Seanad Éireann díospóireacht -
Wednesday, 7 Jul 1999

Vol. 160 No. 5

Northern Ireland Issues: Statements.

The Taoiseach

The Way Forward presented by the British and Irish Governments last Friday, after a week of intense negotiations in Castle Buildings at Stormont, and following months of political deadlock, represents by far the best opportunity of putting the Good Friday Agreement fully into effect. It is the best opportunity, on the one hand, to establish finally an inclusive Executive and, on the other, to achieve complete decommissioning by May 2000.

All parts of the Agreement need to be implemented for it to work as negotiated. The Agreement needs to be firing on all cylinders. We have established that there are no preconditions, but the reality, which I have long recognised, is that we will sustain an inclusive Executive only if the commitment to decommissioning is genuine. Equally, we were never going to reach the stage of actual decommissioning so long as it was insisted upon, in effect, as a prior condition to the setting up of an Executive.

We have made huge progress in recent years towards establishing more peaceful conditions in Northern Ireland. However, we would be wrong to think we are entirely out of the woods yet. There are dangerous forces on either side determined, if they can, to destroy the Agreement, any attempt at compromise, and to destroy peace. Nevertheless, we now have a unique opportunity to stem the main sources of political violence on this island. We should not spurn that opportunity.

Like the British Prime Minister, I am satisfied that we received an offer from the republican leadership last week, that indicates an early start to, and a definite prospect of, complete decommissioning by May 2000 in accordance with the terms of the Good Friday Agreement and in the context of its implementation. I greatly welcome the initiative. I do not underestimate – as I believe others have – the difficulty in arriving at that point or the real courage and conviction the Sinn Féin leadership have and will display in persuading people to carry it through to a successful conclusion. They have been prepared to go further than any of their predecessors, though I pointed out in my Arbour Hill speech that after the Civil War de Valera made a contingent offer to put weapons into safekeeping in 1923 that was rejected. Sinn Féin deserves great credit for being prepared to break the deadlock. I agree with the analysis that the prize of lasting peace and the setting up of inclusive institutions in which it will participate is worth that move on its part.

The Sinn Féin initiative was a necessary step if the promise of the Good Friday Agreement is to be fulfilled. Sinn Féin has to rely, like other parties, exclusively on the electoral strength it has been able to win. I am sure the political leadership of Sinn Féin, if not always every member of the rank and file, understands at this stage that any sort of dual strategy is not compatible with full democratic engagement. Loyalist organisations will also have to fulfil the commitment to decommission, and there must be further demilitarisation by the security forces, as provided for in the Agreement.

When I called last Friday a good day for democracy in Ireland, I meant it in more than one sense. We have the real prospect within a fortnight of establishing for the first time institutions in Northern Ireland and throughout the island of Ireland that possess full democratic legitimacy from every point of view. That represents an enormous step forward in conflict resolution. For the first time, all sections of the community will participate in Government and in representing their own region at home and abroad. The people of Northern Ireland deserve to be given this chance, so that the current unprecedented wave of prosperity will spread over the entire island. This will give more deprived communities a chance to obtain jobs and to have their pressing social needs addressed.

As soon as devolution comes into effect on 18 July, the constitutional changes in Ireland and Britain will come into force. Conversely, if the establishment of the institutions is further stalled, there is a danger we might never arrive at a situation which allows the balanced constitutional changes to come into force. If the DUP and those of a like mind who oppose the Good Friday Agreement were to have their way, they would frustrate the changes to Articles 2 and 3 of the Constitution which they have so long demanded, and the full enshrining there of the principle of consent.

There has been much focus on the fail-safe mechanism, which I recognise is essential if there is to be certainty as to what will be expected of parties in different situations. The rationale behind it was that, in the event of the failure of one or more key parties to fulfil their obligations on devolution or decommissioning, the entire onus for taking corrective action that would result in the suspension of the operation of the institutions should not fall on any one party, but should be a collective responsibility of the two Governments as well as the parties.

The Government is very attached to the principle of inclusion. It has been the key to the success of the peace process, in terms of securing ceasefires, fruitful negotiations and the Good Friday Agreement. Looking back over the history of Northern Ireland, exclusion was one of the principal sources of conflict. All parties need to remind themselves that they signed up to the principle of inclusive government.

The main criticism of the fail-safe mechanism, which triggers a review and suspends the operation of the institutions established under the Good Friday Agreement, is that it punishes the just and the unjust alike. However, is that really the case? The ultimate sanction in any democracy is the disapproval of public opinion. There would be enormous pressure from public opinion, North and South as well as internationally, on anyone who failed to live up to their obligations, and who thus threatened to dash the hopes created by the setting up of the institutions. That pressure should facilitate an early resolution of the problem.

I hope the Unionist community will come to see, reluctantly perhaps, that The Way Forward is the best option for democracy, and for the interests of Northern Ireland. Unfortunately, there are still some voices, North and South, who insinuate that we are appeasing terrorism and undermining democracy. The charge is totally unjustified. The objective of the peace process is to establish an exclusively democratic system throughout this island. At a fundamental level, we have established a route for removing paramilitary weapons from the situation, something that defeated others who speak in academic terms of the need for a more overtly moralistic and peremptory approach that in some cases takes little account of the deeper causes of conflict. I would like if some political leaders and commentators would give a little more credit to both Governments for our total dedication to protecting the integrity of democracy and constitutional order.

As I said on Sunday, I would welcome it, if the IRA were to make a statement supportive of the Sinn Féin leadership's position, but I would point out that commencement of the process of decommissioning requires, according to General de Chastelain's report of 2 July, an unambiguous commitment by a paramilitary group that decom missioning will be completed by 22 May 2000, as well as entry into detailed discussions of actual modalities through an authorised representative. General de Chastelain is due to give further reports by September and December of this year and next May. We will know early enough if there are delays or doubts about the fulfilment of obligations.

To sum up, I am satisfied there is now a clear and a sufficient basis for confidence to go ahead with the institutions. Further political progress depends on it. I am glad the Drumcree parade passed off relatively peacefully. We would all like to see a resolution of the problem through direct dialogue between the respective parties. It is not reasonable for the Orange Order to demand to march through the middle of communities with whom they are not prepared to be on speaking terms.

The spirit of accommodation must replace the spirit of domination. The residents know that for their intolerable situation to be improved, they must also be prepared to negotiate and respond to any genuine sign of conciliation, as indeed they have been. Civil rights are indivisible and it is a fallacy to suggest that there is any such thing as civil rights for one section of the community as opposed to another. We must urgently build on the encouraging developments of recent weeks.

All parties, including the main loyalist parties, signed up to the human rights section of the Good Friday Agreement, which included "the right to freely choose one's place of residence" and "the right to freedom from sectarian harassment". I find this difficult to reconcile with, for example, the lead story in the Irish News today about Catholics having to abandon a new housing development in Lurgan. Such behaviour makes a complete mockery of the ideal of creating a pluralist society in Northern Ireland, an ideal I applaud.

There are difficult and challenging times ahead, but potentially positive and exciting areas as well. The historic compromise negotiated so exhaustingly at Stormont last week must become the basis for a new partnership within Northern Ireland and between the two great traditions on this island. In pursuit of this, I have great confidence that the will of the large majority who want peaceful progress and better community relations will prevail. I thank you, a Chathaoirligh, and the Members of the Seanad for the opportunity to make this statement on last week's negotiations.

Mr. Manning

I welcome the Taoiseach to the House and it is good that we have had an opportunity to hear at first hand his account of the negotiations last week. I compliment him and all others involved in trying to achieve a resolution of the problem and it will not be their fault if a solution is not found. I have no intention of second guessing what is happening or carping about the timing or the detail. It is important that over the past months and years everyone involved has given it their best shot. Nobody has a monopoly on wisdom and if there was a magic formula it would have been found a long time ago.

