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SELECT COMMITTEE ON COMMUNICATIONS, MARINE AND NATURAL RESOURCES díospóireacht -
Tuesday, 14 Feb 2006

Sea Fisheries and Maritime Jurisdiction Bill 2005: Committee Stage (Resumed).

This meeting has been convened for the purpose of considering the Sea Fisheries and Maritime Jurisdiction Bill 2005. I welcome the Minister for Communications, Marine and Natural Resources, Deputy Noel Dempsey. I suggest we consider the Bill until 2 p.m., adjourn until 3 p.m. and resume at 3 p.m. until before the Order of Business. We will resume after the Order of Business until 8 p.m. Is that agreed? Agreed. We are now on section 10 and I call Deputy Broughan to move amendment No. 22.

SECTION 10.

I move amendment No. 22:

In page 14, subsection (1), line 6, after "so" to insert the following:

"following full disclosure by a person on board a foreign sea-fishing boat of the total allowable catches pertaining to that sea-fishing boat under the national quota of the state of origin of the boat as transmitted to the Fishery Monitoring Centre of Ireland from the Fishery Monitoring Centre of the foreign state in question and the European Union Fishery Control Centre".

This amendment is quite similar to the amendment proposed by Deputy Eamon Ryan just before the committee adjourned last Thursday. It pertains to section 10, which deals with unauthorised fishing while on board foreign sea-fishing boats within our exclusive fishery limits. Basically, section 10 states that such fishing shall not take place unless the person is authorised by law to so do. My amendment is similar to the amendment discussed previously, and proposes to insert:

following full disclosure by a person on board a foreign sea-fishing boat of the total allowable catches pertaining to that sea-fishing boat under the national quota of the state of origin of the boat as transmitted to the Fishery Monitoring Centre of Ireland from the Fishery Monitoring Centre of the foreign state in question and the European Union Fishery Control Centre.

This revolves around the kind of information we possess pertaining to other EU fleets in our waters and the serious allegations which have been made in this respect.

Following this committee's discussions with the Naval Service and its Commodore, members informed the Minister that we do not appear to have any method of ascertaining the total allowable catch, quota or part-quota of a Galician or Dutch boat. There have been serious allegations that Dutch factory ships in our waters have been grading fish and discarding juvenile fish. Basically, this is wrecking our fishery and is probably taking place at this very minute. Moreover, they take the fish to ports such as Rotterdam where they are landed.

Last week, the Minister provided several points of information to the committee and to the media. While I hope he did not prejudice any cases that may be brought forward, he was unable to provide a single case in which it was known that illegal overfishing by foreign boats had taken place in our waters. In other words, the Minister did not provide chapter and verse information from the Department on those 500, 3,000, or whatever number of cases, which are supposed to have emerged in, for example, the Spanish courts. In the main, such cases appear to be related to what takes place in Spanish waters. Hence, there appears to be a dearth of information in this regard.

I tabled this amendment to section 10 because I believed it to be the operative section. I wanted to suggest to the Minister that we should be able to enact a provision whereby real-time information could be transmitted from fishery protection agencies. I was interested to discover that Scotland has a fishery protection agency. The Minister has been quoting its opinions extensively to people in the media who are, by and large, hostile to many in the fishing industry. It was also interesting to discover that the new Scottish and Welsh administrations are actively considering systems of administrative fines. That, however, is a question for another day.

The key issue is why we cannot have real-time information. This committee frequently asked the Minister's predecessor, Deputy Dermot Ahern, the reason there was not a control centre for Europe. The proposal was discussed and considered for three or four years by the European Commission before being passed to the European Parliament for discussion. Finally, members heard that it might be established in Vigo. However, this Government's period of office will almost certainly have ended before its establishment.

Hence, I ask the Minister whether it is possible to enact such a measure. While he rightly stated that we must set our own house in order, our house includes 1 million sq. km. of our seas. We have the right to set our house in order, both for ourselves and for every visitor who enters. Hence, everyone in our house should be kept in order. This is where I fundamentally disagree with the Minister. On that basis, I ask him to consider this amendment to section 10, or to return with his own formula on Report Stage. One way or another, that would be valuable.

During the public debate arising from the Minister's statements to the media, the deliberations of this committee and the remarks on the floor of the Dáil last Thursday, when the Minister behaved as acting Taoiseach and Leader of the Government, it was extraordinary to discover that the Department has not sent its returns to Europe for the past three years. I do not believe the committee was ever informed of this in answer to any questions asked by its members.

Members have read that no returns pertaining to fish taken from the State have been sent. Is this the case? It is astonishing that the Department would have failed to so do for three years and that successive Ministers for Communications, Marine and Natural Resources, namely, Deputies Noel Dempsey and Dermot Ahern, would have embarrassed this country by not doing their jobs in respect of the Irish fleet and the other EU fleets. As this Bill stands, however, the Minister cannot do the job in respect of the other EU fleets as he simply lacks the power. He should take this power on behalf of the people.

I am delighted to table amendment No. 22. As I noted, it is similar to Deputy Eamon Ryan's amendment No. 21 and all Opposition Members are determined to secure a measure like this to invigilate properly all the ships that enter our waters, including factory ships.

As I have stated, I am led to believe that at present, such ships are liying hundreds of miles off our coast, are grading and discarding our fish and are wrecking the fisheries. This is a shameful situation for the Minister who, as of this morning, is effectively the Minister with responsibility for fisheries. I ask him to try to retrieve the situation. If he intends to protect our country — in the past he has been accused of wasting much money — he should begin by adopting this amendment.

Deputies Perry and Ryan also wish to speak on this issue. They should keep politics out of it and allow the committee to proceed.

I support Deputy Broughan with regard to Spanish trawlers. At one time, they were obliged to register with the Naval Service when entering the Irish Box. Is this practice still in place? How much time did Spanish vessels spend in the Irish Box in 2005? I know the Minister has recently expressed concerns regarding overfishing. I find it strange that stricter measures are not imposed on Spanish trawlers. Why is this the case?

As for infringements of the Common Fisheries Policy, is it not true as Deputy Broughan has noted, that this State will be fined heavily in light of the failure to file returns? If the Minister is concerned with taxpayers' money, is it not the case that the fines which will be levied on the State are attributable to departmental failure to complete basic returns and that it is not necessarily, despite what one might gather from reading the media, entirely the fault of the vessel owners and people who operate around our coasts? The report regarding serious infringements of the Common Fisheries Policy states quite categorically that responsibility lies with the Department for failing to file information.

As for Deputy Broughan's point concerning the controls in place for foreign vessels fishing in Irish waters, if the proposed legislation will not change the position one iota, why, to date, have the Department and the Minister's officials failed to act using current legislation? Why does there appear to be no control in Dingle or Fenit and very little in Rossaveal?

I refer to failure on the part of the Department. While the impression has been given that members condone illegal fishing in the Irish Box, this is not the case. Why does the Department — as well as the Minister's officials — not have personnel in place? Last week, all the anomalies came to light, with people being arrested and whatever else. Why was this not dealt with previously? How will the introduction of this proposed legislation, compared with the previous provisions, strengthen the Minister's hand? The Minister should answer these questions because the spin is quite different. A serious fine from the EU is coming down the tracks and it is important to put on record that those who caused this breach were not all fishermen. The Minister's Department is also responsible, as is the Minister of the day.

In the past nine years since the current Government came into office, what has the Department done as far as a vision for the industry is concerned? Is it not very much an ad hoc position? The Minister must answer these points.

I support Deputy Broughan's amendment. Its proposed inclusion in section 10 is probably more suitable than that of the previous amendment, which I had tabled for insertion into section 9. I will not repeat what I said last week. The kernel of the change we require is in the management of all boats in our waters on an equal basis. What is the Minister's understanding of the new procedures that will be implemented following the opening of the fisheries control centre in Vigo? Under the current arrangement, Naval Service boats in ascertaining the quota of a foreign vessel must return to port because they cannot establish that instantaneously. The relevant authorities in the country concerned are contacted and several weeks or months later a response is provided by which time the vessel has landed its catch. Is it proposed to change that system following the introduction of the new central enforcement agency in Vigo? If not, has the Minister or the Department made representations for such an approach to be taken? How could the Minister go about introducing such an approach in as swift a manner as possible?

A landmark judgment was made against Ireland in case C317/02, which was taken under Article 226. Ireland was taken to court by the EU Commission. The case concerned two Irish registered vessels fishing in Norwegian waters, which were apprehended by Norwegian authorities for overfishing their quotas.

Is the Deputy saying the reverse could occur under the amendment?

Yes. It was an important case in which Ireland was hauled over the coals by the EU. Norway reported the vessels to the EU and Ireland was taken to task. Has Ireland initiated a similar case whereby the EU took on other member states whose vessels overfished in Irish waters? What is sauce for the goose may be sauce for the gander. The Irish vessels were apprehended by the Norwegian authorities in 1999 and the case was heard on 11 September 2002. Ireland lost the case because the appropriate answers were not provided to the EU. It is a technical measure but, historically, the Spanish, in particular, have fished a great deal in Irish waters. The excuse given by the Spanish is that they have a co-operative system and individual boats do not have a quota. Although the EU Commission took the case against Ireland, the Norwegian authorities initiated it. Has Ireland had similar success, particularly against the Spanish, in proving boats were over quota? Has Ireland initiated a similar case against another member state?

It is important to clarify that the issues raised by members, including the Norwegian case, were acknowledged in an EU court judgment against Ireland. Is the Minister aware of this?

Should I read the paragraph to clarify the position for members?

It is not relevant but the Chairman may read the section, if he wishes.

It would have value.

It states:

Ireland acknowledges that no administrative action or criminal proceedings were instituted against the masters of two Irish vessels which overfished in Norwegian waters. Member States are required under Article 31(1) of Regulation No. 2847/93 to ensure that the appropriate measures are taken, including administrative action or criminal proceedings, against those persons who have failed to comply with the rules of the Common Fisheries Policy. It must, accordingly, be held that by not taking administrative action or bringing criminal proceedings against the masters of vessels who breached the applicable regulations or against any person responsible for such a breach, Ireland has failed to fulfil its obligations under Article 31 or Regulation No. 2847/93.

That statement gives a lie to the accusations being levelled about us being unduly hard on our fishermen. We were taken to the task because we did not pursue fishermen who were in breach of cod regulations.

With regard to the amendment, the Spanish took more than 3,000 prosecutions against their own fishermen in 2003, the last year for which full verified data are available, whereas Ireland took 26 prosecutions. That contradicts the picture being painted by a number of people of the Naval Service and other fishing authorities picking on our own vessels. Ireland is required to ensure EU law and the Common Fisheries Policy are implemented in its own waters. Nobody in the Department or the Naval Service will say that can be done perfectly but that was never claimed. In the same way, I cannot claim that, because the police force numbers 12,000 and its complement will increase to 14,000, we are crime free and people do not commit illegal acts and get way with them. The tone of members' comments is that the messenger should be shot and the policemen should be blamed for not detecting the criminality that takes place. That is not much of a defence.

I prefer to deal with the amendment. It cannot be accepted because it is contrary to the EU's Common Fisheries Policy. The rules on access to Community waters, including our fisheries zone, are determined at European level and they cannot be amended unilaterally by a member state. However, I agree with the issue raised by members and I hope they are supported by the fishing industry on whose behalf they are speaking. I will make it my business and that of the Department to seek changes to the Common Fisheries Policy that will make it easier for departmental and navy personnel to prosecute all fishermen in a fair manner. We cannot change the rules but if we could have them changed at EU level, that would be helpful. The types of measures suggested by Deputies Broughan and Eamon Ryan, including real-time information and so on, would make enforcement much easier. I am not sure there will be uniform support for such change throughout Europe, especially among fishermen, but it is worth pursuing. We cannot implement such change, however, through this amendment.

The procedures followed here in respect of foreign vessels mean such vessels cannot sail here, fish, and depart unheeded. Rather, their owners are required to record accurately the quantities and species of fish they catch in a 24-hour period. When these vessels are boarded by the Naval Service in our waters, a discovery that such data is not recorded accurately allows for the detention of these fishermen in the same manner as applies to Irish fishermen.

In broad terms, the navy tries, despite the disparity in sizes, to board equal proportions of Irish and foreign vessels sighted in our waters at any particular time. The latest figures for 2005 indicate 1,228 sightings of Irish vessels and 588 of Spanish vessels and there were 920 boardings of Irish vessels and 501 of Spanish vessels. The navy undertook 24 detentions, comprising four Irish fishermen and 20 Spanish, and warnings were issued in the case of 76 Irish vessels and seven Spanish. The average fines in 2005 were €6,500 for Irish vessels and €12,760 for foreign vessels.

In respect of infringements of the Common Fisheries Policy, is it not the case that we will be subject to serious fines due to the failure to log returns for the last three years? Deputy Broughan also raised this point.

I understand not all the returns from Ireland are in and that most member states are in the same position. We do not yet know whether there will be fines in this regard. Any infringements resulting in fines against Ireland, whether because of a failure to make administrative returns or illegal catches, should be equally punished and I am sure they will be.

Will the Minister resign in that case? He and his civil servants are responsible for this situation because he did not take fisheries seriously enough. The area has been treated disgracefully all through the career of the Government. Three of our six fishery harbours have no harbour masters——

What amendment are we discussing, Chairman? Are we to have a political discussion?

Given that the Minister has admitted he is responsible for the failure to submit returns, why does he not take the punishment of removing himself from office?

I do not want the Minister to respond politically. We should confine our discussions to the amendment. Deputy Broughan should not delay the meeting.

It is not delaying the meeting to make a valid point.

Deputy Broughan has called on the Minister to resign during a debate on an amendment. Are we not antagonising each other by resorting to this type of language?

Neither the Minister nor his predecessor has done his job in the last three years. The Minister gets the country into trouble and then runs to journalists——

I cannot allow that.

If Deputy Broughan has his way, we will be in far more trouble for defending people who are breaking the law.

This is the Minister who was responsible for electronic voting.

One of the cases to which we have referred relates to obligations by the Department. In view of this, we have invested in new computer systems for fisheries reporting. The other three cases relate to people over-fishing and illegally fishing. These actions are not the responsibility of anybody in the Department.

Does the Minister agree that the development of the control centre in Vigo will not lead to a discernible solution to the problem of us not knowing what the quota allocation is on a real time basis?

Is it up and running yet?

Deputy Broughan is taking over the meeting.

It is my amendment.

I ask Deputy Broughan to be patient. Has Deputy Ryan finished?

Has Deputy Perry a question for the Minister? I want to move on from this or we will be here until Christmas Day.

The issue of the infringements is an important factor in all this. The report carried out by the EU in regard to the Common Fisheries Policy states the Government has failed in the last several years to meet its obligations. A serious fine is imminent. It is important that we know this will not all be levied at the fishing vessel owners. In the context of policing Irish waters, why is there no control by marine and fishery inspectors in Dingle and Fenit and very little in Rossaveel? The Government has been in office for nine years but the impression given is that Fine Gael——

Is this relevant to the amendment?

There is no fishery protection.

The impression given, in the newspaper editorials, is that we advocate dishonest dealing.

Who has said that?

It has been said in the press.

Progressive Democrats journalism.

Will this legislation give the Minister any additional powers to take action he is not currently taking?

The purpose of the legislation is to give me some additional powers. Delays will prevent us from dealing with the issues under discussion. The Deputy is well aware of the difficulties arising for us from the Browne and Kennedy cases. He should also be aware of the extra obligations placed upon us as a consequence of the changes in the Common Fisheries Policy in 2002. This legislation seeks to establish a sea fishing authority that will strengthen protections and controls in this area. The Deputy is aware we are currently recruiting extra sea fisheries officers and working on a range of other developments.

There has been repeated reference to the Browne and Kennedy cases and the Minister said it is an important factor. Will he detail exactly what offences or misbehaviour cannot be prosecuted successfully under the existing laws in the aftermath of this case?

I will tell the Deputy after the Bill has been passed. I will not give carte blanche to those who wish to break the law by saying where I believe the difficulty arises.

