The Way Forward presented by the British and Irish Governments last Friday, after a week of intense negotiations in Castle Buildings at Stormont, and following months of political deadlock, represents by far the best opportunity of putting the Good Friday Agreement fully into effect. It is the best opportunity, on the one hand, to establish finally an inclusive Executive and, on the other, to achieve complete decommissioning by May 2000.
All parts of the Agreement need to be implemented for it to work as negotiated. The Agreement needs to be firing on all cylinders. We have established that there are no preconditions, but the reality, which I have long recognised, is that we will sustain an inclusive Executive only if the commitment to decommissioning is genuine. Equally, we were never going to reach the stage of actual decommissioning so long as it was insisted upon, in effect, as a prior condition to the setting up of an Executive.
We have made huge progress in recent years towards establishing more peaceful conditions in Northern Ireland. However, we would be wrong to think we are entirely out of the woods yet. There are dangerous forces on either side determined, if they can, to destroy the Agreement, any attempt at compromise, and to destroy peace. Nevertheless, we now have a unique opportunity to stem the main sources of political violence on this island. We should not spurn that opportunity.
Like the British Prime Minister, I am satisfied that we received an offer from the republican leadership last week, that indicates an early start to, and a definite prospect of, complete decommissioning by May 2000 in accordance with the terms of the Good Friday Agreement and in the context of its implementation. I greatly welcome the initiative. I do not underestimate – as I believe others have – the difficulty in arriving at that point or the real courage and conviction the Sinn Féin leadership have and will display in persuading people to carry it through to a successful conclusion. They have been prepared to go further than any of their predecessors, though I pointed out in my Arbour Hill speech that after the Civil War de Valera made a contingent offer to put weapons into safekeeping in 1923 that was rejected. Sinn Féin deserves great credit for being prepared to break the deadlock. I agree with the analysis that the prize of lasting peace and the setting up of inclusive institutions in which it will participate is worth that move on its part.
The Sinn Féin initiative was a necessary step if the promise of the Good Friday Agreement is to be fulfilled. Sinn Féin has to rely, like other parties, exclusively on the electoral strength it has been able to win. I am sure the political leadership of Sinn Féin, if not always every member of the rank and file, understands at this stage that any sort of dual strategy is not compatible with full democratic engagement. Loyalist organisations will also have to fulfil the commitment to decommission, and there must be further demilitarisation by the security forces, as provided for in the Agreement.
When I called last Friday a good day for democracy in Ireland, I meant it in more than one sense. We have the real prospect within a fortnight of establishing for the first time institutions in Northern Ireland and throughout the island of Ireland that possess full democratic legitimacy from every point of view. That represents an enormous step forward in conflict resolution. For the first time, all sections of the community will participate in Government and in representing their own region at home and abroad. The people of Northern Ireland deserve to be given this chance, so that the current unprecedented wave of prosperity will spread over the entire island. This will give more deprived communities a chance to obtain jobs and to have their pressing social needs addressed.
As soon as devolution comes into effect on 18 July, the constitutional changes in Ireland and Britain will come into force. Conversely, if the establishment of the institutions is further stalled, there is a danger we might never arrive at a situation which allows the balanced constitutional changes to come into force. If the DUP and those of a like mind who oppose the Good Friday Agreement were to have their way, they would frustrate the changes to Articles 2 and 3 of the Constitution which they have so long demanded, and the full enshrining there of the principle of consent.
There has been much focus on the fail-safe mechanism, which I recognise is essential if there is to be certainty as to what will be expected of parties in different situations. The rationale behind it was that, in the event of the failure of one or more key parties to fulfil their obligations on devolution or decommissioning, the entire onus for taking corrective action that would result in the suspension of the operation of the institutions should not fall on any one party, but should be a collective responsibility of the two Governments as well as the parties.
The Government is very attached to the principle of inclusion. It has been the key to the success of the peace process, in terms of securing ceasefires, fruitful negotiations and the Good Friday Agreement. Looking back over the history of Northern Ireland, exclusion was one of the principal sources of conflict. All parties need to remind themselves that they signed up to the principle of inclusive government.
The main criticism of the fail-safe mechanism, which triggers a review and suspends the operation of the institutions established under the Good Friday Agreement, is that it punishes the just and the unjust alike. However, is that really the case? The ultimate sanction in any democracy is the disapproval of public opinion. There would be enormous pressure from public opinion, North and South as well as internationally, on anyone who failed to live up to their obligations, and who thus threatened to dash the hopes created by the setting up of the institutions. That pressure should facilitate an early resolution of the problem.
I hope the Unionist community will come to see, reluctantly perhaps, that The Way Forward is the best option for democracy, and for the interests of Northern Ireland. Unfortunately, there are still some voices, North and South, who insinuate that we are appeasing terrorism and undermining democracy. The charge is totally unjustified. The objective of the peace process is to establish an exclusively democratic system throughout this island. At a fundamental level, we have established a route for removing paramilitary weapons from the situation, something that defeated others who speak in academic terms of the need for a more overtly moralistic and peremptory approach that in some cases takes little account of the deeper causes of conflict. I would like if some political leaders and commentators would give a little more credit to both Governments for our total dedication to protecting the integrity of democracy and constitutional order.
As I said on Sunday, I would welcome it, if the IRA were to make a statement supportive of the Sinn Féin leadership's position, but I would point out that commencement of the process of decommissioning requires, according to General de Chastelain's report of 2 July, an unambiguous commitment by a paramilitary group that decom missioning will be completed by 22 May 2000, as well as entry into detailed discussions of actual modalities through an authorised representative. General de Chastelain is due to give further reports by September and December of this year and next May. We will know early enough if there are delays or doubts about the fulfilment of obligations.
To sum up, I am satisfied there is now a clear and a sufficient basis for confidence to go ahead with the institutions. Further political progress depends on it. I am glad the Drumcree parade passed off relatively peacefully. We would all like to see a resolution of the problem through direct dialogue between the respective parties. It is not reasonable for the Orange Order to demand to march through the middle of communities with whom they are not prepared to be on speaking terms.
The spirit of accommodation must replace the spirit of domination. The residents know that for their intolerable situation to be improved, they must also be prepared to negotiate and respond to any genuine sign of conciliation, as indeed they have been. Civil rights are indivisible and it is a fallacy to suggest that there is any such thing as civil rights for one section of the community as opposed to another. We must urgently build on the encouraging developments of recent weeks.
All parties, including the main loyalist parties, signed up to the human rights section of the Good Friday Agreement, which included "the right to freely choose one's place of residence" and "the right to freedom from sectarian harassment". I find this difficult to reconcile with, for example, the lead story in the Irish News today about Catholics having to abandon a new housing development in Lurgan. Such behaviour makes a complete mockery of the ideal of creating a pluralist society in Northern Ireland, an ideal I applaud.
There are difficult and challenging times ahead, but potentially positive and exciting areas as well. The historic compromise negotiated so exhaustingly at Stormont last week must become the basis for a new partnership within Northern Ireland and between the two great traditions on this island. In pursuit of this, I have great confidence that the will of the large majority who want peaceful progress and better community relations will prevail. I thank you, a Chathaoirligh, and the Members of the Seanad for the opportunity to make this statement on last week's negotiations.