I agree that The Way Forward outlined by the two Prime Ministers is the best opportunity yet to finally reach the next phase of the process, but it is important to remember that it is part of a continuing process and not a final solution. Even if the Unionists and republicans accept what was offered last weekend, there is a long way to go before normal politics will operate in Northern Ireland. In the euphoria that followed the Good Friday Agreement there was a tendency to see the Agreement itself as a solution. Many people warned at the time that much of the hard work was only just beginning and that many obstacles had yet to be overcome. That was seen clearly in the months that followed and it remains the case, although the progress on many fronts over the past year has been hugely impressive.

Many of the proposals in the Good Friday Agreement are in place and await full implementation while the Patten Commission on Policing is about to make its report, which will be radical and comprehensive. The ceasefires have held, even if at times imperfectly, and Sinn Féin is well and truly in from the cold, politically speaking. Unionists have become accustomed to working with politicians from the South and parties they might well have shunned previously. Most importantly, as the Taoiseach mentioned, the historic power sharing Executive is ready to come into being. All that and, indeed, much more in the space of one year is impressive and, given what went before, it is almost miraculous.

However, nobody thought one or two years ago that the solution would be neat and tidy. History and life do not work that way and many loose ends remain untied, some of which are uncomfortable and dangerous. The Taoiseach referred to an aspect of our Civil War. Our Civil War and War of Independence lasted just three or four years, yet it was ten years before political normality began to assert itself in the State. The memories of our short and, by modern standards, insignificant Civil War dominated politics for decades afterwards.

It will be similar in the North; forgiveness will not come easily. Lack of mutual understanding, respect and, especially, trust, are still at the heart of the current impasse and, given our historical experience, we should understand how difficult it will be to overcome the legacy of history in Northern Ireland. One loose end, in particular, which remains is the continuing inability of the authorities to deal with loyalist terrorism. The deaths of Rosemary Nelson and Mrs. Elizabeth O'Neill, pipe bombs, and the intimidation of Catholic and mixed families, such as that referred to by the Taoiseach, evidences something which is unacceptable.

There does not appear to be a great effort on the part of the RUC to use the wide powers it has, some of which were given to it as they were to the police force here, in the aftermath of the Omagh bombing, against the fascist thugs and criminals who are responsible and who, for the most part, appear to be known by name or reputation. If reliable journalists are to be believed, then the mood is one of complacency and it gives reason to believe that a great deal more could and should be done.

There is a continuing failure to achieve a breakthrough at Drumcree, although it was a great relief that the parade went off so peacefully last Sunday, as the Taoiseach said. Sections of the IRA also continue to be involved in drug-related murders, punishment beatings and general racketeering. This raises concern and creates problems, especially for Mr. Gerry Adams in delivering on the promises he has made with total sincerity and commitment.

Against that background, it is all the more important to emphasise the absolute need for political progress. It can only be achieved if it is underpinned by workable political institutions, such as those set up following the Good Friday Agreement and reasserted in the proposal of the two Prime Ministers. A power sharing Executive means that every element of the body politic must face up to the ghosts and deviants in their communities. Power will, as it always does, bring responsibility and there will be no room or hiding place for those who do not honour their word.

I turn to one of the key points of the Taoiseach's contribution, which is the provision of failsafe mechanisms and the immediate and urgent need to get the Unionists to accept their places on the Executive. Nobody wants to push anybody into a corner at any point. However, the best guarantee the Unionists have of achieving decommissioning and a permanent end to the IRA campaign is through the proposals made last week. The failsafe mechanisms, if operated with integrity and set out in firm legal form, leave no doubt that decommissioning must happen if Sinn Féin is to stay in government. Only by entering the Executive will Unionists achieve the long sought after changes in Articles 2 and 3 of the Republic's Constitution. It is vitally important that the Unionists see, with clarity, what is on offer and that they have full confidence in the failsafe mechanisms.

Is the Taoiseach happy that the failsafe mechanisms have been put forward with sufficient clarity and their underpinning is sufficiently stark to ensure there is no doubt in the minds of Unionists or no excuse for them not to accept them? That is crucial because if there are doubts, the Unionists, with the experience of obtaining a letter from Mr. Blair on decommissioning after the Good Friday Agreement but not getting what they believed they wanted and needed written into the Agreement, may cause problems. If the Unionists feel they need parliamentary and legal underpinning for these mechanisms, surely we should be in a position to do so over the next few weeks before the House of Commons rises for its summer recess.

I impress the point on the Taoiseach because it is at the centre of the current impasse and having gone so far, anything further that is needed, within reason, to ensure that the Unionists have full confidence in the guarantees is worth providing. I praise the Taoiseach for the hard work he has put in to the negotiations, his durability and for sticking at it when others might well have given up. I believe we are at the point of an historic breakthrough. If we can persuade and give confidence to Unionists to be brave at this time, that last step will have been taken.

Dr. Haughey

Like the previous speaker, I congratulate the Taoiseach and all concerned for an absolutely marvellous job. It was very difficult and tiring and their tenacity is to be appreciated.

We are not yet out of the woods because we do not have agreement to implement the Agreement. What is the alternative to the proposed agreement currently on the table which has been endorsed democratically by in excess of 70 per cent of the population in Northern Ireland and by more than 90 per cent of the population in the Republic? Do we wish to be seen as a backward, insular, intransigent group of people in a part of the United Kingdom or as an industrial, commercial, innovative society of which our children will be proud? I speak as someone who lives in Northern Ireland.

I have travelled throughout the United States of America trying to persuade industrialists of my convictions to select Northern Ireland as a good place to invest. My story at that time was true – I said that very few days had been lost on the factory floor as a result of the troubles in Northern Ireland. I said that we have an educated workforce with a work ethic, willing and ready to take up any challenge a decent employer would offer. What the people of Northern Ireland want is an opportunity to prove themselves. The response I got while travelling throughout the United States was, "Eddie, I believe you; I heard this testimony from other employers who have gone to Northern Ireland, but I want you to know if I go to my board and strongly recommend to them to invest in Northern Ireland, they probably will say, get your head examined, or, at best, they will remove me from the list of candidates for promotion within my own company for bad judgment." That has been my experience and I am confident that is a widely held view.

We must say to the politicians that for the sake of the people they represent, they must think, think and think again because the alternative to this agreement, from whatever side, will have consequences. Unionists must look at the Sunningdale Agreement and Nationalists must contemplate the thousands who have died, those in prison and those who have been affected badly as a result of one or two of their parents being imprisoned. Politicians must ponder the bitterness generated between decent people who for years toiled together and lived as friends and neighbours. What these people sought was a better future for their families. We must ask ourselves what is the alternative? Should we consider joint authority, an independent Northern Ireland, direct rule from the United Kingdom, a united Ireland or a return to violence by one faction or other? The present proposal is the least likely to lead to violence. It is not perfect, it is not what everyone wants, but it is the best on offer. It has been endorsed democratically throughout the island and supported by the President of the United States, the most powerful man in the world. It has been approved by the United Nations, the European Community, the Prime Minister and all parties in Westminster. It has also been approved by the Taoiseach, the Government and the Opposition parties.

How can one fly in the face of this level of approval? It is understandable that the Protestant people will be suspicious of promises made by those who have been so diametrically opposed to them over the years. I say to these people that they are absolutely justified in seeking guarantees. The best guarantee they can obtain is what they can see clearly for themselves, that is, the reaction to the Omagh bombing. Some of the most draconian legislation ever enacted in western Europe since World War II has been brought into force both in Northern Ireland and the Republic of Ireland, with the approval of the people, since that outrage. That, in itself, is a guarantee.