The Minister stated in his letter to me that the Browne and Kennedy cases significantly undermines the current national legislative framework. Will he detail exactly how, citing specific circumstances, this is the case?

I will do so after the Bill is passed.

We are dealing with important legislation.

It is extremely important. It would be as well for Deputy Perry to get on with it than to act as a mouthpiece for vested interests.

I am not a mouthpiece. Anybody who criticises the Minister is deemed a mouthpiece. What has the Government done about illegal fishing in the last nine years? Why are there no fishery officers in Rossaveel, Fenit and many other coastal areas?

There has been no harbour master in three of our fishery harbours for some five years. I wish to put one final question in regard to this amendment. We still have not established whether the control centre at Vigo is up and running.

I was trying to respond to Deputy Eamon Ryan on this point when Deputy Broughan interrupted. I understand the first administrative meeting in regard to Vigo took place recently in Brussels. The objective is to set up administrative systems that allow greater sharing of information among member states to allow for more effective sea fishery protection. I hope this initiative will be successful, a hope I am sure is shared by all members. It will be enormously beneficial from that viewpoint. I am not sure of the timescale as regards the centre becoming fully operational, but I understand it will be some time during the course of this year.

We have been hearing that for years.

On a positive note I welcome the Minister's assurances as regards tackling the deficiencies that exist. Deputy Broughan's amendment and section 10 relate to foreign sea-fishing vessels. If a Spanish trawler is arrested or noted by the Naval Service as having illegal nets, undersized fish or log book offences, such infringements can justify it being brought into port. I am concerned, however, because of the way that the fishing quota system works in Spain in that we do not know whether they are over quota.

Twenty boats could be loaded with various types of fish and we do not know whether the Spanish quota has been breached. I have a major concern in this regard. I should like the Minister to ensure that this issue is addressed once and for all at European level. I can understand the situation as regards undersized nets, which is a serious conservation issue, and logging offences. However, I am pretty certain that as regards Spanish vessels, in particular, fishing in Irish waters, the Naval Service is helpless when it comes to informing them that they have breached their national quota.

It is a very serious issue because the volumes of fish going abroad mean that the catches in Irish waters are minuscule. I welcome the Minister's assurance and believe it is not before time the issue was raised in Europe.

Amendment put.
The Committee divided: Tá, 5; Níl, 7.

  • Broughtan, Thomas P.
  • Ferris, Martin.
  • O’Keeffe, Jim.
  • Perry, John.
  • Ryan, Eamon.

Níl

  • Dempsey, Noel.
  • Kelly, Peter.
  • McEllistrim, Tom.
  • O’Connor, Charlie.
  • O’Donovan, Denis.
  • O’Flynn, Noel.
  • O’Malley, Fiona.
Amendment declared lost.
Section 10 agreed to.
SECTION 11.

I move amendment No. 23:

In page 14, subsection (1), line 10, after "Regulation" to insert the following:

"which has been specified to be a Community Regulation to which this subsection applies by regulations made by the Minister with the approval of both Houses of the Oireachtas".

Contraventions of the Common Fisheries Policy will be dealt with under section 11(1) which provides that "a person who contravenes or fails to comply with an obligation imposed on the person by a Community Regulation commits an offence". Amendment No. 23 would clarify that provision to deal with the problems that have arisen that were referred to in the previous discussion.

By clarifying that any such Community regulation must be further specified in regulations made by the Minister with the approval of both Houses of the Oireachtas, the amendment would ensure that such Community regulations were included in the primary legislation of Ireland not simply by statutory instrument. Therefore, amendment No. 23 would avoid our being plunged into the kind of mess that resulted from the Vincent Browne case and the other case that occurred in 2003 or 2004. The amendment would provide stronger clarity because it would require such obligations to be imposed only with the approval of both Houses of the Oireachtas. As a result, a statutory instrument alone would not be sufficient.

Obviously, Article 15 of Bunreacht na hÉireann confers on the Oireachtas the sole and exclusive powers of making laws for the State. Under the Interpretation Act 1937 and the Statutory Instruments Act 1947, a statutory instrument means "an instrument made, issued or granted under a power or authority conferred by statute". Given the difficulties that have arisen with previous offences created under subordinate legislation, amendment No. 23 would provide a key addition. The Minister may want to come back with a more appropriate legal definition, but I believe that section 11(1) as it stands is deficient. The amendment would make the provision stronger by making it clear that such European regulations must have received the approval of the Houses of the Oireachtas.

If the Minister wants to consider amendment No. 23, Deputy Eamon Ryan might withdraw the amendment and resubmit it on Report Stage.

I am not 100% sure, as what Deputy Eamon Ryan has said about amendment No. 23 is different from what the effect of the amendment would be.

What does the Minister think the effect of amendment No. 23 would be?

Its effect would be that we would need to run in and out of the Oireachtas for approval for fines and various offences. That would happen regularly.

Would amendment No. 23 not avoid the kind of situation thrown up by cases such as the Vincent Browne case?

No. Community regulations currently have direct application throughout the EU and are widely published, but national legislation is required to penalise any contravention of those regulations. Section 11(1) provides that penalties will apply if someone contravenes an EU regulation that has come into force. That is a sensible and straightforward way of doing things. Amendment No. 23 would require us to seek the approval of both Houses of the Oireachtas each time we wanted to penalise somebody. I am prepared to accept that may not be Deputy Eamon Ryan's intent, but that would be the effect of the amendment in his name. Clearly, that would not be a sensible approach.

Would amendment No. 23 not provide clarity?

As the Bill already lays out the maximum penalties, it gives that kind of clarity and assurance. The amendment would mean that we would end up being unable to make regulations if the Dáil was not sitting. If Deputy Eamon Ryan wants to withdraw amendment No. 23 for resubmission on Report Stage, we will consider it further. However, I think that the amendment as it stands would just not hold water.

On that basis, I will seek leave to withdraw amendment No. 23.

Am I correct in saying that section 11 is an attempt to close the loophole that was created as a result of the Kennedy and Browne cases, or am I on the wrong track?

That issue is dealt with in later sections, not in section 11.

Amendment, by leave, withdrawn.

Amendment No. 24, in the name of the Minister, is a drafting amendment.

I move:

In page 14, subsection (3)(a), line 14, to delete “or”.

Amendment agreed to.

Amendments Nos. 25 and 59 are cognate and will be discussed together.

I move amendment No. 25:

In page 14, subsection (3)(c), line 18, after “fish” to insert “within the State or the exclusive fishery limits”.

Amendment No. 25 will simply clarify where the alleged offences will be regarded as occurring within the Irish jurisdiction.

Amendment agreed to.
Section 11, as amended, agreed to.
SECTION 12.

Amendment Nos. 26, 28, 30 to 33, inclusive, 40 and 41 are cognate and will be discussed together.

I move amendment No. 26:

In page 14, subsection (1), line 32, to delete "the State's fishing quota" and substitute "fishing quotas".

I do not wish to get involved in another argument with the Minister about the difficulty in legislating when we need changes in international law. Will he tell us on Report Stage whether there are specific instances in which we have room to manoeuvre? These amendments have the same intent in that we are applying the conditions to all vessels, not only Irish ones. This is urgent. The regulations for Irish vessels have recently been tightened, for example, by the introduction of the requirement that an Irish vessel, in advance of landing any fish, must give four hours' notice to the authorities of where and the quantity of fish it intends to land. This has closed some of the loopholes we discussed recently. Sections 12 and 13 back up this provision.

The fact, however, that a Spanish vessel can steam into Castletownbere with no prior notice of its intention to land or what it intends to land, in effect, makes a mockery of the system. It is hard to believe the European regulations restrict us in legislating for this situation and applying them to foreign fishing vessels. Perhaps we need to take legal advice on this matter. If we police the system for our vessels while a Spanish or Belgian boat can come into the same harbour without meeting the same requirement, there will be serious tension, frustration and division. In each of these minor amendments which seek to delete the word "Irish" I hope there might be room for manoeuvre in spreading application of the regulations, rather than confining them to Irish vessels.

Section 12(1) states we must give notice in respect of particular closed areas or restrictions on catches. Why can our legislation not provide for these areas to be closed to foreign vessels? The Minister might respond that it must be within the terms of European legislation or regulations. It is hard to understand the logic of not being able to replicate what may be contained in European regulations in respect of such closed areas within Irish legislation.

Section 12(7)(b) seeks notification of any transshipment where landings have occurred, whether within or outside the State. We seem to be legislating in an international context that an Irish vessel may not land in Castletownbere, send its cargo to Rosslare and on to the continental European market. Unless the Minister agrees to some of these amendments, Irish vessels will not be able to operate in this way but other non-national vessels will.

The point has been well made several times but these sections typify the need for radical change, not just in the Irish system but also in the European system. Otherwise, we will create a two-tier process whereby Irish vessels will be required to notify and will be closely policed, while non-national vessels effectively will enjoy a free for all in not being controlled by such legislation.

While I take the Minister's point that we must operate on an international basis, some of my amendments may be admissible within the terms of European regulations. It is hard to see how the Commission could support different approaches being taken to different fleets.

I strongly support Deputy Eamon Ryan. The problem with the Bill is that it creates a two-tier system, most of it applying to our boats and coastal communities. The Minister will say this is the regime he wants to set out here, and has referred in the earlier section to foreign fishing vessels. Deputy Ryan is rightly trying to consider fishing in our waters as a single enterprise, if that is what the Common Fisheries Policy should be. The first in this group of amendments refers to "quotas" and "fishing effort" without identifying them as Irish. That is the logical way to proceed and builds on what we are trying to achieve in the previous amendments. It is the least we can do. This goes to the heart of the issue in so far as this process is farcical if we cannot control those foreign ships which are devastating our fisheries. We know this is happening but have no information. The amendments are reasonable. Is it possible for the section to be recast in such a way as to apply to everybody fishing in our waters?

The Minister has said Spanish vessels committed 3,500 offences compared to Irish vessels which committed 26. If the Spanish vessels commit so many criminal offences in their own waters, might they not commit them on a similar scale within the Irish box? There is an anomaly in the figures.

I, too, support these amendments which would go some distance towards creating a situation in which Irish fishermen would be treated equally with foreign fishermen. There is a two-tier system, as demonstrated by the recent detention of two Irish fishing vessels. If the same rules applied to them as to Spanish and other vessels from outside the jurisdiction, neither of them would have been detained. It is incumbent on the Minister to ensure equal treatment for Irish fishermen. The Bill treats them unequally.

On Deputy Perry's point, the figure I quoted for the Spanish vessels was 3,000 plus, not 3,500. That refers to prosecutions of Spanish vessels in all waters, not just Spanish waters.

How many of those prosecutions related to an offence which may have damaged Irish fisheries?

I do not have that information.

In response to the amendments, the subtitle for this section is "Managing State's fishing quota — notices". We are referring to our national asset in our quotas.

The same difficulty arises in this case as in the case of earlier amendments. Each member state is required to manage its own quota and countries have different ways of doing this. This Bill will clarify the obligations rather than using a range of statutory instruments to do so.

On the point raised about the four hours' notice, the Bill contains an enabling provision which may or may not be used, depending on the situation. It does not apply to all fisheries at all times. While this is the same argument, in deference to the members I will ask the officials if we may go further regarding foreign vessels but I know the answer I will receive.

These sections of the Bill do not just deal with the Irish quota of allocations. The wording of section 12(1) seems to read that the Bill also covers closed areas. I interpret it as including going beyond that quota allocation. I refer to section 13(5)(d). On the provision that the current regulation system requiring notification may or may not be required, I am in agreement with my colleagues that the Government and the Department have not been rigorous in enforcement and this is part of the problem. Where we may be introducing such regulations regarding notification and landing requirements at lrish ports — this is separate from quotas and from any international waters — given that now we are on land and not even at sea, we might require other European vessels which are operating the common European fisheries management system to follow the same procedure for landings in Irish ports. Otherwise we would have one rule for a boat landing in Castletownbere and loading onto a truck and a separate rule completely for a Spanish boat landing its catch. This is really an untenable position.

This Bill seems to provide international cover. Section 12(7)(b) contains a requirement for Irish vessels——

The Deputy may have gone off course. We are discussing the management of the State's fishing quota.

If I may finish my point. Section 12(7)(b) gives us the authority to require an Irish boat to notify if it is landing in a port overseas. I interpret that section as meaning that Ireland can require an Irish vessel intending to land in Scotland or Norway to give the Irish authorities notice of such landings. This subsection seems to have an international application. I therefore do not see why we cannot impose a similar obligation on foreign vessels. Not only do we have a two-tier system between Irish vessels and foreign vessels, we currently have a two-tier system for vessels within the Irish fleet. We have benefited by legislation and by subsidy the very largest trawlers which can sail up to Norway to land catches because they know the conditions are more lax there. The smaller and inshore vessels cannot steam that far and are at a disadvantage. It seems we are legislating — rightly, in my view — to cover such international activity by Irish vessels. However, if I was an Irish skipper taking a case under European law, I would argue that transnational restrictions are being applied to that Irish vessel, while transnational restrictions on foreign vessels operating in Irish waters are not being applied equally. When it comes to regulation of landings in Irish ports, I find it difficult to believe we could not do the same with foreign vessels.

I have a worry in this regard. Is the Common Fisheries Policy rule that each State should look after its own quota being properly managed at EU level? The catch of every Spanish fishing vessel landing in Castletownbere in my own area, Killybegs or elsewhere should be logged and accounted for. We are managing our own stocks and our fleet is much smaller than the Spanish fleet. We have an efficient system, whereas we have no control over what fish is being landed here by Spanish vessels. Castletownbere takes in significant landings by Spanish vessels, nearly 90%, which, together with the Irish catches, go by lorry to Spain. I suggest the Minister consider the proposal that every fish catch landed in Irish ports — some of which are quite considerable — should be logged and audited. If it can be proved that 100,000 tonnes of a particular species is landed in Ireland over a period of time, then we might have a case against Europe by showing that the Spanish are landing fish here when they have filled their own quota. There seems to be no method — or, if there is, it is a bad one — of regulating and controlling the Spanish landing of fish in Ireland. There seems to be a lacuna and this is a concern. We can condemn our own fishermen for illegal fishing and some of them deserve the utmost condemnation, but I am very concerned about what the Spanish, in particular, do in Irish waters. The EU regulations and the Common Fisheries Policy recommend that each nation manages its own quota. With regard to the number of Spanish vessels fishing in our waters — some legally — we are not managing that aspect of it and this is a serious deficiency.

The rules apply as they apply. We are responsible for the management of our own fishing stock; equally, the Spanish authorities are responsible for the Spanish and the Dutch authorities for the Dutch, and so on. This is the way the policy currently works. I do not disagree with the points being made by Deputies about the Common Fisheries Policy. We want a common policy and want to ensure that what Deputy O'Donovan and other members have referred to does not take place — vessels landing fish here, perhaps to escape detection in their own waters or by their own authorities. That would be to assume the Spanish authorities are not as diligent as they should be in pursuing this. I know this is a view that is commonly held but such a view is also held regarding the Irish system, that we do not do things as well as we should. I agree with the Deputies that the sooner we achieve a true Common Fisheries Policy, the better, in order that if a Spanish vessel arrives in Castletownbere and sells fish there, this catch is weighed and the Spanish authorities are automatically notified. The current situation is that all foreign vessels landing in Ireland must hand over their log sheets to sea fisheries officers. We must report all landings of those vessels to the European Commission, to ensure there is some check. While we can board all such vessels, it is fair to say that the navy would not do so in all cases. There is an embryonic system in place, at least, although I am not too sure just how effective it is.

If people decide they are going to land fish in the dead of night and we are not aware of it, that is obviously outside the ambit of this section. While the system is not devoid of checks and cross-checks, there is no doubt it could be improved. The section concerns us and how we manage the system. As Deputy Eamon Ryan said, if an Irish vessel lands fish in Norway, we are entitled to know that because it affects our quotas. Equally, if a Spanish vessel lands a catch at Castletownbere, the Spanish authorities are entitled to know.

