climate of crisis will move towards the rebuilding of the Balkans. As a member of the EU we are in danger of being caught in that move. We should insist, as I think Members will insist given the very long tradition of strong support in the House for African and Third World countries, that in no way should Irish expenditure be deflected from the countries we are talking about this evening. I hope Ireland will remain firm to its commitment in this regard and that the Department will take note of this.

I wish to conclude by commenting on the Minister's reaction to my speech. I did not expect the Minister to agree this evening to a commitment to grant priority status straight away. The purpose of the debate was to make the case to the Minister. Senators Lanigan, Finneran, I and others made the case. I believe the case is very strong and I am asking the Minister to return to the Department with a very clear message that the strong view emerging in the House is that the issue of priority status for Sierra Leone should be examined very seriously by the Government. We all have considerable experience and do not speak lightly on these matters. Knowing the thinking of the Minister, Deputy Andrews, I am sure he would personally approve of giving priority status and when I meet him later this month with members of the support group I will make the case for doing so. I have a feeling that he will be sympathetic. The proposal has wide support in the House and it is the right thing for the country to do. We can do it at no great cost to ourselves and it would make a very real difference.

For this reason I commend the motion to the House, I thank those who have contributed and ask the Government to listen in a very positive way to what we are asking.

Question put and agreed to.
Sitting suspended at 7.10 p.m. and resumed at 8 p.m.
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