No one wishes to see a return to violence. This will not be tolerated from whatever source. The Unionists need no longer fear that people of violence will get succour for the use of violence for political aims in the Nationalist community. Voters in the Nationalist community have accepted the Belfast Agreement as fair and reasonable, and with very little alternative at this time.

Drumcree and other Orange marches are talked about throughout the year, with the consequences likened to Armageddon. When violence takes over peaceful demonstrations, very quickly those partaking in the violence are isolated and disowned. I recall the murder of the Quinn children and the subsequent lull in the violence. Rejection of the Agreement would be an affront to those who worked so hard, particularly the Taoiseach and the Prime Minister, Mr. Blair. They have spent many hours and weeks trying to create an accommodation. These people have worked selflessly to achieve this Agreement. It would be a betrayal of the tenets of unionism to reject an agreement such as this which guarantees fairness for all, continued membership of the United Kingdom, a democratic voice in Government, the removal of the perceived offending Articles of the Constitution, the exorcising of the Anglo-Irish Agreement and a mechanism which will trigger the rejection of the gunmen from politics in Northern Ireland for ever.

Mr. Ross

I join with other Senators in paying tribute to the Taoiseach for his extraordinarily successful efforts in the Northern Ireland peace process in recent years. It is quite striking that the Taoiseach has not put a foot wrong on this issue since coming to power. This is a minefield for any Taoiseach of any party to tread. Everyone in this House is aware of the difficulties of the various constituencies which he must satisfy and must not offend. Even what we say in this House could have an effect which some would use as fodder for their cause and others would use to destroy a great Agreement which was reached last year. By way of his diplomatic and non-controversial approach to this problem, the Taoiseach has done a superb job for the Irish nation, North and South. When I listened to his speech and its moderate tones, I reflected on how far we have come in such a short time historically. I have been in this House for 18 years and it would have been inconceivable to have a debate of this sort in such a responsible atmosphere 15 or 16 years ago. The debates in this House on Northern Ireland used to be fiery, contentious and adversarial and used to fire up and enflame the situation. We used all, to some extent, play to our constituencies. That does not happen any more because people realise an accommodation is close and we have a real responsibility in this regard. The Taoiseach has given great leadership on this issue.

I do not share the views of prophets of doom about the current situation in Northern Ireland. We have come an extraordinarily long way which culminated in the Good Friday Agreement last year. We now face another serious difficulty, but it is no more than that. Let us not predict that because there is a mini-crisis – this is a mini-crisis only in terms of the Good Friday Agreement – we are heading for Armageddon. Even if we park the Agreement, it is inconceivable the guns will come out from the cupboard immediately. We are not in a crisis, we are in a difficulty, and this difficulty can and will be overcome.

I do not see as big a problem with postponement as others do. If this problem must be parked, let us park it until September. Let us not make dire threats about the Executive not coming into existence. Let us park it and thrash it out. We have already passed the 30 June deadline without any dreadful consequences and if more time is needed, we should give the participants more time.

The situation at Drumcree, to which Senator Manning referred, was a demonstration of responsibility and restraint by all sides. I hope it is indicative of the new atmosphere which now exists as a result of the interest of the Taoiseach, the British Prime Minister and all the participants in Northern Ireland over the past week or so.

I am in contact, fairly uniquely in this House, with constituents in Northern Ireland, a large number of whom come from the Unionist tradition. They are unapologetic Unionists. They are not hard-line, they are moderate Unionists. Some are members of the Alliance Party and many of them would vote Unionist. Undoubtedly, they were in favour of the Good Friday Agreement because they saw it as a great hope for peace. To some extent, their enthusiasm has wobbled a bit recently because of the difficulties with decommissioning. I ask the House to understand those fears – I think it does understand them. Those people see real difficulties with going into Government with people who have guns at their disposal at a distance. I beg the House to understand that. They see these people as the terrorists of yesterday and possibly the terrorists of tomorrow. They feel and fear this.

I noticed the Taoiseach was very careful in his speech. To these people, the gun is not removed from Irish politics, it is still there. When the Taoiseach referred to decommissioning he stated: "I am satisfied that we received an offer from the republican leadership last week that indicates an early start to, and a definite prospect of complete decommissioning." I understand what he is saying, but it is far short of a definite commitment given the words "an early start to" and "indicates", which does not guarantee, and "a definite prospect of", which in other words is a hope. This is far short of the reassurance which I suspect these people seek and need. They not only see this as sitting down with people who have held guns very recently and still have them in the cupboard, they also feel, rightly or wrongly, that they have made all the concessions.

That is not the case. As Senator Manning and others have said, Articles 2 and 3, about which Unionists have made demands for so long, are due to go the moment this Agreement is implemented. However they see prisoners who have committed horrific crimes being released and that is a great fear. There are also fears in regard to cross-Border roads, section 31 and cross-Border institutions, which they do not really understand but which they feel may in some way threaten them. These are the fears of the Unionist community. We have made enormous progress in this part of Ireland in understanding this. Those people also see – I think probably wrongly – the Patten Commission on the RUC as possibly threatening their way of life and security.

These people have felt under siege for many years and they must be relieved of that siege mentality. I applaud every effort made in this House today and in the negotiations to reduce that siege mentality and to give those reassurances. It is important we in this part of Ireland make every effort to go that extra mile to understand those fears.

Mr. Costello

I welcome the Taoiseach to the House and thank him for addressing the Seanad on the outcome of the talks in Stormont at this crucial moment in the history of this island. I take this opportunity to express, on my own behalf and on behalf of the Labour Party, our appreciation of the tremendous time and effort the Taoiseach, the Minister, Deputy Andrews, the Mini ster of State, Deputy O'Donnell, and the Minister, Deputy O'Donoghue, have dedicated to the talks process, especially during last week's marathon negotiations. In addition to the work of the Taoiseach and the Ministers during these critical negotiations, I also pay tribute to the work done by civil servants. I am confident, when the history of the often tortuous process which has brought us to this point is written, the dedication, skill and tenacity of officials in the Irish Civil Service will be given the true historic value they deserve.

The Good Friday Agreement represents a watershed in the relationship between the people who share both these islands. In that Agreement a potential new beginning for all the people of this island was mapped out. Most importantly, the Agreement was overwhelmingly endorsed by the vast majority of people on this island, North and South, Protestant, Catholic and dissenter. It is truly a people's Agreement and we, the elected representatives of the people, have an obligation to ensure the potential contained in it is realised and that a new politics can transform life for the people who share this island, particularly those in Northern Ireland.

Implementation of the Agreement was always going to prove difficult. Both Nationalist and Unionist communities have major concerns about aspects of the Agreement. This was demonstrated last week with particular reference to Unionist concerns about decommissioning. However, the Nationalist community also made major concessions in agreeing to the Good Friday Agreement.

Last weekend I went to the Garvaghy Road and met residents there. It is indeed a credit to all sides in this dispute that so far violence has been mainly absent from Drumcree this year. However, the ongoing disputes at Drumcree, on the Lower Ormeau Road and other parade routes pose a great risk to civility in Northern Ireland. I welcome the recent signs that the Orange Order is beginning to adopt a more rational and measured approach to dialogue with the Nationalist community and their representatives. I urge the Taoiseach, the Prime Minister and all sides to these disputes to continue their efforts to ensure that the social, political and economic well being of Northern Ireland is not put in jeopardy every year over the parades issue.

The proposals that emerged from Stormont last week offer an excellent prospect for the full implementation of the Good Friday Agreement. I understand the reservations expressed by the Ulster Unionist Party with regard to assurances on decommissioning. However, I urge the leadership of the UUP to take a step back from the heightened atmosphere that engulfed Castle Buildings last week.