The Minister has already agreed that the joint committee should have a discussion on the Common Fisheries Policy. Once this Bill has been completed, we can put a programme together to answer the issues that, unfortunately, are not being put into Irish law because of the constraints of the Common Fisheries Policy. It is important to note that the Spanish infringements in 2003 were 33% of all infringements, while Irish infringements accounted for 1%. That gives members an idea of the scale of the infringements.

It is a pity the Minister did not tell us that. The Minister keeps that kind of information tight.

No. I am providing that information to members of the select committee in order to be helpful. I cannot take part in the debate.

Managing the State's allocation of quotas is a critical part of the Bill but significant anomalies and lacunae currently exist in this regard. We do not know what percentage of the 3,000 Spanish convictions relate to Irish waters. It is amazing that information is not known. We currently have no legal basis for dealing with infringements by Spanish vessels in the Irish box. I am amazed that while prosecutions have taken place, we are unable to say how many of them relate to Irish waters.

We have been told that section 12 greatly simplifies and expedites arrangements for the allocation and management of the State's national sea-fishing quota. Is it not the case, however, that we have not managed the allocation of this quota for years? Whether it is due to domestic or EU law, it has been totally mismanaged. Does the Minister not agree that responsibility for that rests with his Department?

Who looks after fishery quotas and taxes in Spain? Is it the Spanish central government or the Galician or Basque regional governments? For example, the current British consultations on administrative penalties for fisheries offences must go before the Welsh Assembly and the Scottish Parliament. That raises interesting questions as to who exactly does the reporting. Have we ever dealt with them? Did we ever get in touch with the Galician authorities in Vigo? At what level are these matters dealt with?

After 33 long years of desolation for the Irish fishing industry, due to what happened in 1972, we are now talking about an embryonic control system. The whole thing is farcical and ridiculous. Does the Minister know whether it is a function of the Spanish central government or of the regional governments as they now are? As the Minister knows, some of them are practically independent, which is a current issue in Spanish politics. What exactly is going on? The same may be said to apply even in Holland.

We were going to leave those matters for the joint committee to explore? We will confine ourselves here to the Bill and the amendments thereto.

At the maximum, there are only 14 months to go to the general election. The way things are going, we will be doing the fisheries Bill all the way through until the Taoiseach calls it a day, if he has the bottle to call it a day any time soon. This is a genuine point which relates to approximately seven amendments in the name of Deputy Eamon Ryan. They are reasonable amendments.

I wish to clarify for the Deputy the fact that Madrid looks after Spanish reporting and London looks after the United Kingdom reporting, including Scotland. It is usually done on a government to government basis.

How stands the amendment?

May I make one final suggestion? The Minister makes the point that, currently, foreign vessels still have to present log books of what they land. I am suggesting that this should be tightened up and perhaps the Minister could come back with his own amendment to allow for this. If foreign vessels had to give four hours' notice of their intention to land here, it would be a further improvement to the scheme. Given that they are required to present log books of landings, I do not see why it should be difficult for us legally to require them to give four hours' notice.

That arises in a later section.

I am asking the Minister to come back on Report Stage with a view on that issue. I am happy to put the amendments and let the case rest for the moment.

Fine. The Minister will come back to that on Report Stage. How stands the amendment?

I will withdraw the amendments if I can re-enter them on Report Stage.

Very well.

Amendment, by leave, withdrawn.

I move amendment No. 27:

In page 14, subsection (1), line 32, after "quota" to insert "and fishing effort".

The amendment seeks to make it clear that the State's entitlement under the EU Common Fisheries Policy comprises a fishing quota and fishing effort.

Amendment agreed to.
Amendment No. 28 not moved.

I move amendment No. 29:

In page 14, between lines 41 and 42, to insert the following subsection:

"(3) A notice shall provide for an adequate period of time in order for the owner and master of an Irish sea-fishing boat to which the notice applies, and persons on board such boat, to comply with a notice.".

The amendment concerns the timing of notices, which was brought to my attention by fishermen in my constituency. We have just been discussing the management of fish quotas. This amendment is about the kind of notices that can be issued to owners and masters concerning fish stocks, quantities and areas. The question of notices is critical and reappears a number of times in the Bill, as we have already discussed, including section 7. Section 12(15) states that it is a duty of the master of the Irish sea-fishing boat to keep himself or herself informed of notices relating to fishing from his or her boat. It would therefore be reasonable to insert a subsection which states, "A notice shall provide for an adequate period of time in order for the owner and master of an Irish sea-fishing boat to which the notice applies, and persons on board such boat, to comply with a notice".

Four-hour notices were referred to earlier in our discussions and good legislation should always contain reasonable aspects. The issue of notices runs right through section 12 and it is a critical one if we want to encourage compliance. I have not specified a time period but if the issue arose in court it would be reasonable for the State to require an adequate period. Perhaps the Minister would like to specify that period. I did not notice if there was such a specification and, if so, perhaps I missed it. It would be a reasonable request that very busy people in the industry, given the change of conditions with regard to fishing effort and so on, get adequate notice.

The provisions with regard to a notice's entry into force are set out in subsection (8). That provides in particular for publication on the Internet, among other electronic means, because it is necessary to be able to respond without delay to situations such as, for instance, requiring the closing of a fishery when the quota is taken. Amendment No. 38 goes some way towards what Deputy Broughan is asking. We have specified that the time as well as the date of the application shall be published. Deputy Broughan's amendment is very loose and I could see lawyers being entertained for a considerable period of time discussing what is meant by the words "adequate" and "period of time". For that reason I cannot accept the amendment as worded.

Would the converse also be true? I am aware there would be a wide variety of notices necessary, and further down the list there are other amendments in my name and other names which would seek to clarify the issue. It still seems there should be something reasonable in terms of a time period. This issue might come back to haunt the Minister, if he put the legislation through without making even a general point allowing for a reasonable amount of time with regard to the subject matter of the notice concerned. Will the Minister consider this for Report Stage?

Yes. The current wording means a person must get a minimum of 24 hours' notice.

Is that in the legislation?

Yes. Subsection (8) provides that a notice specifying the date from which it comes into force, not being a day earlier than the day after its first publication, shall be published. In other words, at least a day's notice must be given. In all cases we would try to give a longer period of time, but at some times we can reach our national quota and become aware of it. Therefore, we must act straightaway to avoid penalties.

On a point of clarification, if a notice was sent by fax on a Friday evening, for example, and the office did not reopen until Monday morning, what would happen?

The person would have a case to argue in court, and would have a defence. However, we are all aware that many vessels, in particular the larger ones, have very sophisticated communications systems. We would try to avoid court actions in this regard, but they take place occasionally.

They will not get any legal opinion in any particular case.

No. They do not pay any attention to what we say here once the law is passed.

If they got a notice, they would have to prove they were innocent.

That is not in the legislation.

I am speaking of someone out fishing on the weekend that a notice was made. I am merely seeking clarity. Perhaps the Minister might consider this for Report Stage.

There could, for example, be a failure of electronic communication.

The person would be deemed to have been given the notice. The presumption could be rebutted.

How stands the amendment?

The Minister is still thinking about it.

Perhaps it will come up again on Report Stage. The Minister needs time to consider it.

I was not sure how the subsection applied. Working people in the industry are concerned. Perhaps this can be considered again on Report Stage.

Amendment, by leave, withdrawn.
Amendments Nos. 30 to 33, inclusive, not moved.

I move amendment No. 34:

In page 15, subsection (6), line 12, after "not" to insert ", unless permitted by a notice,".

The purpose of this amendment is to take account of any transshipment of fish specifically permitted by any notice issued under section 12.

Amendment agreed to.

Amendments Nos. 35 to 37, inclusive, are related and may be discussed together.

I move amendment No. 35:

In page 15, subsection (7)(a), line 23, after “voyage” to insert the following:

"allowing for the possibility on safety grounds of a change in destination port resulting from force majeure or enforced circumstances beyond the control of the master of an Irish sea-fishing boat”.

I am conscious that amendment No. 36 is perhaps better worded but the three amendments deal with the information required of a master of a vessel or to informing the sea protection officer of the landing port. On first reading the Bill it did not appear to take cognisance of the world in which fishing operates and circumstances created by weather or other difficulties. We have had a series of tragedies even since last Christmas, which reminds us what a perilous life fishing can be. My amendment wants, after "voyage", to insert the following: "allowing for the possibility on safety grounds of a change in destination port resulting from force majeure or enforced circumstances beyond the control of the master of an Irish sea-fishing boat”.

The Minister is aware that force majeure is widely referred to in legislation and precedent and clearly applies to us all even now, in our work, if we have to leave suddenly for a domestic or other reason. Force majeure is well established throughout our legislation and given the unique nature of fishing as an activity, this provision should be in the Bill, whichever amendment might be best geared towards protecting a boat and its crew where they have no option but to change destination.

There appears to be a total lack of understanding in the Bill of the circumstances in which the crew of a fishing vessel may find themselves. This amendment relates to situations when vessels are in trouble, which they frequently are. I recently had personal experience of it at Fenit, when a vessel that was only one mile off the coast got into severe difficulties.

If something such as this was not included in the Bill, it would put the vessel and the lives of the crew in danger. It can happen for many reasons, such as a malfunction on board, a leak being sprung or the gland being removed. It could also happen if someone on board was injured or taken ill. Many events can occur on a fishing vessel at sea and it is necessary that this or the other amendments be included in the Bill in order to protect the safety of the vessel and any person on board. Amendment No. 36 states, "The provisions of paragraph (c) shall not apply in case of force majeure if the master considers that the safety of his vessel or of any person aboard the vessel is endangered and he is unable to receive prior approval from a sea fisheries protection officer.”

My amendment is similar to that tabled in the name of Deputy Ferris, in that exceptional circumstances must be considered in this section. The amendment states, "The master of an Irish sea-fishing boat may depart from the terms of any notice under subsection (7) where exceptional circumstances (such as force majeure, the safety of the crew or the safety of the vessel) so require.” The Minister agreed with Deputies Broughan and Ferris. If he wants to return to this matter on Report Stage, he must do something that would provide a certain tightly controlled derogation. This would satisfy everyone.

These amendments have many merits and come from the same stable, so to speak. I understand the difficulty because, for example, Schull is not a designated landing port for herring. Even Bantry, my home town, is close to Eyeries and is a strong area in respect of herring fishing. In my constituency, from Youghal, all the way around the coast, which has many inlets and bays, there are only two designated landing ports. I can envisage difficulties arising, particularly if a vessel fishing off Mizen Head or around Eyeries is steaming for home but runs into difficulties and finds itself close to Schull. The reality is that it cannot land there or at Bantry or Baltimore.

In exceptional circumstances, vessels should be obliged to prove that they are experiencing problems, mechanical or otherwise. It is perhaps not as great an issue now in light of the new vessels that are operating but someone's life or vessel should not be put in danger on foot of a technical European procedure. There is a case to be made for allowing a vessel to radio ahead, indicate that difficulties are being experienced and, in the interests of safety, land at the nearest port. However, the Minister may feel differently. I raised this issue ten or 15 years ago when the designation was introduced. I was worried about it then and I still have concerns.

Before the Minister responds, and in the interest of clarity, what is the position in the case of a vessel that receives a mayday signal or a request from another vessel that has been disabled and requires assistance? That vessel would be obliged to divert to assist the disabled vessel and would not be able to return to port in time. Is such a scenario covered elsewhere in the Bill?

It is not specifically covered but most involved in the fishing industry would agree that the sea-fisheries officer would always try to ensure that the safety and well-being of people or vessels were not interfered with or put in danger. If we start from that premise — it is important that we do so — we must recognise that the officers have a job to do. That job is difficult at times and they are not always the most welcome people around fishing communities or vessels. However, their bona fides in respect of matters of this nature would be accepted.

I appreciate from where the Deputies are coming in respect of this matter. My difficulty is that they are opening us to a situation where those who want to exploit the proposed amendments will do so unscrupulously. Having listened to the Deputies' comments, I would be prepared, before Report Stage, to consider a mechanism that would allow sea-fisheries officers some discretion in this area. As it stands, the officers already use their discretion. It might, however, be possible to form an understanding in respect of putting guidelines in place regarding events of the nature to which the Deputies refer and to try to allay fishermen's concern in terms of their being put in a position in which they might be open to prosecution for offences in circumstances where, for genuine reasons, they did not return to their designated ports.

Will the Minister return to the matter on Report Stage?

I am willing to re-examine the matter.

Is that acceptable to members? There is food for thought for the Minister.

As surely as day follows night, it is inevitable that situations of this sort will occur. Deputy O'Donovan — who, like me, was involved in the industry — knows exactly what we are talking about. We must at all times err on the side of protecting people's safety.

I stress that the Minister should take this matter into consideration and return with a mechanism to take into account the fact that we are concerned with people's lives and safety. Even a malfunction or mechanical breakdown could amount to circumstances in which the skipper of a vessel would have no contact whatsoever with the land. All of this must be factored in.

The Minister has got the point and will return to the matter on Report Stage. These three amendments are important.

Force majeure circumstances are catered for in legislation and provision in that regard is made for those engaged in other professions. I cannot see how it is not possible to make such provision in these circumstances. In the other professions, one could argue that people’s lives might not be in immediate danger. One could say that the instance we are discussing is more important. Is the Minister prepared to examine the legal connotations of using that phrase in any of the appropriate amendments? I welcome the Minister’s comments concerning the provision of some discretion but the matter must be codified.

Amendment, by leave, withdrawn.
Amendments Nos. 36 and 37 not moved.

I move amendment No. 38:

In page 15, subsection (8), line 33, after "specifying" to insert "the date and time of its issue and".

The purpose of this amendment is to include the date and time of issue of a notice among the details to be specified in any notice issued by the Minister for the purposes of section 12. This clarification is important both in the context of enforcement and, in the event of court proceedings arising, for evidential purposes.

Does this mean that the time of issue will be the time listed on the original?

It will be 24 hours from the date on the notice, which will protect everybody.

Amendment agreed to.

I move amendment No. 39:

In page 15, subsection (8), line 34, after "the" to insert "seventh".

Adequate time must be given before set notice comes into force. A seven-day period after notice is published would be fairer than implementing it the day after it is published. This allows discretionary time and I would like to hear the Minister's views on this suggestion.

This would cause difficulty. While we will always endeavour to give the maximum notice, information can come to light that requires the immediate closure of the fishery area because the quota is exhausted. Landings greater than we expected can lead to being at or over the quota. We have an EU obligation to close down the area immediately and we would be subject to sanction if we did not do so. We endeavour to provide the maximum notice possible but we cannot be tied to a seven-day notice period as we could be condoning breaches of EU law over these seven days and this would not be acceptable.

What is the current notice provided? Is it one or two days?

From my experience, it varies and as soon as we are aware we are approaching the limits, we attempt to make calculations and move as quickly as we can. It can vary from two or three days to seven days but it is not an exact science.

In normal business trading, in cases that are not exceptional circumstances that must be notified to the EU, would information be passed to fisheries officers two days before?

As soon as we are aware of a problem, notice is given. The gap between our awareness of a problem and announcing we must close can be quite short.

As a compromise, could the Minister provide for two or three days?

We could initiate a regime where we provide seven days' notice but officials in the Department would have to calculate conservatively and this would result in closing the fishery areas earlier than we need to. As soon as 90% of the quota is reached, notice to close would be given. The longer the notice we must give, the more conservatively people will react.

Can a partnership approach not be adopted? There is a partnership between the five fisheries harbours and unapproved harbours. From a business point of view, could dialogue take place with representative bodies and vessel owners?

That type of dialogue exists and we attempt to keep the industry informed of progress. In some cases the industry feeds information to us if it believes we are incorrect in our assessment.

If there is a consensus agreement on a closure prior to the notification, would it be by diktat?

If we have information that the quota has been fished, it is diktat and under EU law we have no choice. There is good tick-tacking going on between the industry and the Department and we try to keep the industry informed. This is not a matter on which we can have a debate. There is a quota and if we are approaching it, we have a duty to close the area.

In some instances I feel like the old Cornish sailor who had a love relationship with the mermaid on, today, St. Valentine's Day. I have great difficulty in marrying my mindset with that of the Minister. In this matter, he is correct and the fishing industry would support this. In fishing and agriculture the industry must close like a guillotine when there is a danger of toxins in, for example, the mussel or scallop industry. This is a wise move and seven days is a long time in which a considerable amount of fishing could be done.

Amendment, by leave, withdrawn.
Amendments Nos. 40 and 41 not moved.

I move amendment No. 42:

In page 16, subsection (17), lines 15 and 16, to delete "subsection (17)” and substitute “subsection (1)”.

Amendment agreed to.
Section 12, as amended, agreed to.

Can the Chairman allow a few minutes to pay tribute to the Minister of State, Deputy Gallagher?

That is not appropriate.

Sitting suspended at 2 p.m. and resumed at3 p.m.
SECTION 13.

Amendment No. 42a in the name of the Minister is a new amendment. Amendment No. 56 is related and the two may be discussed together.

I move amendment No. 42a:

In page 16, subsection (1)(a)(ii)(I), line 26, after “owner” to insert “, charterer or hirer”.

This amendment ensures consistency with section 13(15)(a) by providing for the charterer, hirer or owner, as appropriate, of a sea-fishing boat to be covered by this section. Amendment No. 56 provides for the chartering or hiring of a sea-fishing boat as well as cases involving direct ownership of the boat by the holder of the authorisation concerned.

Amendment agreed to.

I move amendment No. 43:

In page 17, subsection (4), line 17, after "Regulation" to insert "or a notice issued under section 12(1)”.

This amendment is for clarification and the avoidance of doubt. It provides that an authorisation issued by the Minister for the purposes of section 13 shall not allow fishing to take place in an area where such fishing or other activity is prohibited by a notice issued under section 12.

Amendment agreed to.

Amendments Nos. 44 and 45 form a composite proposal. These two, as well as the two amendments to amendment No. 45, in the name of Deputy Broughan, will be discussed together.

I move amendment No. 44:

In page 18, lines 5 to 11, to delete subsection (6).

These two amendments are essentially of a drafting nature. They replace section 13(6) with a new subsection (8), which has a clearer format. The latter provides that the holder of the authorisation has the clear duty to inform the master of the sea-fishing boat concerned of any additional conditions or alteration of the conditions attached to that authorisation after the authorisation is granted.

Does this refer to cases where a person delegates use of his or her vessel?

Yes, it applies in respect of a charterer or hirer of a vessel.

In reality, however, this would be more the exception than the norm.

Very much so.

Amendment agreed to.

I move amendment No. 45:

In page 18, between lines 18 and 19, to insert the following subsection:

"(8) (a) Conditions under subsection (5) or (6) may be attached to an authorisation at the time it is granted or at any time while it is in force.

(b) A condition may be altered at any time while the authorisation is in force and further conditions may be added.

(c) Notification of any condition or alteration shall be made in writing (including writing in electronic form) to the holder of the authorisation and to any organisation which the Minister considers to be representative of the holder.

(d) Any condition attached or altered, after the authorisation is granted, comes into force as specified in the notification to the holder of the authorisation, being a period not earlier than 24 hours after the notification is sent.

(e) It is the duty of the holder of the authorisation to inform the master of the sea-fishing boat to which the authorisation relates of any condition or alteration of a condition notified to the holder under this subsection.”.

I move amendment No. 1 to amendment No. 45:

In subsection (8), to delete paragraph (b).

I voiced my concern to the Minister of State, Deputy Gallagher, that subsection (6) was far too wide-ranging and might give carte blanche to people to make changes without due consideration. Under the Minister’s proposal, the terms of a person’s authorisation, including quantities, fishing effort specified and so on, could be changed at any time. I propose to restrict that by deleting subsection (8)(b) as set out in amendment No. 45.

My amendment No. 2 to amendment No. 45 relates to something we have encountered in other legislation regarding electronic notices. Difficulties can arise when there is no mechanism of knowing whether a condition or alteration sent by e-mail or other electronic means has been received by the licence holder or organisation. Amendment No. 2 to amendment No. 45 seeks to make matters more transparent by requiring that, if such alterations are communicated by electronic means, a check must be made to ensure that the communication has been read. We are all familiar with such systems for our e-mail, which many of us probably checked during the suspension a few minutes ago. It is critical that we have a record of whether such communications have been received. That would not only make things more transparent, it would also be helpful because, given the significance of the authorisations, people will obviously want to ensure that they adhere to the conditions.

Those are my two amendments. Amendment No. 1 to amendment No. 45 would delete paragraph (b) because it repeats the mistake that was made in section 13(6), which was deleted by amendment No. 44. Amendment No. 2 to amendment No. 45 would tighten up the provisions in paragraph (c) on communication by electronic means.

The Minister may respond. We will then dispose of the amendments.

I believe the difficulties to which Deputy Broughan refers are dealt with in amendment No. 45.

Amendment to amendment put and declared lost.

I move amendment No. 2 to amendment No. 45:

In paragraph (c), after “electronic form” to insert the following:

"provided that a mechanism exists and has been operated to confirm that the electronic communication has been read by the recipient".

Will the Minister explain why he will not accept this amendment?

In reality, people sometimes do not want to receive or read conditions or notices. Amendment No. 2 to amendment No. 45 could result in fishing continuing after the quota had been taken, which would be in breach of our EU obligations.

Would the amendment not clarify the situation by ensuring that the person was aware of the notification? At some stage in the future, the issue of electronic communications will come to court. We all love the technology but we also know that it causes endless problems, such as difficulties with having repairs and upgrades carried out. We all know from our work that is the case. Is it fair, for example, to say that constituents who e-mail us can take it for granted that we have received their communications?

At the same time as the individual vesselis notified, the representative organisations will, I understand, also be notified. Just as we might be guilty of sometimes ignoring unwelcome e-mails from constituents, which we might then claim never to have received, I imagine that a notice that might result in the loss of a large sum of money will tend not to be received. We need certainty in the process. The amendment would leave the system wide open to abuse.

Amendment to amendment, by leave, withdrawn.
Amendment agreed to.

I move amendment No. 46:

In page 18, subsection (10), line 31, to delete "and" and substitute "or".

Amendment No. 46 is a drafting amendment to section 13. It will ensure that subsection (10) refers to a restriction imposed under either section subsection (7) or subsection (8) rather than one that is imposed under both those subsections. The amendment will simply replace the word "and" with "or".

Amendment agreed to.

I move amendment No. 47:

In page 18, subsection (12), line 41, after "authorisation" to insert the following:

"or in the case of foreign sea-fishing boat may refuse access for a period to Irish exclusive fishery limits".

In a sense, amendment No. 47 deals with points that we have already debated. However, I want to ask a question that also relates to amendment No. 49 in my name. In our discussions with the Irish Naval Service prior to Committee Stage——

Is Deputy Eamon Ryan speaking to amendment No. 49?

I am speaking to amendment No. 47 but amendment No. 49 deals with a similar point.

The Deputy must wait until we reach amendment No. 49. I am advised that he may not speak to that amendment before then.

Amendment, by leave, withdrawn.

Amendment No. 48 is related to amendment No. 50. Amendment Nos. 51 to 55, inclusive, are alternatives to amendment No. 50. There are three amendments to amendment No. 48. Amendments Nos. 48, 50 and 51 to 55, inclusive, and the three amendments to No. 48 will be discussed together.

I move amendment No. 48:

In page 18, lines 42 to 49, to delete subsection (13) and substitute the following:

"(13) (a) Where the Minister proposes to revoke, or withdraw for a period, an authorisation he or she shall notify in writing (including writing in electronic form) the holder of the authorisation of the proposal and the reasons for it.

(b) The holder may within 14 days of being sent the notification make representations to the Minister about the proposal.

(c) The Minister shall consider such representations before making a decision to revoke or withdraw the authorisation.

(d) The decision takes effect 24 hours after notification of it in writing is sent to the holder.

(e) It is the duty of the holder to inform immediately the master of the sea-fishing boat to which the authorisation relates of the revocation or withdrawal.”.

Amendment No. 48 is essentially a drafting amendment that is designed to put the provisions of the Bill in a clearer format. The proposed new subsection, which will replace the current section 13(13), provides that proposals to revoke or withdraw an authorisation must be notified in writing, including by electronic means. The amendment will also impose a clear duty on the holder of the authorisation to inform immediately the master of the sea-fishing boat if the authorisation is revoked or withdrawn.

I move amendment No. 1 to amendment No. 48:

In paragraph (a), after “electronic form” to insert the following:

"provided that a mechanism exists and has been operated to confirm that the electronic communication has been read by the recipient".

As I pointed out previously, the phrase that appears in my amendment also appears in a number of other items of legislation. Given that precedent, I ask the Minister and his officials to reconsider the matter. Perhaps the Minister can respond on Report Stage.

For our information, can Deputy Broughan confirm in which items of legislation that phrase is used?

The phrase is used in an item of labour legislation. I have a note of it in my papers.

Perhaps Deputy Broughan can provide the Minister with details in that regard.

Amendment to amendment, by leave, withdrawn.

I move amendment No. 2 to amendment No. 48:

In paragraph (d), after “holder”, to insert “subject to the provisions of paragraph (f) if applicable”.

When we touched on this matter earlier, I got the impression that the Minister would find some way of dealing with it.

The problem is that fishing does not operate on the 9 a.m. to 5 p.m. five days a week basis on which other businesses might operate. The effect of the amendments in the name of Deputy Ferris would be that people could be fishing for anything up to three days after the quota had been taken. That would be a breach of EU rules that would make this country — and the fishermen — liable for penalties. As already stated, it is not a 9 a.m. to 5 p.m. five days a week occupation. We must, therefore, be in a position to give notice and to close quickly. We are providing a period of 24 hours and that is as much as we can do in this area.

Will the Minister speak to amendment No. 50?

Amendment No. 50 deletes section 13(14), which deals with service of notice by hand and by post because these are out of date and are superseded by the electronic communications provided for in ministerial amendments Nos. 45 and 48.

Amendment to amendment put and declared lost.

I move amendment No. 3 to amendment No. 48:

After paragraph (e), to insert the following:

"(f) In the event of the decision being notified on a date or at a time such that it does not reach the holder during normal business hours or days, the decision will be deemed to take effect 24 hours after the receipt of the notification on the next normal business day unless its receipt is otherwise explicitly acknowledged by the holder.”.

Amendment to amendment put and declared lost.
Amendment agreed to.

I move amendment No. 49:

In page 18, subsection (12), line 41, after "authorisation" to insert the following:

"or a refusal to allow access to Irish exclusive fishery limits".

I will not rehearse the debate we had on international regulations but perhaps the Minister would reply in respect of one point. At our meeting with the Irish Naval Service, we discussed an incident in the French jurisdiction where a vessel had not stopped. If my recollection is correct, one of the sanctions the French may impose is the ability to exclude vessels that engaged in such activity from re-entering their territorial waters. Does Ireland have such latitude in that regard? It may be more appropriate to debate this in the context of section 15 rather than the section with which we are dealing. However, I want to check whether, in principle, we have the authority to prevent certain vessels that have committed certain infringements from entering Irish waters.

The short answer to the Deputy's question is no. We cannot exclude vessels from other countries from our national waters. We can arrest, detain and do various other things, but we cannot exclude a vessel per se from access.

I do not know whether the Minister can remember, given that our meeting with the Irish Naval Service was very long, but it is my recollection that France was able to use that sanction.

If vessels return, the French may use force.

Was it Mr. Pichon who stated that?

I believe it was the commodore.

We are excluding the use of force from the Bill.

We must be super Eurocrats and the French seem to be able to do what they like. Chacun a son gout.

They will pay for it now with a fine of €20 million and €57 million every six months from now on.

In light of his knowledge of the French language, would Deputy Broughan consider becoming a member of the Joint Committee on Foreign Affairs?

I am saddened by today's St. Valentine's Day massacre at the Department of Communications, Marine and Natural Resources. We have lost our Minister of State. I met the new Minister of State, Deputy Browne, who is looking forward——

I am receiving signals to the effect that I should not have started on that.

I did not even have an opportunity to pay tribute to Deputy Gallagher.

I do not believe that is allowed at a select committee.

Amendment, by leave, withdrawn.

I move amendment No. 50:

In page 19, lines 1 to 10, to delete subsection (14).

Amendment agreed to.

I move amendment No. 51:

In page 19, subsection (14), line 2, after "authorisation" to insert "or owner of the sea-fishing boat".

The amendment relates to section 13 (13), which involves the authorisation that is delivered to a person, as stated in section 13(1)(a)(i), on the application from such a person to the Minister for such an authorisation. If that authorisation is not from the owner, does that not require us to ensure that the owner is also informed of any such revocation? Does subsection (1) allow for someone other than the owner to make the application? Although I accept that section 13(13) no longer stands because the Minister’s amendment deleted it, my point remains valid. However, I stand to be corrected.

I am advised that the amendment has already been discussed.

I accept the point. I will withdraw the amendment. Perhaps the Minister would consider whether this is a legal concern.

The Minister may respond generally when dealing with the next amendment.

Amendment, by leave, withdrawn.
Amendments Nos. 52 to 55, inclusive, not moved.

I move amendment No. 56:

In page 19, subsection (15)(a), line 12, after “owner” to insert “, charterer or hirer”.

This amendment is relevant to Deputy Eamon Ryan's point on authorisation. The authorisation is to an owner, a charterer or a hirer. The relationship must be with the person to whom the authorisation is made. The purpose of this drafting amendment is to provide for the chartering or hiring of a sea-fishing boat, as well as cases involving direct ownership of a boat, by the holder of the authorisation concerned.

My concern is that there could be instances where the beneficiary owner of a vessel might ensure that he or she is not liable for breaches of certain regulations if the authorisation is held by a charterer or hirer or the master of a vessel. Are we in danger of creating a loophole for owners of vessels to employ others to operate the vessel and remove them from possible liability?

It is not the intention to remove them from possible liability. The person who is authorised must comply with the authorisation. To my non-legal mind, it would be very difficult to hold the owner liable if somebody else was the authorised person and was in breach of the regulations. I do not know whether the Deputy is referring to circumstances where somebody hires a boat and obtains an authorisation in respect of it but where the owner goes out and fishes illegally. Is it about such situations that the Deputy is concerned?

I would be more concerned about a situation where the owner is the financial beneficiary of the vessel but where he or she does not hold the authorisation. I understand that there are already many Irish-owned vessels that are crewed from outside the State, where the ownership is held by an accountancy firm in Earlsfort Terrace or elsewhere but where the owner is one step removed from the legal proceedings provided for here by not being tied in to any breach of the authorisation. Would it not be more appropriate that not only the master or charterer of the vessel but also the owner should ensure that it is operating within the authorisation? I do not see why, particularly if there is a criminal prosecution, the beneficial owners should not be drawn into proceedings or why they should not be notified of any change of authorisation so that they cannot be removed from responsibility.

The person who has the authorisation and who is operating — he or she may not necessarily be the owner — is the person who is in breach of the law. It would be difficult to take an action against a company in Earlsfort Terrace. It could legitimately claim that it knew nothing about the matter, did not authorise what occurred and understood that the person who hired the vessel had the authorisation and was carrying on the business. I believe that would introduce an unnecessary complication in many respects.

My concern is that a wealthy boat owner might employ a person of straw, or whatever is the legal term, who, in a sense, would be under an obligation to possibly breach regulations because of the returns he or she would have to make to the owner. If such a person was caught, he or she would carry the can rather than the owner, which would be unfortunate. I am informed that this is an increasingly common occurrence rather than an exception and we should consider this.

We might consider it in light of what has been said. We have tabled an amendment to withdraw the right to confiscate a boat. Perhaps if we left that in we could apply it in cases where a particular vessel was convicted of being used illegally on a number of different occasions. I accept the point made by Deputy Ryan and I will examine the matter. I believe the proposed legislation covers all eventualities but I will examine whether we can do something in this regard.

A simpler method might be to ensure that authorisation would be sent to both the owner and somebody acting on his or her behalf. This section mainly deals with notification. I do not see why it should not be appropriate to inform all the parties concerned and to hold them liable. We should consider confiscationalthough I accept it is not a matter that relates to this section.