The republican movement made a major policy shift this week. This policy shift goes far beyond the Mitchell principles or the Hillsborough Declaration. In both instances, partial decom missioning or gestures on decommissioning were all that were on offer. Now in The Way Forward proposals, the political wing of the republican movement has guaranteed its support for total decommissioning by May 2000 as enshrined in the Good Friday Agreement. I understand Unionist fears and suspicions. However, I believe that the republican movement is committed to making this process work. I also believe that the outcome of last week's negotiations will, in time, be viewed as an historic shift by the republican movement where constitutional democratic policies have been adopted as the only legitimate form of political struggle by that strand of political opinion.

The former British Prime Minister, John Major, accurately summed up the reservations of the Unionist community during Question Time in the House of Commons this week. The fear that the political will to force the republican movement to honour the commitments made by Sinn Féin last week will dissipate when the Executive is up and running is a real fear among Unionists. Senator Ross put this point eloquently. However, both Governments have made it clear that no such slippage will occur. Both Governments have given commitments that the institutions established will be suspended if the provisional republican movement fails to deliver. In addition, the decision on whether the republican movement is adhering to its obligations rests in the hands of the independent commission on decommissioning.

I believe these guarantees, backed up by legislation, provide watertight guarantees to the Unionist community. I urge Mr. David Trimble and his colleagues in the UUP who have invested much in the process to date to seize the opportunity contained in The Way Forward proposals and use their moral standing and position of leadership in the Unionist party to sell this agreement to their rank and file members and the wider Unionist community. Mr. David Trimble has the opportunity to take a brave step forward for peace. He has a chance to prove to the Unionists that there is a bright future for their community beyond the negativism and sectarianism promulgated by others. It will take leadership and courage and I hope that Mr. Trimble and his colleagues in the UUP will rise to the challenge presented by the latest proposals to fully implement the Agreement.

Every Member contributing to this debate knows and understands the benefit and the harm that words can cause at this critical time. We all understand the linguistic nuances that can mean so much in Northern Ireland and contribute to the debate with that in mind. However, it appears that the former head of the 1st Battalion of the Parachute Regiment, which was responsible for the carnage visited on the streets of Derry on Bloody Sunday, refuses to recognise the damage that language can cause.

The outburst this week by Lieutenant Colonel Derek Wilford was ill-judged, ignorant and insulting. He managed to cause much hurt to the relatives of the victims of Bloody Sunday and by extension the whole Nationalist community in Derry and Northern Ireland. Lieutenant Colonel Wilford stands condemned for his inflammatory comments, especially as we approach the height of the marching season. The people of Derry still carry with them real hurt and pain as a result of Bloody Sunday. Hopefully the process now under way can go some way towards bringing a degree of finality to their suffering. This process would be better served if the likes of Lieutenant Colonel Wilford kept his offensive and hurtful remarks to himself.

I welcome the election today of Ms Inez McCormack as president of the Irish Congress of Trade Unions. Ms McCormack has fought for the rights of ordinary workers from both communities in Northern Ireland. She has consistently highlighted the appalling social and economic conditions which working class people in Northern Ireland have had to endure, especially over the past 30 years of appalling violence.

In the past 30 years sectarianism, violence and division have characterised Northern Irish society. However, throughout these years, there were people, and Ms McCormack is one of them, who constantly worked to improve community relations and encourage and assist local communities in fighting back against the grinding poverty and exclusion that blighted so many people's lives. Ms Inez McCormack has done tremendous work for working people, women and those fighting disadvantage. She will make a great president of the Irish Congress of Trade Unions.

Hopefully after 15 July all politicians in Northern Ireland can turn their skills to the work of real politics, which has been so sadly lacking from Northern Ireland since its inception.

Ms Keogh

I also thank the Taoiseach for coming to the Seanad and making a statement. I am sure he feels he has heard and talked enough about all these issues for the moment – perhaps for a lifetime – but all Members appreciate his participation in the debate. I join colleagues in expressing our profound appreciation to the Taoiseach and Prime Minister Blair for the extraordinary personal and political commitment they have made to sustaining and moving forward the peace process not only in the last marathon week of continual negotiations, but at every crucial stage since Good Friday when that commitment was necessary.

This unprecedented commitment by the two heads of Government was necessary to achieve the breakthrough represented by The Way Forward document. However, it also served to reassure the many parties involved in Northern Ireland that both Governments remained fully focused on their problems and were determined to help them to overcome them. I also commend, as other Members have done, the efforts of the other Ministers and the officials from both Governments who have given, and continue to give, everything they have to making this process work. For my part, I pay tribute to my party colleague, the Minister of State, Deputy O'Donnell, who has been with this process through what at times must have seemed a long haul.

We should also remember that all the Northern Ireland parties remained engaged throughout this last week of talks. Some of them, such as the Women's Coalition, the PUP and the UDP, did so despite having only small delegations to share the burden. For these small parties, their stake was in the Agreement as a whole, not in the Executive. However, they recognised that the Agreement stands or falls, will or will not work, as a balanced package. They and the larger parties seeking a way to break the impasse – the SDLP, Sinn Féin and the Ulster Unionist Party – also remained at the talks throughout this difficult week. The fact that none of the parties walked away shows that, despite all the differences which have dominated the headlines and public perception in recent months, they still recognise that the Good Friday Agreement continues to represent a good deal for all of the people of Northern Ireland, and both islands.

It was a very wise move when the Governments came together again at the end of June to try to help the parties bridge the gap between them and to commence the final push on the basis of the essential principles which they agreed on, which were derived from the Agreement. These include the inclusive Executive, exercising devolved powers, decommissioning of all paramilitary arms by May 2000 and decommissioning to be carried out as determined by the decommissioning commission. These principles refocused the parties on the objectives contained in the Agreement, to which they could all subscribe, and allowed the parties to reaffirm that they wished to see the decommissioning of all paramilitary arms by May 2000. The acceptance of these principles made clear where the final negotiations were trying to reach and concentrated minds on the question of how to get there.

The titles of political documents, like those of movies, are sometimes let down by the contents. The joint statement of the two Governments, The Way Forward, is aptly named. In the year or more since we debated the Good Friday Agreement, the process of making its institutional aspects into a reality has become gradually bogged down over the issues of forming the Executive and decommissioning of weapons. We have been unable to find "the way forward". A year ago we recognised the Good Friday Agreement as a tremendous achievement but also that it was a highly ambitious blueprint which would require enormous work and commitment to turn its vision into a reality. We should not forget that a great deal has been achieved since then; it is untrue to say we have not moved on since Good Friday last year. We have seen the massive endorsement of the Agreement by the people in the two referendums, the election of a new Northern Ireland Assembly, the designation of the First and Deputy First Ministers, the agreements concerning the Government Departments in Northern Ireland and the North-South bodies, the release of prisoners, the work of the Patten Commission, and much besides. However, much momentum has been lost over recent months as progress in some areas has been held up by the absence of a functioning Executive and Assembly. The Agreement, as we all noted at the time, was carefully and deliberately designed as an interlocking whole so that its main elements were interdependent. An impasse over one key element has, therefore, gradually had an inhibiting effect elsewhere in the process.

The Way Forward document and the political understandings and commitments which underlie it, offer a way to overcome this, the last serious obstacle to the Agreement "going live", with the devolution of powers to local elected politicians. It is a way forward which respects the sensitivities and addresses the fears of both sides. Republicans can be reassured that they will enter inclusive Government in Northern Ireland on the basis of their electoral mandate. At the same time, Unionists can be reassured that all sides have a clear expectation that the process of decommissioning will begin within a specified and brief timescale, with a commitment to completing it by May 2000, and a guaranteed reversion to the status quo if this understanding is reneged on.

The commitment of republicanism not just to aspire to but to bring about the decommissioning of IRA weapons is a truly historic development in the history of the Irish people, and opens up a new and more hopeful future to all of us. It is a development which at one stage, not long ago, many never expected to see. The leaders of Sinn Féin and the IRA should be in no doubt how deeply the people of Ireland welcome that change. There is a parallel expectation that loyalist weapons will also be decommissioned by May 2000, and I hope equal moral and political pressure will now be exerted in the Unionist community to bring this about.