In light of what Deputy Ryan has said I will examine the matter further. It is not an unreasonable point.

If a case had to be brought under old admiralty law, charges were brought against the legal entity known as a ship's husband. Would that be helpful to the Minister in considering this matter?

Following yesterday's controversy in Jeddah, that sounds a very genderist comment.

There is no controversy there, but I will not get involved in a discussion on this matter.

Amendment agreed to.

Amendments Nos. 56a, 57 and 58 are to be discussed together.

I move amendment No. 56a:

In page 19, lines 33 to 36, to delete subsection (19) and substitute the following:

"(19) The Minister may authorise such officers of the Department as he or she considers necessary to grant authorisations on behalf of the Minister and to add or alter conditions to authorisations.".

The amendment takes on board the concerns expressed by Deputies. It provides that the Minister, who is accountable to the Dáil, rather than the Secretary General of the Department of Communications, Marine and Natural Resources, may authorise officers of the Department on behalf of the Minister to grant authorisations, and add or alter conditions to authorisations under section 13 of the Bill.

The amendment also omits the words "and terms" from the original because they are not needed as the authorisations are issued under conditions rather than terms. Members were desirous that somebody that is politically accountable should be the person that signs those authorisations. I am happy to accede to that.

I thank the Minister. The key point concerns political control. It is the people who stand for election who have to take the ultimate responsibility. The amendment goes in that direction and from that point of view it is a step forward.

The authorisation to fish a quantity of a specific species is an important concession. As Deputy Broughan said, that is to be welcomed.

Amendment agreed to.
Amendments Nos. 57 and 58 not moved.
Section 13, as amended, agreed to.
SECTION 14.

I move amendment No. 59:

In page 20, subsection (1)(c), line 15, after “fish” to insert “within the State or the exclusive fishery limits”.

Will the Minister please explain the amendment?

It is merely a drafting amendment. The amendment seeks to make clear, as we did earlier on, where the alleged offences would be regarded as occurring within Irish jurisdiction.

Amendment agreed to.

Amendments Nos. 60 and 66 will be discussed together.

I move amendment No. 60:

In page 21, subsection (3), lines 7 to 10, to delete paragraph (b) and substitute the following:

"(b) in relation to fish, the master and owner of the boat concerned commits an offence, and the buyer, handler, weigher, transporter, processor, person storing or documenting and seller of the fish, where he or she could reasonably have been aware that the fish in question contravened a regulation, each commits an offence.”.

It is important that the master and owner of the boat concerned would commit an offence and the buyer, handler, weigher, transporter, processor, person storing or documenting and seller of the fish, where he or she could reasonably have been aware that the fish in question contravened a regulation. I would like to hear the Minister comment on this proposal.

Perhaps my amendment No. 62 should be discussed with these amendments, as it is related?

Amendments Nos. 62 and 69 will be discussed together.

In reply to Deputy Perry, amendment No. 62, which I tabled, covers his point.

That is fine. It does.

Does Deputy Perry wish to discuss amendment No. 66?

The Minister has said in regard to amendment No. 66 that its provisions will be covered in amendment No. 62.

Amendment, by leave, withdrawn.

Amendments Nos. 61 and 67 will be discussed together.

I move amendment No. 61:

In page 21, subsection (3)(b), line 10, after “offence” to insert the following:

"as prescribed in the particular obligations placed upon each of the foregoing in the regulation".

I seek clarification from the Minister. In this section the Bill states that all parties — masters, owners, drivers, processors and buyers — would all be guilty of an offence, but this could not be the same offence. For example, the driver of a truck could not be expected to be held responsible if the fish was illegally caught. This provision needs to be tightened up. The Minister must clarify this matter.

Similarly, the aim of amendment No. 67 is to tighten up the regulation and provide clarification on the offence in regard to all interested parties.

I refer the Deputy to amendment No. 62. I wish to enter a caveat. The prohibition, restrictions and obligations prescribed by the regulations under section 14 have to apply to all fish at any or all stages in the chain from catching to processing. This is to ensure that there is no loophole to defeat the necessary prohibitions that are being put in place.

In deference to Deputy Ferris's point, by virtue of amendment No. 62, section 14(4) is being replaced by provisions which would allow an accused person a reasonable defence in court proceedings, that he or she could not reasonably have known in the circumstances that a regulation was being contravened. There is that defence. There is almost the double defence that it was not possible or reasonable to ascertain that a regulation was being contravened.

My amendment covers the Deputy's points without diluting the Bill so much that it is rendered ineffective. When a trawler lands in the dark of the night or otherwise — sometimes in broad daylight — at a port, and 15 or 20 lorries appear and are filled with fish and driven away to a fish-processing plant or plants, it may be that somewhere en route the driver gets out of the cab and another takes over. If a garda stops him further down the road, he can say that he picked up the load only a few miles away.

When one has such activity, apart from the fact that the chain of events must be followed, it must be done according to EU law. That is what we are trying to do in the Bill, but we are also trying to be fair regarding Deputies' points, and I believe that we have addressed them with a balanced amendment. It is a fairly good defence for someone to say that he could not know something or did not reasonably know it.

Would all those ancillary professions engaged in the fish business not be covered by existing regulations, either through the Department of Communications, Marine and Natural Resources or through the Department of Enterprise, Trade and Employment? Is it not, therefore, the case that they would be breaking other laws and regulations quite apart from the specific cargo?

That may very well be, but the obligation imposed on us by the EU control regulations, particularly after 2002, is that we follow the chain of events the whole way and are able to ensure compliance. What could happen previously was that, because we did not follow the fish, by the time we got to the fish-processing plant or an open market where the fish was being sold, we had no link back and could not prove that the fish had been landed illegally or anything else. That is the increased obligation imposed on us since 2002. In response to Deputy Perry, I said that the Bill was necessitated by the Browne and Kennedy judgments, as well as by the new fisheries control regime since 2002.

How can one formulate an offence that would stand up regarding changing drivers and so on? How would that change the fundamentals?

This section of the Bill follows the fish from the sea to processing and further. The previous legislation was not as joined-up. Deputy Broughan is right to say that, if one could get into the chain, one could probably say that an offence of fraud had been committed, but that would be under other legislation. In this case, we are trying to have a single composite Bill and follow the chain to police the entire operation effectively.

How can one identify the pelagic fish from the source? They are totally different from other fish coming in.

There are obligations on companies and so on regarding transportation. Documents must be completed and filed in order that there is a way of following the paper trail too.

If the Minister is saying that the processing plants are in cahoots with the law-breakers, is that widespread? I would be astonished if reputable businesspeople in a processing plant did that.

There are illegal fish landings, and the fish from them are being processed, so someone is doing it. I am not trying to be smart, but I would wait until we see what the Garda investigation throws up. This is not a case of simple fishermen catching a few tonnes over their limits. There is no doubt that it can happen in genuine circumstances, and that has been the case in the past. We are trying to get at something that is more complex.

I have a final point on the Garda inquiry, which has been ongoing for almost two years. What is the reason for the delay if it is so compelling?

I cannot interfere in a Garda investigation. When allegations were made to me in a letter of September 2004, we immediately referred the matter to the Garda. Everyone is aware that the Garda investigation in that case has been ongoing since. I cannot comment on that and nor should any of us do so. It is a live investigation. Such matters are not simple, and this fairly extensive Garda investigation has taken some time.

We will hear a great deal on Kennedy and Browne, so perhaps we might hold off on them, since we know the Supreme Court judgments. There seems to be a different focus or emphasis on the judgment. For once we must have regard to the Attorney General's advice on that matter. I agree with that advice in one aspect of the Supreme Court judgment with which we will deal. For clarity's sake, we will mention it as we proceed with the Bill.

On a point of clarification, there has been a great deal of media speculation arising from what Deputy Perry and the Minister said. I accept the Minister's concerns in certain areas. It is important that the notion not be spread by the media that all the fishermen and their families — some of whom are beleaguered — are devious criminals. I say succinctly that if there are serious breaches, as is no doubt the case, they should be dealt with severely.

However, 95% of fishermen and their families are decent, hard-working people, a fact sometimes lost on the media. In the last three or four days, from reports that I have read or listened to, and coming from an area partly dependent on fishing, I have got the impression that the entire industry is in cahoots and made up of devious criminals. The converse is true; there are bad apples in every profession. I have no problem with the strictest penalties and criminal sanctions being imposed on those who with premeditation breach the fishing regulations and laws. However, recently someone had the wrong date on a logbook and now faces the prospect of similar charges. We are dealing with the good guys as we deal with the bad, an issue of great concern to me.

I echo those comments. I do not want to digress from the subject, but it is important to realise that when one sees people writing editorials for newspapers, for example, The Irish Times, the same thing applies. The newspaper receives a large proportion of its income from developers and property speculators of all kinds on a weekly basis and there are no articles examining widespread corruption in the building and development industry. Certain auctioneers and developers have ruthlessly and relentlessly driven up prices and prevented young people from securing a roof over their heads. There is no discussion of that in The Irish Times, and no distinguished journalist takes it upon himself or herself to investigate it, owing to the clear conflict of interest in the newspaper. We need transparency across issues. I agree with Deputy O’Donovan.

I meet people in my constituency, as I said last week, who are barely scraping a living out of this industry. They struggle to make ends meet and are just about surviving. This was evident from the shape of our fleet when it came into Dublin Port on the Friday before last. That point must be borne in mind that when we talk about these spectacular cases. After nine and a half years in office, why did Government Members, led by the Minister, not——

The Deputy was given latitude and he has now gone down the wrong road.

People should take the motes out of their eyes before they start looking for imagined motes in those of other people.

I want to return to the point the Minister made regarding the Vincent Browne case and the Kennedy case. If I am correct in my understanding — the Minister might confirm this — sections 14 and 15 and central to the response to the Vincent Browne and Kennedy cases. I am entering dark and difficult waters here because the Minister is dealing with complex legal arguments which I have great difficulty teasing out, despite somebody having explained the various judgments. From a simple analysis and understanding of the matter, it seems we were faced with a difficult choice in being obliged to hold a referendum to amend our accession treaty to the European Union on the basis of the Vincent Browne and Kennedy cases because our ability to enforce European regulations was questioned in the Vincent Browne case. Our response is that rather than doing so — this is possibly the correct approach — is what I would describe as the legislative trick contained in the provisions of sections 14 and 15.

Section 14 sets out the regulations under the 1972 Act and section 15 provides for supplementing those, on a European basis, by way of national regulations. Effectively, sections 14 and 15 are facsimiles of each other. There are, however, some minor differences between them. Section 14(1)(a) refers to “sea-fishing boats”, while section 15(1)(a) refers to “fishing boats”. Section 14(2)(iv)(l) refers to “the size and type of fish”, whereas section 15(2)(a)(iv)(l) refers to the “size and type of species”. If there is a legal challenge to this legislation in the Supreme Court, I am concerned that those involved will check what we are doing and say that we are being too cute. They will note that we are circumventing the constitutional difficulty that applies in terms of the ability to enforce European regulations by way of this Bill, in which we have set out two exactly matching sections.

Under section 15, we are pretending to supplement the Common Fisheries Policy and, therefore, have a national regulatory system which can be used in the courts in the normal way. These are difficult waters. I am not a judge but if I were, my instinct would be to examine this legislation and note that these two sections are exactly the same. Their provisions are not supplementary but are merely copies of each other. The Bill is, therefore, open to legal challenge because these provisions merely constitute a slightly too clever trick and do not address the fundamental flaw in our legal system that was exposed in the Vincent Browne case and the Kennedy judgment?

Will the enactment of this legislation remove the risk of heavy penalties in future? I presume the provisions of this Bill cannot be applied retrospectively.

No, the provisions of this legislation will not be applied retrospectively.

Regarding the fines imposed on the State, there is a long process to be undergone before they are levied and the reasoned opinion has been issued and it is similar, in most respects, to the letter issued to France. It points out the alleged deficiencies in our fishery control policy. My job is to go to the Commission and outline, fairly extensively, as I intend to do next Monday, what we have done to implement the Common Fisheries Policy. I will outline the changes we have made in terms of decommissioning and the monitoring mechanisms we have introduced. I will also highlight the fact that we are increasing our sea fisheries protection service and that we are introducing very strong legislation — I thought I would be advising that Bill had passed through the Houses — to give effect to some of the new controls that the EU required of us. I want to put the case to the EU that while we are not perfect, we are taking this matter very seriously. I will outline what we are doing and ask for breathing room to allow us to do that. If we cannot argue the case strongly enough or if we do so and the Commission still decides it will proceed with the imposing of fines, the latter will, as in the case of beef, etc., be retrospective.

This legislation, which deals specifically with fishermen, the fishing industry and the regulation of the Common Fisheries Policy in Ireland, cannot be retrospectively applied. We cannot apply some of the penalties or any of the new law retrospectively. Much of the existing law is repeated in the legislation. Some of the provisions it contains are the same as those in existing legislation. Technically, therefore it is the same law.

With regard to the points made in respect of sections 14 and 15, the Deputies are correct to a certain extent. Deputy Eamon Ryan made the point that section 15 is a repetition of section 14. He is correct to the extent that section 14 updates and replaces section 224(b) of the Fisheries Consolidation Act 1959 for the purpose of applying, by ministerial regulations, detailed requirements of the Common Fisheries Policies of the European Communities in respect of matters for which the State has no discretion as regards the principles or policies both beyond as well as within the exclusive 200 nautical miles exclusive fisheries zone. In other words, section 14 deals with our obligations under the Common Fisheries Policy in respect of which we have no discretion. We must, therefore, comply with them.

Section 15 allows the State to prescribe national measures where the EU has not specified details to do this. Our national common fisheries policy leaves it to the member states to regulate the local fishing element. Some of the Common Fisheries Policy, the EU aspect of it, so to speak, deals with certain species and does not deal with others. For example, we must deal with mussels, oysters, lobsters and so on under section 15 and deal with the European element under section 14. That is the explanation for the two sections.

Does the Minister accept that the only difference between the two sections, which I must read again in detail, is that 15(1)(d) provides we will allow in our national regulation “nets and their usage during any time or season or any place within the exclusive fishery limits or internal waters”? That is the reason I am suspicious. In my opinion, any court would be suspicious that this is more a legislative trick rather than an addition or a requirement based on having a European system that we are obliged to enforce and our own national supplement measures. With the exception of that additional subsection, I cannot see any other quantitative or substantive difference.

I question the reason that provision is not included because the European Union regulations prescribe, in certain instances, nets and their usage. I find it strange that this provision is not included in 14(1). I am happy if this can be proven to stand up in court and if the courts agree that this is a way of dealing with the problem posed by the Vincent Browne case. This, however, is a major and fundamentally important issue, not only for the marine area but it also has implications in respect of the implementation of all European regulations. I am not a constitutional lawyer but I am wary that this provision will not stand up. I find it hard to believe that the only national regulations we can apply cover nets and their usage. While I take the point that stocks are treated in different ways, that there are quotas for some and not for others, the two sections do not reflect this.

Is it the case that under section 14 there is provision for retrospection in respect of European law?

We will not be able to prosecute somebody for offences committed before the Bill is passed. Any prosecutions up to the time the Bill is enacted and signed into law will fall under the old legislation. Some of the provisions of the Bill are similar to those included in the old legislation which we must use until the Bill is passed.

With the Attorney General and the Parliamentary Counsel, we will take the Supreme Court judgment into account. That is the way it has been decided to deal with the matter. I will not attempt to summarise the judgment but the message from the court was that the principles of the Common Fisheries Policy had be stated. Regulations to give effect to these principles and separate the national——

Is it not true that the Supreme Court found in the Browne and Kennedy cases that fishery regulations made to give effect to EU law and policy obligations were ultra vires the parent Act, namely, the Fisheries (Consolidation) Act 1959, as amended? This arose because the regulations had been made pursuant to a general regulation which did not specifically provide that the power could be used to give effect to EU law. The implications of these cases affect all areas of law, not just fisheries. Is that correct?

That is what was said but——

Yes but to clarify the matter for the committee, is that not what the Supreme Court found?

I do not have the judgment in front of me.

In view of the finding in the Browne case, it was surprising that the Government did not bring forward legislation dealing with all 15 Departments. As the Chairman said, the Browne case did not exclusively concern marine issues. The outcome impacts on every Department but the regulations involved were applied at an accelerated pace in fisheries.

Eighteen months is not an accelerated pace.

That applies to only one Department. What about the other 14 Departments?

I have responsibility for one, with which I will deal. The judgment related specifically to section 223A of the 1959 Act.

For the sake of clarity, did the Supreme Court not state——

The Chairman need not ask me. I am not a lawyer. I am only telling the committee what I am doing in this Bill.

The members and I read the Supreme Court judgment and the brief on it. The Supreme Court found that the prosecutions taken under section 223A were ultra vires because they had been taken by regulations and had no regard to the parent Act. Is that correct?

That is absolutely correct. That is why we need this Bill.

I do not have a problem in principle with sections 14 and 15 of the Bill as I have no problem with what the Minister is trying to do. This ultra vires rule, however, has created problems. I am not an expert but as I understand it, we are dealing with primary legislation and secondary legislation or statutory instruments.

When we joined the EEC, we did not introduce primary legislation but eventually the Kennedy and Browne judgments caught up with us. I support what the Minister is trying to do because if there is a lacuna or vacuum, the relevant Department is obliged to rectify it. While I understand the principle underlying Deputy Eamon Ryan's point, I have no problem with sections 14 and 15.

I am worried about the French versus the Irish situation and the suggestion we may face hefty fines. French fishermen were catching undersized fish, which is a serious criminal offence. Fishing organisations recognise that that is what wiped out the cod industry in Newfoundland where small fish were being caught and prevented from maturing and reproducing. That was serious but French fishermen ignored it for 14 years until they were shown the red card. The Irish situation developed as two Irish vessels fishing off Norway were over their quotas but they were fishing for mature fish. The yellow card was shown to Ireland because the Norwegian authority complained that the Department here had not provided a satisfactory explanation for the Commission. These are horses of a different colour.

I do not have a crystal ball but I do not want the view to spread that the French situation is parallel to the Irish one because it is not. The activity engaged in by French fishermen was highly criminal, whereas the two Irish vessels were engaged in a different activity. I do not condone it but it was different. It is important to treat like with like. I do not want the Irish taxpayer to be hit with heavy fines. The French were issued with a yellow card and waited 14 years. They were then hit with Articles 226 and 228 to enforce the judgment. The Commission stated that if they continued to ignore the penalty, they would have to pay a larger fine of €57 million every six months, which is a major imposition but the Commission was right. It is necessary to make that clear.

Listening to some of the media participants on "Questions and Answers" last night it was obvious that there was a misunderstanding in the public view that the Irish situation was exactly the same as the French one. They are not parallel. Any threat of action by the Commission must be taken seriously. I am glad the Minister is clarifying the matter.

As I said, 98% of the Bill is all right, subject to our tweaking amendments. There is another tsunami ahead in which I will be swimming against the tide but I hope none of us will be drowned in that argument.

We have received the judgment of the European Court, C/317/02, which members have discussed formally and informally. On 2 February 1999, after establishing that the data in its possession indicated that the Irish quotas for certain fish box stocks subject to quota had been exceeded, the Commission sent a letter of formal notice to Ireland, in accordance with the procedures set out in the EU treaty in matters of failure to fulfil obligations and called on Ireland to submit its observations within two months. In its reply, dated 6 April 1999, Ireland stated the Commission's figures for fish catches contained substantive errors attributable to mistaken or incorrect recordings or landings by Irish vessels. In this regard, it pointed out that it had experienced difficulties in monitoring the landings from Irish vessels in Norway.

As the Commission was not satisfied with the reply provided by Ireland, it addressed a reasoned opinion to Ireland on 12 March 2001, calling on it to adopt the measures necessary for compliance with that opinion within two months of its notification. As Ireland did not reply to that reasoned opinion, the Commission decided to bring an action under Article 228. In effect, if Ireland is not seen to be doing something about the Court of Justice ruling in case C317/02, the case taken by the Commission against Ireland under Article 226, the Commission will take a case against Ireland under Article 228, as it did against France. The Department has exposed Ireland to potential fines, similar to those imposed on France for its failure to respect the Court of Justice ruling in case C64/88, the case taken by the Commission against France under Article 226, which led to case C04/02. That is the difficulty. As members will be aware, this information was circulated to them some months ago.

In response to the point raised by Deputy O''Donovan about the numbers involved in "illegality", on a number of occasions I have used the adjective "illegal" to describe the practice in which a small number have been involved. Until I hear to the contrary, I want to believe that is the position. Some of those involved in the industry have tried to paint me as someone who has no interest, except in having a go at the industry. I have no interest in having a go at it per se. I would like to see it thrive but it cannot do so in a culture of organised criminality. The sooner those who are involved in criminality are purged from the industry, the better all round.

The Deputy is correct and I accept his bona fides. While he has made very strong representations on various aspects and the level of fines provided for in the Bill, I must acknowledge that at all times he has stated wrongdoers must be punished and that the punishment must fit the crime. I also accept the point he made about France, that no two cases the European Commission will take will be exactly similar, but although they may not be exactly similar, they are parallel in that the French case was taken for a failure to ensure sea fisheries control. The reasoned opinions and letters we have received are in respect of the necessity to tighten sea fisheries control and convince the Commission that we are serious about such controls.

In regard to case 317/02, the Chairman has mentioned that the Department responded to the case outlining the various actions taken to deal with the matter. Our understanding is that it is unlikely the case will be pursued further, as we satisfied the Commission that we had taken serious action on foot of it. However, a new case commenced in March 2005 identified what the Commission had alleged were control failures in the monitoring of catches, specific control issues, the sanctioning system and the annual control report. It is viewed by our legal advisers as a major case that needs to be taken very seriously. Measures such as deploying additional sea fisheries officers, decommissioning, the establishment of a sea fisheries authority, as well as other provisions in the Bill are designed to impress upon the Commission that we are taking this issue very seriously. We are trying to avoid a fine, if at all possible.

I am not asking the Minister to disclose anything that is sub judice. However, I am aware that the Criminal Assets Bureau launched a vigorous assault on the industry in Killybegs, in particular. Does the case taken by the Commission arise from it?

I do not think it arises from that case. It may have been in train before it.

Would the investigation initiated by the Commission on the Department have triggered subsequent events?

The honest answer is that I do not know. The allegations being investigated by the CAB and others arise from a letter received in the Department in September 2004. We informed the Commission of those investigations and it may have arisen as a result of that disclosure. I could not say so for definite and the Deputy would have to put the question to the Commission. There is no doubt but that since 2002 the Commission has dealt very seriously with fishery control breaches. We are next up. I understand major cases are in the offing. Papers have been issued to the Spanish and I have no doubt that papers will also be issued to the Dutch and the United Kingdom. There is a general tightening and the message from the Commission is loud and clear that what we all have perceived as happening across Europe is no longer acceptable to it and that it will do something about it.

What we need to do is get our house in order and to be in a position at Council level — I have given an undertaking to the committee that we will do this — to put the mechanisms in place in order that our fishermen will not be put at a disadvantage. Deputies hear about foreign trawlers and fishermen flouting the law in our waters. We need to get rid of this and have a level playing field. Once we do this everybody will know what he or she is entitled to and what he o she can fish, ensuring a good living for everybody. If we do not take action quickly, there will be no living for anybody.

I accept the Minister's bona fides and it is very important that this issue is clarified. Under the recently enlarged European Union, our quota has been reduced from more than 4% to less than 3% of the entire EU quota. What is very important to the Irish fishing industry and the people I represent is that sanctions are imposed across the board, against the Spanish, the Dutch, the French and so on. When one considers the size of the Irish national quota vis-à-vis our territorial waters, we are getting a very raw deal. I have no problem with the Department responding to the Commission, but at the same time I would be disappointed if other countries were getting away with breaches, while Ireland as a “minnow” was being sanctioned. I am asking the Minister to ensure the big players will also face sanctions for breaches. There is no point in taking out the Irish fishing industry, while allowing the Spanish fishing industry to expand and become the monster in the pack.

I thought we were discussing the amendments. It appears we have strayed into a meeting of the Fianna Fáil parliamentary party.

The Deputy would be educated if he did.

We have witnessed the people concerned stroking each other. Fianna Fáil is responsible for all this as it has been in power for the past ten years. Will the Minister ensure the issue of ministerial and Civil Service responsibility is examined in regard to these breaches? We heard this morning that returns had not been made for three years. Clearly, there is political responsibility and a case to be answered by the Minister; his predecessor, Deputy Ahern, and the Minister of State, Deputy Fahey. I have no doubt that the matter will come before the Committee of Public Accounts in years to come.

From now on will there be two sets of powers, one set of regulations under which one may regulate under the Common Fisheries Policy and a second which could be different? Notwithstanding the Common Fisheries Policy, I was attempting to make it possible for us to do certain things if we wished to do so. The Minister has said certain aspects do not pertain to that policy. Is he saying there will be parallel regimes, to make sure cases such as the Browne and Kennedy cases do not arise? Is he also saying we are covered under the regulations, that they refer to the position in 2006, not 1959, and that he may make other regulations under section 15? Will that be the ultimate outcome?

Before the Minister replies, it is important to clarify a number of matters and issues in order to set the tone for the remainder of the Bill.

I sat here for over five years while Deputy Fahey was Minister, for over three while Deputy Ahern was Minister and for over two years while Deputy Gallagher was Minister. There is now another one. It is as if people walked into the room and did not know the Common Fisheries Policy had been in place for 30 years and that it provided for the issuing of yellow cards and so on. We should have put a fair regime in place. I accept that we are now trying to do so but the Minister must take responsibility in this regard. Will he look back to see who was responsible?

To take up Deputy Broughan's point on the five fishery harbours and the malaise evident for years, is it not an indication of failure over nine years of——

What does this have to do with the amendment? Will the Deputies, please, stop? We agreed to deal with the sea-fisheries legislation in our work programme.

(Interruptions).

The Minister has stated that if fines are levied, the Department will be unable to deliver.

I thought we had clarified the issues raised in the Browne and Kennedy cases.

They have not been clarified.

They have to a certain extent.

We are all at sea.

I am not. We had a discussion about the EU opinion and must now get back to amendment No. 61. Will the Minister clarify an important issue for members? In the context of France versus Ireland, there is a world of a difference when it comes to illegal fishing.

I will try to clarify the issue which is relevant to amendment No. 61. Section 14 deals with implementing EU regulations under the Common Fisheries Policy. Section 15 deals with national measures, for example, inshore management measures in the case of lobster and so on, for species not covered under EU legislation which must be regulated in line with the Common Fisheries Policy. Deputy Broughan asked whether these measures ran parallel or represented a duplicate system. In a sense, they are. One mirrors the other, but one applies to fish covered by the Common Fisheries Policy, while the other covers national measures relating to other species. The measures are a direct response to the judgments in the Browne and Kennedy cases. It could be said section 14 deals with the judgment in the Browne case, while section 15 deals with the judgment in the Kennedy case.

On the question of being answerable, the committee has done an excellent job in making Ministers accountable to committees of the House and will continue to do so.

How stands amendment No. 61?

As the issue has not been addressed, I am pressing it.

Amendment put and declared lost.

As amendments Nos. 62 and 69 are cognate, they will be discussed together.

I move amendment No. 62:

In page 21, lines 11 to 14, to delete subsection (4) and substitute the following:

"(4) In any proceedings for an offence under this section it shall be for the accused to show (as the case may be)—

(a) entitlement to any exemption or relief from any prohibition or restriction or requirement alleged to have been contravened, or

(b) that in the circumstances it was not possible to know or not reasonable to ascertain that a regulation was being contravened.".

We referred to this amendment previously in discussing the amendments tabled by Deputies Ferris, Perry and Broughan. The amendment proposes to allow an accused person a reasonable defence that in the circumstances he or she could not have reasonably known that a regulation was being contravened. Paragraph (b) provides another defence which supplements the defence in subsection (4) which is restated in paragraph (a) of the amendment.

We will discuss amendment No. 69 in order that we will not have to deal with it later. We will conclude on section 14.

Amendment No. 69 is a substantive amendment. It proposes to allow an accused person a reasonable defence that in the circumstances he or she could not have reasonably known that a regulation was being contravened. Paragraph (b) thus supplements the defence in subsection (4) which is restated in paragraph (a) of the amendment.

Will the same condition apply to both sections?

Amendment agreed to.
Section 14, as amended, agreed to.
Sitting suspended at 4.30 p.m. and resumed at 5.20 p.m.
SECTION 15.

I move amendment No. 63:

In page 21, subsection (1), lines 15 and 16, to delete all words from and including "The" in line 15 down to and including "policy" in line 16 and substitute the following:

"Notwithstanding the common fisheries policy, the Minister may".

We discussed this issue at length earlier. I read the explanatory memorandum relating to the main terms of the Bill. As stated earlier, we should take a more muscular approach to the Common Fisheries Policy. Regardless of what transpires in politics in the next few years, our approach will become more muscular and definitive. I wanted to have this provision inserted as an indication that this is the way forward. I am sure many of those involved in the fisheries industry, if they understood this issue as well as most of us here, would agree with that.

The amendment is in line with others discussed in the past couple of days. I cannot accept it because the Common Fisheries Policy, as well as specifying measures to be adopted throughout the Union, specifically allows member states discretion as to the national implementation measures to be taken in certain cases. In Ireland's case, for example, such measures would relate to lobsters, mussels and so on. The national measures must be compatible with the Common Fisheries Policy as outlined in the section.

I refer the Minister to the inauguration of the Common Fisheries Policy, the various debates that took place before the 2002 review in Gothenburg and so on. Is it not the case that these functions already exist within the European Union in general terms and that, first and foremost, the member states are sovereign? During our discussions on the previous occasion, I used the analogy of the energy policy and stated that Ireland would have to give careful consideration to the common energy policy the rest of central Europe wants to adopt. However, we must consider what is in our best interests. In that regard, we must consider the history of the CAP and the Common Fisheries Policy in terms of how they panned out. Is it not the case that, given our sovereignty — ultimately, the Union is not a federation but rather is, at most, a confederation of states — there could be some competences which we would like to reserve solely for Ireland and this Parliament?

I refer the Deputy to my earlier remarks on this. We cannot unilaterally decide that we are going to change the Common Fisheries Policy. If we wished to do so, we would have to follow the correct process. The Deputy is correct that we have sovereignty in regard to particular matters. In many respects, that is what this section involves. However, any national measures that Ireland wishes to put in place must be compatible with the Common Fisheries Policy. I am not saying that this is what the Deputy is suggesting but we cannot decide, willy-nilly, to introduce national regulations that are not compatible with the Common Fisheries Policy. Deputy Broughan stated that Ireland is not a federal state and so on but it has agreed to share its sovereignty. In that regard, the Common Fisheries Policy takes precedence and any rules and regulations we put in place in this area must be compatible with that policy, which was reviewed in 2002.

On a point of information, leaving politics aside for a moment — given that this happened when the rainbow Government was leaving office — I understood that the review, which carried on during the Government's first term in office, would focus on the economic viability of peripheral coastal communities and in that regard referred, in the main, to Ireland. In that context, did the Department undertake a cost-benefit analysis of the impact of the Common Fisheries Policy on Ireland? A distinguished journalist, Mr. Quinlan, once made the extraordinary statement that what we had lost in the marine was significantly greater than anything we had gained through social, cohesion or agricultural funds. Does that statement have any basis in fact? Is it time — I presume all parties would engage in such an exercise following this valuable discussion — that an analysis was carried out in respect of the benefits of the Common Fisheries Policy to Ireland? What has this policy done for Ireland? Is it, as many of those who have studied it intricately——

That is a discussion for another day.