A political vacuum in Northern Ireland has often been filled by the men of violence and the two Governments were sensible not to listen to suggestions that the process be "parked" or left on the back burner until the tensions of the marching season were behind us. It was right to push for agreement on a way forward before politics took to the streets. For the same reason, the brisk timetable set out in the document, which will see devolution by 18 July, was the correct approach. We have spent enough time on this issue – that time has not been wasted but we need to move ahead.

All of us hope the Ulster Unionist Party will find the courage to move forward on the basis of this document and I feel sure it would do so if it were confident that events would proceed as envisaged in it. What is at issue is trust, which has always been the heart of the matter. Both Sinn Féin and the UUP are reluctant to concede to the other the degree of trust needed if the process is to work. Both sides, therefore, are being asked not so much to trust each other as to trust the Governments and the leaders who have devoted such great efforts to helping them come so far. The Taoiseach, the British Prime Minister, and the President of the United States have committed themselves to stand over the sequence of balanced moves envisaged in The Way Forward. Neither they nor we in the two Parliaments will lightly forgive any side which reneges on these most crucial commitments.

A degree of faith is also called for in General John de Chastelain and his colleagues on the International Commission on Decommissioning. General de Chastelain has won the trust and respect of all sides in his dealings with them, and he is willing to use that reputation to bring the process through this final hurdle. As colleagues may know, a joint delegation from the British-Irish Interparliamentary Body met General de Chastelain and the commission earlier this year to discuss their role, and were deeply impressed by his commitment and integrity. He was willing to do all he could to help the process succeed and no one could doubt his insistence that he would not be part of any attempt to mislead any party. We can place a great deal of faith in him.

As many have pointed out, we are near to the new future of inclusive politics promised by the Good Friday Agreement and The Way Forward shows us how to reach that goal. It is inconceivable that we should fail now. All of us here must do everything we can to help both sides in Northern Ireland to take these final vital steps.

Mr. Coghlan

I too compliment the Taoiseach and thank him for his remarks and his tireless efforts. There is no doubting his and Mr. Blair's determination, tenacity and doggedness in sticking with the process when many others would have left the pitch, and their dedication to the promotion of democracy.

The establishment of an Executive in Northern Ireland and complete decommissioning by 22 May 2000 are the greatest gifts possible for the communities in the North. Despite the fact that dangerous forces, with an ability to put obstacles in the way, continue to work there, I hope the Sinn Féin leadership will have steely nerves to ensure the further transition to full democratic engagement and the final total abandonment of the failed policy of the Armalite and ballot box. All sides in the North have shown they are capable of conflict resolution, however reluctantly. Having everyone participating in Government is a great and now achievable prize. The Government is right to be so attached to the principle of inclusion, our history indicates its importance. It must be inclusive of everyone if it is to work. There can be no going back.

If the process is to be anchored, which it needs to be, it needs the stability of the Executive and the other bodies. Mr. Trimble is not the only one with difficulties but from the viewpoint of himself and his party, the timing is not the most desirable. Nonetheless, the Unionists' best guarantee of the outcome they and the rest of us so badly want – namely, permanent peace – is their participation. We recognise too the difficulties of Sinn Féin but if that party is in politics, which its leadership clearly is, in a most committed way, it no longer needs the guns or the semtex. The power-sharing Executive is vital for confidence and the further nurturing of the process.

Given its history, total normalcy in Northern Ireland is probably years away. I think that is accepted. People there must work patiently, inch by inch, on establishing full trust and confidence. Not until that replaces what we have come to expect up to now will the North be a normal society, which is what we all wish.

If decommissioning is defaulted on, and General de Chastelain's timetable could prove difficult, we will be back to where we are now. However, the Taoiseach is right that the ultimate sanction in any democracy is the disapproval of public opinion. There would be enormous pressure from people North and South, as well as internationally, on anyone who failed to live up to his obligations and thus threatened to dash the hopes created by the setting up of the institutions. That pressure should facilitate an early resolution of the problem. Please God, the politicians will continue to stay focused on the will of the people in support of the Good Friday Agreement, as expressed in referenda North and South, and will not let them down.

Mr. Cassidy

I wish to share time with Senator Lanigan.

An Cathaoirleach

Agreed.

Mr. Cassidy

I join other Members of the House in congratulating the Taoiseach, Deputy Bertie Ahern, and the British Prime Minister, Tony Blair, on The Way Forward in which the case of both Governments is presented.

I welcome the Minister for Defence, Deputy Michael Smith, to the House. He has been a Member of the Oireachtas since 1969 and I had the pleasure of sharing office facilities with him for many years. I learned a great deal from the Minister and wish him well in the excellent job he is doing in the Department of Defence.

None of this could have been brought about were it not for the heroic patience, perseverance and stamina of the Taoiseach and the British Prime Minister over the five days and nights of these marathon talks. Many would have thrown in the towel in the face of such doubt, distrust and intransigence, but these two men stood steadfastly and, with courage, guided the parties through what was a painful process.

Praise must also go to John Hume, Seamus Mallon and their colleagues, Gerry Adams and Martin McGuinness, David Trimble and his team, Mo Mowlam and the other parties to the talks which led to the developments in Belfast last week.

The Taoiseach and the British Prime Minister have done their jobs well, as have Mo Mowlam, the Minister for Foreign Affairs, Deputy David Andrews, the Minister for Justice, Equality and Law Reform, Deputy John O'Donoghue, the Minister of State at the Department of Foreign Affairs, Deputy Liz O'Donnell, and all the officials who took part in the talks. It is now up to the Northern Ireland politicians to make a go of it. It is time to ensure that all parts of the Agreement are implemented if it is to work as it was negotiated. It is time, too, for those who hold the guns to ensure that the Taoiseach and Sinn Féin can honour the undertakings they gave, and the assurances given to other parties, that guns would be disposed of to the satisfaction of General de Chastelain. They should do this sooner rather than later because we will only get an inclusive Executive if the commitment to decommissioning is genuine.

Clearly a great responsibility also falls on the shoulders of David Trimble and the Unionists at this historic time. The republican movement, through Sinn Féin, has braced itself to end the armed struggle but it is clear that the Unionists have a difficulty in accepting anything on trust, even when underwritten by the British Prime Minister and the Taoiseach and underpinned by clear statutory sanctions. They must learn to trust. They must look to the future and not miss this golden opportunity to grasp the real political alternative to violence.

Like the Taoiseach, I believe it would be wrong to think we are out of the woods. As Senator Haughey indicated earlier, there are many people on both sides who seem determined to destroy the peace agreement and any attempt at compromise. We must not let them succeed.

The Taoiseach and the British Prime Minister have presented the people of Northern Ireland with an agenda for a new and better future. There is a job to be done in implementing the Agreement and we should all work together to get that job done. Undoubtedly there will be difficult times ahead but we must remain focused on the prospect of real and lasting peace for everyone in this island. This is an historic opportunity for peace and history will not look favourably on those who let it slip by.

A former Member of Dáil Éireann and Seanad Éireann, the late Paudge Brennan, had a great one liner: there was never the wrong time to do the right thing. In the history of our country, that was never more true than it is today and will be in the days ahead.

Mr. Lanigan

I welcome the Minister to the House. It was heartening to see the Taoiseach here to open the debate on Northern Ireland and what will happen in these islands over the coming years. One of the most telling statements in the Taoiseach's contribution was that there are difficult and challenging times ahead but potentially positive and exciting times also. Nothing could be more true.