It is not. I am making the point that putting policy to one side, has the Department ever undertaken a cost-benefit analysis of the Common Fisheries Policy? Is it true that Ireland has been badly damaged by it? In other words, had we not joined Europe in 1973, Ireland would be a different country. We could also ask whether Ireland would be more like Norway had it not entered the then EEC. Would we have done pretty well irrespective of the European Union? As everyone knows, Britain's decision and other matters had a bearing on that. Has anyone ever analysed what the Common Fisheries Policy has done for us or what it has taken from our waters?

The type of cost-benefit analysis to which the Deputy refers has never been carried out. I do not believe anybody in Ireland would claim that we got a good deal for the fisheries sector when we joined the EU because the concentration was elsewhere at that stage and our fishing industry was small. However, it has been improved by successive Governments in the interim.

The Common Fisheries Policy was reviewed in 1983, 1992 and 2002. The next review is due in 2012. In respect of all of these reviews, particularly the most recent, widespread consultation took place. When the review arose, this was approached in a spirit of partnership between the industry, the Department and the Government to try to maximise the benefits to the country. That will continue to be the approach in regard to the industry.

It is a valuable industry, particularly to rural communities along the west coast, both economically and in the context of employment. As far as I am aware, a cost-benefit analysis has not been carried out.

Amendment, by leave, withdrawn.

I move amendment No. 64:

In page 22, subsection (2)(a)(v), line 6, to delete “, processor” and substitute “or processor”.

This is a drafting amendment to make a grammatical correction.

Amendment agreed to.

I move amendment No. 65:

In page 22, subsection (2)(a), between lines 10 and 11, to insert the following:

"(vi) A requirement for all Irish and foreign fishing boats to provide by electronic format daily information on the recent quota allocation and landing information in relation to the boat,".

As I already made my point, I will withdraw the amendment rather than repeat what I said.

Amendment, by leave, withdrawn.
Amendment No. 66 not moved.

I move amendment No. 67:

In page 22, subsection (3)(b), line 32, after “offence” to insert the following:

"as prescribed in the particular obligations placed upon each of the foregoing in the regulation".

As we have already discussed the amendment, I will withdraw it.

Amendment, by leave, withdrawn.

Mr. Eamon Ryan

I move amendment 68:

In page 22, subsection (3), between lines 32 and 33, to insert the following:

"(c) In relation to the provision of information regarding quota or fish landing information, the master and owner of the boat concerned and the buyer, handler, weigher, transporter, processor, person storing or documenting and seller of the fish each commits an offence.".

As this amendment repeats a point I made at length earlier, I will withdraw it.

Amendment, by leave, withdrawn.

I move amendment No. 69:

In page 22, lines 33 to 36, to delete subsection (4) and substitute the following:

"(4) In any proceedings for an offence under this section it shall be for the accused to show (as the case may be)—

(a) entitlement to any exemption or relief from any prohibition or restriction or requirement alleged to have been contravened, or

(b) that in the circumstances it was not possible to know or not reasonable to ascertain that a regulation was being contravened.”.

Amendment agreed to.

I move amendment No. 70:

In page 22, between lines 38 and 39, to insert the following subsection:

"(6) The Minister, in exercising his powers under this section to supplement the common fisheries policy shall have regard to the impact of such regulations so as not to adversely impact upon the competitive position of the Irish fishing industry.".

This amendment relates to the Minister going beyond the powers of the European Union on Ireland's behalf. Its purpose is to impose an obligation on the Minister to take into account the effect on Ireland of fishing by our EU counterparts by trying to obtain additional quota and ensure that Irish fishermen are not disadvantaged. It is more aspirational than anything. Perhaps the Minister would take it on board.

I am sure the Deputy's aspiration is shared by all members. We should not put our fishermen at a competitive disadvantage. However, one cannot put such an aspiration into a Bill because it would then become law. The reason for the Common Fisheries Policy and the resulting legislation relates largely to the long-term sustainability of fish stocks. That must be the overriding objective. We cannot provide in legislation that we will preserve fish so long as it does not affect Ireland economically. I accept the Deputy's overriding concern, which is shared by everybody on the committee. However, it is not possible under EU law to go down the route he suggests. It would not be good for fish stocks either.

Amendment put and declared lost.
Section 15, as amended, agreed to.
SECTION 16.

I move amendment No. 71:

In page 22, subsection (1), between lines 45 and 46, to insert the following:

"(b) a person appointed under subsection (1), or authorised under subsection (2)(a), of section 52,”.

This amendment is required to include in the definition of a "sea-fisheries protection officer", for the purposes of the Sea-Fisheries Acts 2003 and 2006, such persons as are appointed sea-fisheries protection officers under the new section 52(1) of the Bill or authorised to act as such under section 52(2)(a) of the Bill by the sea-fisheries protection authority to be established under Chapter 5 of Part 2 of the Bill.

Amendment agreed to.

I move amendment No. 72:

In page 23, between lines 10 and 11, to insert the following subsection:

"(3) The Secretary General may, in agreement with any body established by or under statute, authorise persons who are officers of that body to—

(a) perform such functions of a sea-fisheries protection officer under this Act, or

(b) assist a sea-fisheries protection officer in exercising such functions,

in such circumstances or area, to such extent and subject to such conditions as he or she may specify in the authorisation.".

This amendment is designed to allow for additional expert resources to be called upon, if needed, to help enforce sea-fisheries law in particular areas — for example, wild shellfish areas, estuaries, etc. — or at particular times, such as fish spawning or harvesting periods.

Will the Minister indicate that there is not a dichotomy in involving the Secretary General at this point? Given that this is such an intricate Bill and that it has been changed so much, are we in line with the original decision that the Minister will authorise officials of the Department and not a non-elected official?

That is a good point. I will check it and make sure of it for Report Stage. The Deputy may have a point.

Amendment agreed to.
Section 16, as amended, agreed to.
SECTION 17.

I move amendment No. 73:

In page 23, subsection (1)(b)(iii), line 28, to delete “sea food” and substitute “seafood”.

This is a typographical amendment to achieve consistency in terminology.

Amendment agreed to.

I move amendment No. 74:

In page 24, subsection (1), between lines 43 and 44, to insert the following:

"(m) A Sea Fishery Protection Officer shall exercise his or her powers under this section subject to the understanding that the person suspected of having committed an offence for which that person may elect to pay a fixed penalty in respect of, in accordance with section 28 of this Act.”.

The purpose of this amendment is to deal with an offence in an administrative way rather than treating it as a criminal offence. It has been well argued in recent weeks, in consultations with the fishing organisations, that provision should be made to allow for dealing administratively with minor offences rather than making them the subject of criminal sanctions. The advice of the Attorney General is that we cannot have administrative sanctions. However, this is the norm throughout the EU. We believe the Attorney General is wrong. The legal advice this committee received goes some way towards advancing my argument.

It is ridiculous that a person who is brought to court for a minor offence, having perhaps inadvertently exceeded the quota or entered the wrong date in a log book, could end up with a criminal conviction. We must make every effort to ensure that those engaged in the industry are not criminalised because of the actions of a few. Much of what is proposed could have the effect of criminalising the entire industry. I ask, therefore, that the Minister accept the amendment.

Does the section deal only with the powers of sea fisheries protection officers in regard to inspection, examination and detention?

We are dealing with administrative penalties.

We are not dealing with them as yet.

We are because it is what is being proposed.

Are we dealing with the wrong section?

No. We are in the deep end.

I support Deputy Ferris's amendment. We have had a lengthy discussion and, therefore, there is no point rehearsing all the intricate details. During the hearings, the Chairman put forward some interesting ideas. The Minister responded in detail and did not appear to think that administrative penalties were unconstitutional but, because of the nature of the fishing industry, was of the view that they could not be applied. Most of the evidence indicates that administrative penalties are widely used in the civil law system throughout Europe.

The other major element is that the Minister has approved at least four sets of administrative penalties in respect of the communications side of his brief. In effect, this is the Department of communications, energy, fisheries and broadcasting. On the communications-broadcasting side, the Minister asked the Attorney General if he could have four European directives transposed into Irish law. The Attorney General said that he could do so. The Minister told me a few days ago that he made the change. He effectively acknowledged that administrative penalties apply. We have seen the background to this. My party leader was concerned about the legality of administrative penalties in regard to the financial services industry and the communications industry. The Taoiseach confirmed in a letter to Deputy Rabbitte that administrative penalties are constitutional and that there was no reason they could not be incorporated into the legislation.

If the Government remains in office for another 14 months, we will be dealing with the communications Bill, during which time the Minister will introduce major fines so that ComReg can finally regulate mobile phone rip-off operators, unbundling and all the other issues which have bedevilled his ministry so far. If he can introduce this measure in one area of business, why can he not do so in another area? The information which has been forthcoming appears to strengthen the case. A supporter of mine sent me a copy of a consultation paper on the system of administrative penalties for fisheries offences, produced by the British Department for Environment, Food and Rural Affairs, which indicates that there is a move towards administrative penalties in the United Kingdom. The report, Net Benefits, published by the British Prime Minister's strategy unit on 25 March 2004 said that criminal penalties should be reserved for persistent and extreme criminal behaviour and, for the rest, the imposition of administrative penalties would be a sufficient deterrent. It recommends that the fisheries departments should "introduce simple administrative penalties and 'points' systems where the costs of infringements are transparent and predictable to the industry and most offences are decriminalised" and that this should involve developing a system of automatic administrative penalties, including a points system for licences.

There is a range of documentation available on this subject. While the new Scottish Parliament is not fully independent, the Scottish Executive published A Sustainable Framework for Scottish Sea Fisheries in July 2005. One of its strategic aims is to explore options for a wider system of administrative penalties "as an alternative or complement to prosecution". The Scottish Executive is discussing proposals for Scotland in parallel with this exercise. There is a whole range of other developments in the UK, including those put forward by the Scottish Parliament, the Welsh Assembly and the British Government, which appear to be leading the way towards many types of fixed penalty systems throughout Scotland, England and Wales.

It appears that Ireland will be the odd man out in the European Union. People accept that while we should throw the law book at persistent offenders who have done severe criminal damage to our national resources and that they should be punished severely by way of criminal sanctions, it should be possible to put in place an administrative penalty system.

I suggested in a recent letter to the Chairman that the Minister might consider setting out a parallel system based on the traffic laws. Deputy Rabbitte was trying to discover if there is constitutional protection for all administrative penalties. His original concern related to communications and financial services. He felt that there might be a lacuna in the Constitution in regard to this matter and that an amendment could be necessary. However, the Taoiseach told him that this was not the case. I suggested to the Chairman that, in instances where skippers inadvertently took on board an additional part of a quota on a particular day and where they did not set out to defraud the country or the Union but merely wanted to remain within the law, rather than such individuals being hauled before the District Court, this system could be applied. Based on the traffic penalties system, I suggested that there could be a system of penalties for minor offences which would run parallel to a system of criminal interventions in respect of very serious offences which damage the country. The Minister's mantra last week involved protecting taxpayers. I wish it had been his mantra seven or eight years ago when he introduced the mad concept of electronic voting machines, which resulted in €70 million going down the drain. The machines to which I refer are rotting in some warehouse.

The Deputy's party supported their introduction.

I did not vote for it.

The Deputy was not in the House but his party voted for the proposal.

The Minister should check the record. I tabled a motion against the Minister during the consultations.

We must stick to the discussion on the amendment.

The Deputy supported the proposal in the House.

I did not.

The Deputy's party supported the proposal.

The point I am making is that the Minister has become a convert to the role of protecting taxpayers. If he wishes to do so, it is fair enough. Everyone likes to protect the Exchequer. One of the problems with the Bill is that there are two logjams, of which this is the first. The Minister should give consideration to this aspect because there appears to be a precedent for this throughout Europe. I am aware that there is a difference between civil and common law. It appears that the country which gave us the common law has now gone down the administrative law route. I know that the Minister often examines Ofcom's website to check what the English are up to and what ComReg should be doing. Ofcom has major powers in terms of its 10% turnover. If it wishes, it can fine people in an administrative way, which is why it got its broadband moving.

I ask the Minister to offer coherent leadership and to pull his Department together. Deputy Ferris's amendment provides a way of introducing an administrative penalty at this point.

This is an important amendment, which deals with the introduction of administrative sanctions. The conflicting view of the Attorney General is that we cannot introduce administrative sanctions. The Minister stated last week they were unsuitable as opposed to unconstitutional. Could non-criminal sanctions, in meeting the tests of swiftness and effectiveness as referred to elsewhere by the Minister, not meet the exact same requirement of the law if properly policed? Would the same result not be achieved regardless of whether breaches were dealt with by way of administrative sanctions or as criminal offences? If administrative sanctions have not been swift or effective, why then has the EU Commission publically indicated they would be its preferred choice? Is the Minister aware of EU court proceedings being taken against any country which routinely employs administrative sanctions as part of its control and enforcement framework in respect of breaches? Fines could be effective administrative sanctions. The problem, as stated by the Minister, lies in the Department's inability to police this. The introduction of administrative sanctions could be dissuasive and are the preferred choice of the European Commission.

Am I correct that what the Deputy is supporting is the introduction of a range of administrative sanctions in regard to lesser penalties. He is not, I presume, advocating the use of administrative sanctions in regard to serious, systematic crime or illegal fishing. Is that the Deputy's position?

That is correct. We must remember that administrative sanctions not dealt with within 30 days fall to be dealt with by the courts.

Has either the Select Committee on Communications, Marine and Natural Resources or the joint committee at any stage advocated the introduction of administrative sanctions in regard to serious offences?

No. Serious penalties and serious fines were mentioned.

Is the answer to my question "No"?

We are approaching the core issue of the Bill. The amendment before us touches on and leads into the issue of how penalties are to be imposed. In considering this, a number of matters need clarification. I have defended many fishermen during my time as a solicitor. While they are no angels, fishermen operate in a difficult and dangerous environment. They know it is not in their interests for the seas to be raped. They want a continuing supply of fish available to them. That is the basis on which they operate. They are not foolish enough to believe they can rape the seas now and still have fish available to them in the future. They want a reasonable regime, to at least play by the same rules and to operate under the same regulations as their European counterparts while being subject to the same penalties. It is important we ensure that is what happens because if fishermen believe they are operating under a different, more difficult or stricter regime they will feel considerably more disadvantaged than their European competitors in the fishing industry. Fishermen believe they have been blackened by the campaign of propaganda emanating from the Minister and his Department in relation to the Bill. They are not opposed to the legislation, they accept the need for a proper regime. They want to ensure the Bill, when enacted, will afford them the same rights as their European competitors.

There is one other issue which I should touch on before getting to the central issue of administrative sanctions. Fishermen believe the propaganda in relation to fines from the European Union is just that, pure propaganda. Their understanding is that the infringement proceedings taken against France arose because the French department did not comply with the requirements to furnish data under the Common Fisheries Policy. They further understand the infringement proceedings initiated or raised by the EU in terms of Ireland's obligation under the Common Fisheries policy relate to the Department's failure to comply with requirements, in particular, the requirement to furnish data on fishing effort. If that is so, it is wrong and unfair to drag that issue into the current discussion in an effort to blacken the name of the fishermen. I invite the Minister to clarify that point. If he or his Department have difficulty furnishing data requested by the European Union as regards fishing effort since 2002 — which I understand to be the case — he should say so and tell us what he is doing about it. He should not drag red herrings into the discussion and pretend it is the non-activities of fishermen that is resulting in taxpayers being potentially exposed to fines from the European Union. The problem, as I understand it, lies solely with the Department of Communications, Marine and Natural Resources. It is important we get that issue out of the way before dealing with the central issue of administrative sanctions.

The representatives of fishing organisations to whom I have spoken do not want cowboys operating in the industry because they are of no advantage to the fishing industry or the country. I agree such people must be dealt with and brought before the courts on indictment if necessary and that they must be penalised accordingly. I fully support that. Any suggestion that the Opposition or fishing organisations are suggesting otherwise is wrong. We are speaking here about how minor or technical offences should be dealt with.