I will not go over the areas covered by other speakers but the issue of exclusion was raised by many Senators and has been a major issue since the signing of the Good Friday Agreement. It has to be recognised that Nationalists were totally excluded from all the formulations of power and business in the North. Now the Unionists, because of a fair and equitable distribution of power, believe they will be excluded from the establishment in the North. We should say to them tonight, as strongly as we possibly can, that although the Nationalist community was excluded from the benefits of Northern Ireland society for many years, they will not be excluded by us or by the establishments that will be set up under the Good Friday Agreement. Exclusion is a thing of the past. We want an inclusive society, not alone in the North but in the South and in Great Britain.

I criticised the former commander of the parachute regiment, Colonel Wilford, in the House this morning, but if I had read what was said about him by the British Army establishment before I spoke, I would have been even more critical of him. The British Army establishment said he was a loose cannon and that he should not be listened to. There is an old Irish phrase: if you are a young fool you become an old fool. If Colonel Wilford is a loose cannon at 70 years of age, why was he promoted to be in charge of that regiment in Derry at the time of the Bloody Sunday killings? He was promoted by the very people who are now suggesting he is a loose cannon.

Many of the British, Scots and Welsh soldiers who were sent to Northern Ireland did not know where they were or why they were there. It was just a job, but the people who sent them there knew exactly what they were doing. There is no doubt that on the day before and on the morning of the Bloody Sunday massacre, the Army officers in charge of that regiment told its members to kill if they believed they were going to be killed; kill first and ask questions afterwards. We should not forget that but we must also remember that thousands of soldiers in the North worked extremely well under difficult circumstances. Many of them did not know why they were there. Many of them were there because they came from deprived areas in England, Scotland and Wales. I can guarantee that very few of them were from London. A huge number of people have invested their time in recent months to ensure as much equity exists in Northern Ireland as in Ireland, England, Scotland and Wales. The Taoiseach and Tony Blair should receive all our support. David Trimble, though he appears to prevaricate on occasion, has a very difficult task trying to persuade the extreme members of his party to trust those in the South. Following the Good Friday Agreement means the exclusivity in the North will change. There can be prosperity with peace and peace with prosperity. The children of the North must be able to face the future with the hope that there will be progress and that community relations will improve. Let us hope this debate does not fall on deaf ears and that there will be peace in the North. Let us hope those in the North and in the South can live on this island in peace and prosperity and that our children and our children's children will not have to go through what so many people in the North have had to go through.

We must thank all those involved in negotiations, be they civil servants or ordinary members of the political parties involved for what they have done in recent years to bring us at least to the verge of peace. We are at the edge of the cliff. Let us go back.

Mr. Lydon

I wish to share my time with Senator Chambers.

Acting Chairman (Dr. Henry)

Is that agreed? Agreed.

Mr. Lydon

If someone had said a year, a month or even a couple of weeks ago that the IRA were thinking of decommissioning, we would not have believed it. It is still difficult to believe they will decommission, but we are told they have made a commitment towards it. I understand Unionist fears in this regard, but I hope it comes to pass.

I do not believe any of this would have happened without the work of the Taoiseach. What he has done is phenomenal. Anyone working in an election can get up a head of steam for a few weeks or a couple of months. He does it all day every day. I do not know how, but thank God he does. I could pay tribute to other people as well, but tonight is the Taoiseach's night. He deserves credit not just for his commitment but for his ability to get people to see the peaceful way forward is the only way.

I would now like to see an emphasis away from decommissioning and to hear us talk about demilitarisation. The Six Counties is a heavily militarised statelet. There are approximately 80,000 legally held guns in the Unionist population. There are very few legally held guns in the Nationalist population. There is still the Royal Irish Regiment, which used to be the UDR and the hated B Specials – different uniforms, different names but the same people with the same guns. There is a highly politicised police force in the RUC. Yesterday Senator Lanigan and I met Congressmen Gilman, Walsh, Rodriguez and others and Congressman Gilman said the RUC has to be reformed. On top of all that, the British Army is still there. There are a lot of arms on one side and precious little on the other, but the side with few arms is beginning to move. I hope we move but that we do not forget demilitarisation of the Six Counties – not the whole province, as there are no arms in Donegal, Monaghan or Cavan. Demilitarisation of the Six Counties is what we must aim at gradually. We can do so only by including people in the democratic process. The Taoiseach, Tony Blair and others have managed a great step forward. I wish the Taoiseach well and hope he continues to have the strength to continue the process.

Mr. Chambers

When the Good Friday Agreement was signed I said it was one of the greatest events in my political life. The changes that have taken place and the basis of inclusion that have been achieved are tremendous steps forward and I welcome them. I compliment the Taoiseach on the work he has put into this process. He has relaxed those involved and built up faith and confidence in all groups – Unionists, community groups and women's groups. Enormous trust has been built up in the past four years and it has helped this process forward in no small way.

All those involved in this process – the British Prime Minister, the Department of Foreign Affairs, the Minister for Defence – have worked to build inclusiveness and understanding. Rather than go into the details of the difficulties, our purpose is to say to those who will have a future in the new Executive to have some extra faith and deliver on this process which underpins interests on both sides. They should take the extra leap for the democracy we all hope for. It is important to state that they have the right to share in the growth of the Irish economy. Our political representatives are not here to encroach or to take anything that belongs to them by right. We are here to guarantee their democratic future. Once the Executive is in place – I hope politicians in the North will work towards that, now that we have complied with demands on Articles 2 and 3 of the Constitution – all this will create a basis for belief in the future of our people, North and South, for the growth of understanding and for dealing with the difficulties we may have inherited.

The people and politicians of the North and South have endorsed the democratic process. The people have encouraged politicians to negotiate this way forward through the new Executive and have endorsed that encouragement in the referendum. I cannot foresee the achievements of the past year being set aside in the next three weeks. It is important that the process continues.

We must recognise the great human tragedy of Northern Ireland and the reconciliation which must be developed in the future. We must break down the terrible hurt which has affected so many people. If the Executive agrees the process, there will be an opportunity to overcome that hurt. Seanad Éireann and Dáil Éireann will play a great part in building the process which will be a bridge to the future we all desire.

Mr. O'Brien

With the permission of the House, I will share my time with Senator Dan Kiely. I welcome the Minister to the House.

It is with pride that I congratulate the Taoiseach and convey, on behalf of the people of the Border counties of Cavan and Monaghan, our heartfelt thanks to our Taoiseach and the negotiating team who accompanied him during the marathon Stormont talks and for his efforts towards securing a lasting peace in Ireland.

We all look forward to the July 15 deadline with a mixture of emotions. There is worry and concern that the necessary progress on decommissioning will be forthcoming and that all parties involved can reach an accommodation that will enable them to accept the package of measures on offer. There is also great hope that July 15 will be a landmark day that will launch our country into a new era of prosperity and cross-community co-operation. The groundwork which the Taoiseach has done in making this objective a viable one is widely appreciated. His statesmanship and negotiating skills have never been tested to such an extent as they were over the long days of the Stormont negotiations but never have they served him so well.

The people of Cavan and Monaghan like to feel we are a model of community harmony. The sizeable Protestant population of the area and their Catholic neighbours work and socialise together in a spirit of friendship and accord. Adversity, rather than driving a wedge between the two communities, brings them closer together in a spirit of solidarity. This type of mutual respect and support is the key to making the institutions and structures envisaged in a successful aftermath of July 15 work. This is particularly true of those with cross-Border dimensions.

All who are party to the talks process have their own visions of a Northern Ireland they would like to see in the future. These visions may differ in many respects but I am sure they all picture a landscape of peace and economic prosperity. The Taoiseach has done outstanding work in trying to make various parties see that their aspirations for the future have much in common. If they hang on to this realisation and to the real values they cherish, surely they can make the accommodation necessary to accept that the way forward is in the proposals in front of them, and work together towards a genuine and lasting peace.

Mr. D. Kiely

I thank the Minister, the other members of the Cabinet and all those who worked to bring about this agreement. I am reminded of two football teams playing on a very large field, trying to bring all the players together and finding an accommodation for all sides. The Prime Minister, Mr. Blair and the Taoiseach are like captains of two excellent teams. They have shown vision, tenacity and strength in bringing all sides together for the sake of the common good.

I hope Unionists will recognise that their future lies in this Agreement. The recent economic suc cess of this part of the country could be extended to Northern Ireland and Unionists could live in harmony with their neighbours as people of other nationalities do all over the world.

We live in exciting, extraordinary and historic times. We have seen more history in the two Houses of the Oireachtas since the Good Friday Agreement than in the previous 70 years. A real chance is offered to all of us to live in harmony and tranquility and to put down the weapons. Much courage is called for. The IRA has lived up to its commitment and has maintained its ceasefire. This must be recognised. It has now made a commitment to decommission weapons by a certain time. That must be accepted and trust shown on all sides. If trust breaks down the agreement will be destroyed. Trust must be shown for the betterment of the people and to ensure that the suffering caused by the bombings in Omagh and Birmingham and the shootings on Bloody Sunday is confined to the past. Both communities have suffered too much. There is a real opportunity for everybody.

I was delighted to hear Senator Ross say that some of his Unionist colleagues said they were anxious for peace and believed in the Agreement. That is the spirit which one would expect of the Unionists. It is the kind of commitment which we, in this part of the country, are giving. We are saying that we want to break bread with them and to make peace with them. We want cross-Border committees and we want to get this country moving as a unit. We want to work together and to share the resulting prosperity. The only way one can share prosperity is through peace. Prosperity grows in countries, as in homes, with peace. I appeal to the hard-liners on the Unionist side to have a little more trust in the workings of the Agreement.

Many people, such as Mr. John Hume, Prime Minister Blair and President Clinton, must be complimented. The US President is to be admired for taking such an active part in the affairs of a small island for the sake of peace. The eyes of the world, not just those of Ireland, England or Europe, are on Ireland at this time. There is a peace agreement on the table for everyone and I appeal to everyone to accept it.

I compliment the Taoiseach and his team at Stormont for their tremendous work and effort. For the first time in my lifetime, we have a British Prime Minister with a bit of backbone who wants peace also and I compliment him and his team.

Mr. Walsh

I wish to share my time with Senator Ormonde.

Ar an chéad dul síos ba mhaith comhgairdeas a ghabháil le gach éinne a bhí pairteach agus a chabhraigh leis an dul chun chinn sa Tuaisceart. Molaim iad. All of those who participated over many years deserve tremendous congratulations and recognition from all people of goodwill, not just in Ireland but abroad also, and none more so than the two main participants, the Taoiseach and the British Prime Minister. To paraphrase the old saying, "Cometh the hour, cometh the men". Their good personal relationship has contributed greatly to the progress which has been made.

I said in the House before that the British Prime Minister, Mr. Blair, in particular, deserves commendation when one considers the inactivity of many of his predecessors. In certain instances they probably contributed greatly through their disposition and attitude to the prolongation of the war in Northern Ireland. Comparing the style and commitment of Mr. Blair to the contrasting style of Mrs. Thatcher, I cannot fully subscribe to the proposition of Senator Ross that this matter could have been solved earlier. There is no doubt that a more engaged and interested British Prime Minister would have resolved and energised the process more than the previous incumbents managed to do. Let us be honest. Much of what happened in the North over the years was a direct consequence of successive British Government policies. It is no harm to remind ourselves because we do not learn from past mistakes. All sides must learn in this instance that the path to future progress and peace may not be as well prescribed as we would like.

I agree with Senators that we have come a long way. However, we must also recognise that we have a long road to travel. It is, as has been said, absolutely remarkable that we appear to be on the threshold of decommissioning, which was flagged as a major stumbling block to continuing progress. It is important to remind ourselves that decommissioning is not just a one-sided process and I am sure all participants in the process will do so. It does not involve only the IRA but also the many loyalist paramilitary groups which have caused tremendous anguish to the minority, Catholic population. Instances of ethnic cleansing within loyalist and Protestant areas which were reported recently are totally unacceptable in any civilised society and, particularly, in modern European society.

Another stumbling block which must be overcome is the issue of Unionist reciprocity. In the past we have seen little sign of it. I know many Unionists and I count many of them as my friends, but there are varying degrees of obstruction and not wanting to give an inch, which was an ethos for many years. Unless that attitude changes as we go forward we will encounter major difficulties.

Partition has damaged all the people of this island. It has curtailed the fulfilment of our potential as an island country. None have been more damaged than the Unionists themselves.

Over the past 30 years the atrocities brought tremendous anguish and human suffering to many people in the North. One of those who was instrumental in causing this anguish, Lieutenant Colonel Derek Wilford, was widely reported recently. He was one of the senior officers who, on 30 January 1972, was instrumental in the killing of 14 people in Derry. We would be wrong to dismiss his outburst as simply intemperate. It is symptomatic of a mindset which is not only prevalent in the British Army but also in the British establishment and in many loyalist elements. It is a mindset which not only caused the murder of 14 people on that day but which caused atrocities such as the Dublin and Monaghan bombings.

The people of Ireland should remind themselves that our destiny is in our own hands. If we work together, living in peace and harmony as we go forward in a spirit of inclusiveness, we can co-operate and exploit our talents, resources and potential for all the people on the island. That is the goal. The prize is ensuring a peaceful and prosperous Ireland for our children. That is a legacy of which this generation could be proud but we must ensure it happens.

Ms Ormonde

I welcome the Minister for Defence to the House. Coming from the mould of old republicanism, I am pleased that the House is finishing up for the summer with statements on the North of Ireland. I express my sincere appreciation to the Taoiseach and the Ministers who have sought to bring about this mechanism to achieve complete decommissioning and an inclusive Executive.

We have come a long way from the Forum for Peace and Reconciliation in 1992-93, of which I was a member. It listened to many submissions from many bodies, North and South, seeking to bring about cross-Border initiatives. We were successful in getting particular initiatives off the ground and many movements and projects were brought forward to link young people in the North with their counterparts in the South. Such educational and cultural activities, in my view, paved the way for the ceasefire, the peace process and, ultimately, the Good Friday Agreement. We still have a long road to travel. The Taoiseach stated that the spirit now must be for accommodation, not domination. That is the message I will take away with me tonight. We must strive to see how best complete decommissioning, which is to start on 15 July, can be achieved.

If we are to move forward, we must recognise that everyone in Northern Ireland has rights. Democracy is the name of the game. Unless those rights are reflected in all walks of life throughout the length and breadth of Northern Ireland, we cannot move forward. I know we will move forward because our Taoiseach has done a great deal of work in creating a focus for the commencement of constitutional change on 15 July. We must have confidence at this stage. A fail-safe mechanism has been put in place in an effort to make it clear to all parties that the public will point the finger at any party which fails to comply with it.

I am delighted to have had the opportunity to put my brief comments on record and to compliment the Taoiseach and the Government on the tremendous job they have done. I hope the next phase will be up and running by 15 July.

Labhrás Ó Murchú

I dtosach cuirim fáilte roimh an Aire. Aontaím leis na rudaí a dúirt an Taoiseach maidir leis an obair atá déanta ag an Rialtas. Dúirt mé cheana féin sa Teach seo go bhfuil muid go mór faoi chomaoin ag gach duine a chabhraigh leis an phróiseas. Ní chéapfadh éinne ag féachaint ar an scéal deich mbliain ó shin go mbeadh daoine in ann dul chun cinn chomh mór a dhéánamh – daoine ón dá thraidisiún ag teacht le chéile le teacht ar socrú. Ag an am céanna, cé go bhfuil an dul chun cinn sin déanta, tá géar-ghá fós le misneach agus ceannaireacht.

Tá mé cinnte go mbeidh an ceannaireacht sin le feiceáil ach beidh sé deacair. Tá muid ag caint fá amhras ar an dá phobal leis na céadta bliain, faoina rudaí a tharla san aimsir atá caite. Tá sin ann fós mar chúlra ach is fearr sin a admháil go macánta agus iarracht a dhéanamh tógáil ar bhunchloch an dóchais. Gan dóchas ní bheidh aon dul chun cinn. Caidé a bheidh i ndán don oileán agus do gach Gael, anseo agus thar lear, muna mbeidh? Ní cheart dúinn dul siar ar an bhóthar faoi a tharla go dtí seo, caithfimid bheith an-chúramach sna rudaí atá á rá againn agus caithfimid bheith praiticiúil chomh maith.

I join with other speakers in praising the Taoiseach, former leaders, the Government and all who participated in endeavouring to find a solution to an age-old problem. We have debated Northern Ireland on many occasions. It has been debated for decades, not only in these Houses but also in many other fora. In the past, the focus was largely on engendering hope and nobody really came forward with any practical solution.

Great credit must go to John Hume and Gerry Adams for their courage and the risks they took. They were often criticised by sections of the media for that but they took that stand in good faith. The Irish Government, in particular, played a very noble role. We must also express our thanks to the British Prime Minister, Tony Blair. Not only did he commit himself to the process, he was also prepared to take risks. Perhaps one of the greatest elements of the process has been the internationalising of the Northern Ireland problem. No other President of the United States has devoted as much time to the Northern Ireland problem or taken such a personal interest as President Clinton. All the above have provided insulation for the elements of the Agreement we are currently trying to put in place.

We must be practical about these matters. Decommissioning was allowed to become a blocking point and that is a great pity. In the first instance, the method by which decommissioning would be achieved was clearly set out in the Good Friday Agreement. At the same time, the guns were silent in Northern Ireland and people were enjoying a peace, almost unprecedented in 30 years. Northern Ireland benefited immensely from that. It provided an opportunity for the various traditions to build trust and, from an economic and tourism point of view, the North began to develop at an exceptionally fast rate. It is estimated that tourism grew by almost 60 per cent in a one year period. That was the backdrop against which future progress was to be made.

It seems to be unhelpful to speak only in terms of paramilitary decommissioning and to completely ignore the whole military situation in the North. Decommissioning may serve as a helpful nudge for the progression of the Agreement. We cannot ignore the existence of 130,000 so-called legally held guns – we are not talking about shotguns or .22 rifles – some of which are quite lethal weapons. Those guns exist for one purpose only, namely, to maintain the status quo. In addition, there is an exceptionally partisan police force in the North. That is not merely an expression of my personal view; one need only watch various television documentaries to see a pointer towards RUC collusion in many of the terrible murders committed against Catholics and Nationalists in the North. That situation must be rectified because a leopard does not change its spots. A root and branch reform of the RUC must be carried out. Otherwise, even if republican guns are taken out of the equation, one will not have an environment in which people feel safe and equal or in which they feel they can make full use of employment, education and business opportunities.

Until very recently, I thought David Trimble had played quite a considerable role in the evolution of the process. At the moment, we are witnessing a reflection of the internal divisions which exist within his party. It is not acceptable that David Trimble should endeavour to reflect those in an obstructionist manner. He, too, must bite the bullet and be prepared to take the next step.

The Taoiseach was quite right to underline the courage and commitment displayed by Sinn Féin. No open-minded person can fail to have been moved by the statesmanlike approach of the Sinn Féin leaders in recent years against the backdrop of their difficulties and divisions. They were prepared to take risks and go the whole way. David Trimble must do likewise. He has it in him to do it.

Each time I hear Jeffrey Donaldson speak, I worry. I could not understand why he was brought back into the equation. I offered a number of reasons when I raised the issue in the House a week or two ago. Perhaps it was an endeavour to instil a spirit of inclusiveness in the Ulster Unionist Party. On the other hand, perhaps a signal was being sent to Nationalists and the Irish Government that people like Jeffrey Donaldson would have a veto. If one thinks that is bizarre, one only has to recall that when they came out from the talks in recent weeks David Trimble was cautious and statesmanlike while Jeffrey Donaldson was able to say "no" unequivocably. On whose behalf? As a member of the negotiating team, did he consult his leader and other members of the negotiating team? If so, an incorrect signal was sent. If, on the other hand, an endeavour is being made to win over the militant rump of the Ulster Unionist Party, it must be jettisoned. The majority opinion must be accepted.

I was delighted with the statistics carried in the newspapers today which indicate that the vast majority in the North still support the Good Friday Agreement and want progress to be made. They are the democrats. It is up to the leaders to reflect the majority opinion, not to endeavour to heal the divisions within their own parties. I am not removing the onus on republicans, there is an onus on each and every one of us to play a role. We must be courageous, upfront, practical and accept that the process will not be painless. There are many difficulties but a foundation is being laid which will benefit not only this but future generations.

I am optimistic about the future. I hope Tony Blair will not change his stance, that he will stand firm. I also hope David Trimble will have the courage to be a real leader and take the final step. When that happens, each and every person of moderate opinion will work for harmonious relationships on this island for the good of all the people.

Ms Leonard

I appreciate the continued efforts and commitment of the Taoiseach and the British Prime Minister, Tony Blair, to secure lasting peace in Northern Ireland. While none of us has questioned the Taoiseach's commitment, Tony Blair has surpassed our expectations. I also congratulate the other players who have performed well to date.

No one should underestimate the problems confronting David Trimble and Gerry Adams. David Trimble has to deal with the extremists and traditionalists in his party who believe they are being asked to give up the last strands of loyalism. On television the other day I saw a toddler in Drumcree wearing a teeshirt with the words, "I was born to walk the Garvaghy Road". I hope the person who put the teeshirt on the child has the foresight to realise that the Good Friday Agreement is the only way forward. On the other side a member of the IRA who was involved in the purchase of arms for many years recently said that he did not go to the trouble of puchasing arms only to hand them up.

Unionists have difficulty in trusting Nationalists. I understand David Trimble's difficulties. I also understand Gerry Adams's difficulties. There are extremists on both sides. However, to use an analogy, it appears that the two main players on the football field are afraid of scoring own goals in dealing with the media but can be seen talking to each other in the tunnel or dressing rooms. This is a major step in the right direction.

We live in a democracy. As Senator Ó Murchú said, the statistics carried in the newspapers today are positive. Nationalists and Unionists are in agreement that we must move forward. The slogan of my party prior to the last general election was "People before Politics". This is one occasion when people must come before politics.

We have to look beyond the problems confronting both leaders within their parties. They should have the courage to take the next step together and lead us towards lasting peace. That is what the people, North and South, want and what Northern Ireland needs economically. I wish them every success and look forward to congratulating all those involved in the process in September or October.

Dr. Henry

When I visited Northern Ireland last week to be presented with an honorary degree at the University of Ulster the situation had changed completely. We should do everything we can to support progress. The Taoiseach and all those involved in progressing the peace process must be praised enormously. Like Senator Ormonde, I was a member of the Forum for Peace and Reconciliation. When one considers that five years ago Nationalists and Unionists would not even speak to each other, the change is miraculous.

I congratulate Sir George Quigley who has encouraged the business community to speak out, Mae Blood who has been made a baroness – I understand she will not call herself Baroness Blood of the Shankill where she is regarded as a blow-in – and all those involved in the trade union movement and community groups for their efforts. It takes generations to build trust. If they could the have the confidence that we have it would be a great help. With confidence one can have a good idea how to move forward. It is when we think we are negotiating from a position of weakness that we have a problem. It my wish that they will have confidence in themselves to progress the peace process towards co-operation with us in the autumn.