I am simply trying to reach out to the Minister who has taken charge of the Bill, the initial reports about which were tough. I invite him to tell the committee if the political will exists to find a solution that deals adequately with the issue of minor and technical offences and ensures all fishermen in this country face the same type of regime, penalties and approach as their counterparts in the European Union. One can boil down the issue to that. If the Minister is prepared to accept that fundamental approach we will be able to find a solution to the stand-off. The solution may involve matters being dealt with, to some extent, before the District Court, certain other issues being dealt with, possibly, on the basis of consent by the defendant and the adoption of an approach which already exists in other legislation in terms of on-the-spot fines. On-the-spot fines are sanctions that are supported by law. People have the choice of refusing to pay an on-the-spot fine and bringing the matter before the courts. The main complaint I have heard from fishermen and the fishing organisations relates to unnecessary visits to the courts and the substantial costs involved in that regard. Will the Minister say whether there is a willingness on his part to understand the genuine sense of unfairness felt by fishermen? Is there a willingness on his part to explore ways in which a solution may be found to deal with minor and technical offences — in some instances, possibly first offences — similar to the system which applies on the Continent and what is now to be introduced in the United Kingdom? Is Ireland to be the only country in the European Union which will have a system under which fishermen will feel considerably disadvantaged?

In support of my colleagues I invite the Minister to approach the issue in the rational manner in which I have presented it. He will not find the Opposition or the fishing organisations wanting if he indicates he is prepared to search for a solution. There is a solution if he is prepared to search for it.

Deputy Broughan made a suggestion that there should be a sos between 6 p.m. and 6.30 p.m. because we had reached a critical stage. It has been a long day for us, but since we are dealing with such an important issue, I wonder whether the sos might be delayed until 6.15 p.m. or later in order that we can have a final rally up to 8 p.m. I would like to speak on this issue.

Perhaps we might continue until 6.30 p.m. and then take a sos for half an hour.

Is that agreed? Agreed.

There have been calls from various parties in the past few weeks for the Bill to be withdrawn and the process to be started again. That was never my view. Based on what Deputy O'Keeffe has been saying, there are many aspects to the Bill that are essential and it is important that they are included. I have spoken to fishing industry representatives at length and they recognise that there are many issues which must be dealt with urgently. We must not lose sight of this. It is important, however, for me to offer my deeply felt views on the issue of the proposed penalties and so on.

The Cabinet has taken advice from the Attorney General on the issues of penalties, the constitutionality of the Bill and so on. It appears clear that under existing law there is no constitutional impediment to administrative penalties. However, independent advice has been sought on the matter, which is unusual. Most members of the committee realise that where there are serious breaches, the penalty must fit the crime. The Minister has acknowledged this. However, I have a major problem when it comes to dealing with relatively minor breaches and fishermen are dragged through the Circuit Court — there is no other option at this stage — where there are mandatory penalties such as the confiscation of catch and gear. I am aware of three cases in the recent past where fishermen were successful in their defence in the Circuit Court. What happens to the gear confiscated? In particular, what happens to the catch? In most instances it will not last more than ten or 12 hours. There was a case recently in the Dingle area where a boat had been arrested and the catch comprised pilchards, a non-quota species. There was a question as to whether a prosecution would be brought. The boat was held in port and the hours passed. Apparently, after 12 hours the catch was useless and could not be sold. Pilchards are not very valuable, but that is just an example.

I am concerned about the message we are sending to the Judiciary. On Second Stage I outlined a recent case where a particular fisherman in difficult circumstances had ended up in the Circuit Court for a log book offence. Both the defence and prosecution lawyers acknowledged that it was a relatively minor offence and there were extenuating circumstances. The committee has received correspondence on the matter from the solicitors involved. In summing up the judge said his hands were bound and indicated there were mandatory penalties he had to impose such as confiscation of catch and gear. The entire episode cost the man concerned about €50,000, more than his net income for the previous year. In other words, his whole year's work was wiped out. The judge was saying, in effect, that it amounted to a mere technical breach by a hard working fisherman in extenuating circumstances. There was nothing wrong with the catch as regards the fisherman being over quota or the fish being undersized. It was a log book offence and it cost him a substantial fine. It also cost the State in having to go to the Circuit Court with barristers and solicitors on both sides. In some instances, it means bringing people from west Cork to Killybegs, Galway or Dublin and so on.

I am concerned that we are moving away from the Common Fisheries Policy. In the case of 98.4% of offences in the European Union, such matters are dealt with along the lines of the European module favoured by Commission Borg, namely, an administrative fine. The other 1.6% applies to Britain and Ireland.

About one year ago the British Prime Minister, Mr. Blair, appointed a special commission to review the entire fishing industry. It was to conduct a root and branch examination. One of the tasks the top level commission initiated by the Prime minister was charged to complete was an examination of administrative fines imposed under the common law system which Ireland inherited after 1922. If it can be done in the United Kingdom, it leaves Ireland as the exception to the rule among the 25 EU member states, which is unfair. We have heard ad nauseam that there is no choice, that Ireland must comply with EU regulations, directives and so on. My plea concerns the man or woman who makes a genuine mistake. As the Minister may be aware, there was a case where a boat had been arrested off the Donegal coast for a log book offence. Instead of putting the date down as “the 12th”, for example, it was written as “the 13th”. It was accepted as a genuine error. However, an over-zealous fishery officer could have dragged the man concerned through the courts, although there was nothing else wrong, which could have involved substantial costs.

I have met various fishery groups from all over the country. It is a source of great concern that the Department is hitting the fishing industry with a sledgehammer, when a little tap of a shoemaker's hammer might be sufficient. The industry accepts that the bad boys must be dealt with severely.

What about the many genuine fishermen? Fishing is a tough game. If a fisherman is out in a heavy swell and a gale warning issues and he tries to head for home, like someone in any other walk of life, he may make mistakes. Fishermen who intentionally alter log books or land in undesignated ports in order to get away with valuable catches of fish must be dealt with severely. However, where there is no premeditation or mens rea, it should not be a mind-boggling exercise to develop a system for codifying relatively minor offences and dealing with them administratively by way of imposing fines. If that cannot be done, there is no constitutional reason they could not be dealt with in the District Court. District Courts in Castletownbere, Schull and other places throughout the country operate a more expeditious system that is less costly both to the State and to fishermen.

I thank the Minister for moving on some of the issues I raised in October and November. They have been reasonably dealt with, although, perhaps, not entirely to my liking.

There is one aspect I find it almost impossible to accept. Why can we not come into line with Europe in regard to minor offences? If it is not possible to do so, can we not do something similar to what the British Prime Minister, Mr. Blair, did in the past 12 months and carry out a top level root and branch examination of our fishery policies to decide where we are going and set up a strategy for the future? At present, there is no strategy in place. Even at this stage, the Minister could guarantee that within six or nine months an independent report on the question of administrative fines versus criminal penalties would be produced. We could revisit this issue, which is not going to go away, at that point.

I explained my concerns to the Minister and I do not believe I am going over the top. As a solicitor, I dealt with fishermen in the courts in Schull, Baltimore and Cork. It is morally, legally and constitutionally wrong that someone who has been guilty of no more than a misdemeanour should be treated the same as a person who premeditatedly lands a catch of €2 million worth of fish. This is a major issue for fishermen, the vast majority of whom, and their families, have tough lives. I recently spoke to a fisherman in Schull and he informed me that he had told his son not to become involved in fishing because of the problems the industry faces. If we continue down that road, we might as well hand over our fishing industry to the Spanish or somebody else who will manage it in their way.

The issue of sanctions is the kernel of the matter. It is the res judicata of the Bill. The rest is the obiter dicta. If we can deal with this issue successfully and if the Minister can, in some way, reach out to fishermen, we will have an opportunity to arrive at a comprise.

The Minister deserves credit for much of what has transpired since the Bill was initiated in November. He was presented with a fait accompli. He was given a Bill and told to run with it. We represent a fishing community and we have an obligation to argue our point. Mine is clear and succinct. Nearly everybody here is ad idem that this aspect of the Bill is most important. Perhaps a whip will be lashed across my back but, if so, I will grin and bear it. I am very concerned. I do not want to jump ship from a political perspective. However, I will speak up loudly and clearly. If we could resolve this outstanding issue, the Bill will quickly flow into peaceful waters.

For the information of Deputy O'Donovan, there is a film about the life of the great Johnny Cash. One of his most famous songs was "I Walk the Line". In a few minutes Deputy O'Donovan and the Chairman will have a chance to walk the line and effectively ensure that what they believe will be translated into action.

I must clarify that the Government Deputies have always maintained, from 12 October, that they would support the Bill but that they would do everything in their power to effect changes.

A little bit of bottle is what is required.

A total of 118 amendments came from the Government side. Deputy O'Donovan mentioned that in detail. In view of the fact that some sections of the print media have misunderstood the position, is it the Deputy's understanding that criminal penalties and sanctions have been in place in all fisheries legislation since 1959? Is it his understanding that what the committee is trying to achieve is to introduce administrative sanctions to go side by side with those sanctions?

Criminal sanctions have, under the Merchant Shipping Acts, been in existence since the 1830s.

We have buried Queen Victoria on a couple of occasions so let us not go back that far.

The legal system evolved over time. The Fisheries (Consolidation) Act was introduced in 1959. It is a myth that we are introducing criminal sanctions.

That is important.

Criminal sanctions exist. What we are trying to do is break the link with criminal sanctions and introduce a new regime in line with our counterparts in Europe. I would be the first to admit that criminal sanctions must remain for serious offences. Were it not for me and other backbenchers, this Bill would have been passed three months ago.

It is important for me, as Chairman of the committee, to seek clarity on this because some sections of the print media got it wrong.

I have no objection, in principle, to the introduction of administrative sanctions for certain offences. Amendment No. 74 is acceptable on that basis. My concern relates to the question of defining exactly what offences would be involved. Deputy Ferris's amendment No. 117 will be moved later and I will not have to vote on the matter now.

The devil is in the detail in regard to the introduction of administrative sanctions. Before I comment on why there may be a problem with this, let me say that there is a broader concern in that we are dealing not just with a few bad boys, if I may put it that way, but with a system that is corrupt in the sense that there is a lack of enforcement and control. Under the current system, the incentive to breach very weak regulations and controls is so pervasive, not just in Ireland but across all European fisheries, that it is inevitable that it has led to a form of fishery which is to the detriment of the conservation of stocks and the long-term sustainability of fishing communities. A corrupt system that has overseen the overfishing of quotas by a multiple of what is scientifically recommended is what is threatening the young man in Schull who might want to pursue a career in fisheries.

If we are to move toward a system of proper controls and enforcement, it must apply to all vessels in Irish waters. There must be no sense on the part of a fisherman that while he is doing the decent thing, one of his counterparts on the other side of the pier is not. That requires changing the European system. The problem is a political one. Politicians turned a blind eye to what was happening. They licensed boats they knew should not have been licensed. They discriminated against small trawlermen in favour of big trawlermen. If we are to move away from the politically corrupt system that has obtained for the past 30 years, it would be in the interests of the fishermen to have a properly controlled system that would discourage people from committing offences.

On the issue of defining what constitutes a small offence, I have no problem in principle about applying administrative sanctions. However, there is a suggestion in Deputy Ferris's amendment that log book offences by a large trawler over 40 m in length should begin with a fine of €3,000.

Perhaps the Deputy will refer to the document from the EU in regard to what it considered offences for administrative sanctions.

I am happy to deal with the amendments. The other suggested administrative fines are for notification of landing failures. A fine of €3,000 is suggested for a vessel of 40 m in length, as well as not having to go to court until there are three convictions. My concern is that any trawlerman with a vessel which, for example, measures 40 m may be landing fish worth €500,000. There should be a system of proper controls so that all fishermen are treated fairly. If I were a small fisherman, I might think the Minister intends to apply an administrative sanction of €3,000 in respect of the individual across the pier who could make €500,000 by breaching the regulations. While I accept the principle of administrative sanctions, I am afraid the devil is in the detail in regard to the definition of an offence that is worthy of administrative sanction.

It is up to the Minister to come forward with a system.

There is a system in place. If the Deputy wants to change the system, he should convince me that he has another system that will work.

The Minister has 400 civil servants at his disposal.

I am happy with my system.

My party has a secretary.

The Deputy and members opposite are talking about minor offences, administrative penalties and so on, which is all hot air. No one on the Opposition side has produced a definition of what he or she would regard as a minor offence, an administrative penalty or anything else. I am happy with the advice I have been given in this regard.

Did the Minister read the EU's White Paper on fisheries that was published in 2002?

I am happy with the advice I have been given and with the Bill, as it stands. Anyone who has dealt with me in the House on legislation would say that I am always willing to listen to well reasoned arguments and proposals. However, I will not, or seek to, change a Bill on the basis of woolly assertions that we should have administrative fines or whatever.

I wish to clarify one issue on administrative penalties. It is only fair to point out that the Office of the Attorney General — the head of which is not in the political system — has never informed me that administrative penalties are unconstitutional. Suggestions to the contrary are baseless. Offences involving deliberate fraudulent actions, including the falsification of records, and activities that attract substantial penalties are wholly inappropriate for administrative sanctions. We are talking about serious offences, and a range of allied offences, which are inherently criminal and which must be dealt with through the courts as a matter of constitutional obligation. We are talking in terms of millions of euro, not some unfortunate minor detail that can be dismissed.

What about financial services and communications?

Given that I listened to everyone, I expect the same courtesy.

I wish to make a number of other points in this regard, one of which has been ably made by Deputy O'Donovan and the Chairman, who clarified the issue. We have had criminal sanctions since 1959 in sea-fisheries legislation. This has been in place under every Government since 1959. We are not, therefore, introducing a system that criminalises fishermen. The Government is not criminalising fishermen; those who break the law criminalise themselves.

On the point about administrative penalties in Europe, I have often heard from members of all political hues, including those in my party, that we should not slavishly follow the UK — I am now being told that we should do so — in various matters. There is also the minor matter of our written Constitution and the difference between having or not having such a document. The administrative penalties that apply across Europe form part of the system which operates there. However, we operate different systems. If the EU were to make administrative fines mandatory in respect of the Common Fisheries Policy, we would be obliged to conform. We would be completely covered constitutionally and otherwise in that regard.

This goes back to what we discussed earlier. Deputy Broughan referred to electronic communications. There is a slight difference in this regard. All the operators to whom we referred are licensed and regulated in this State. In regard to sea-fisheries, we are dealing with foreign vessels that are licensed and regulated by other EU member states.

Our own boats are licensed here.

We cannot discriminate between foreign and home vessels, which causes difficulties. Mr. Borg is being widely quoted in regard to administrative penalties. Everyone is ignoring the fact that what was stated is that it is the responsibility of each country to administer its own law in accordance with its preference. If Mr. Borg or anyone else from the Commission feels that administrative penalties are the way to go, they have the remedy in their hands. They must bring the proposal to the Council to make it mandatory for administrative penalties.

In the interests of clarity, the committee understands clearly what Mr. Borg said in regard to administrative sanctions, namely, that it is a matter for each country. His officials are on record on 12 October as saying that they hope all countries will have uniformity and will move towards a system of administrative sanctions for offences. This is the position that was clarified to the committee, both here and in Brussels.

Could we not take the lead?

We are introducing this legislation. If the Commission wants a unified system throughout Europe, it is up to it to bring that forward. It is not our responsibility to do so.

We will take a sos and continue the debate when we return.

Sitting suspended at 6.30 p.m. and resumed at 7 p.m.

I advise Deputies that we must finish by 8 p.m. as the broadcasting staff are only engaged until then. We will start again at 10 a.m. tomorrow as agreed. The Minister was responding to the debate on amendment No. 74.

I will continue my response to the points raised by Deputies opposite.

As I was about to say before the suspension, I am satisfied with the moves we have made to meet the concerns that Deputies from both the Opposition and Government sides raised on earlier Stages of the Bill. Concerns were raised that the non-discriminatory nature of fines would result in fishermen with big boats being fined at the same level as those with smaller ones. Following strong representations on Second Stage from Deputies who argued in favour of discrimination in the size of fines, the Government has tabled significant amendments to this effect.

The amendments also address the issue under discussion, which is whether such penalties can be merely administrative fines payable on the spot. After careful consideration of the arguments, we have tabled amendments that adopt a very reasonable approach to the issue without moving to a system of administrative penalties. We have taken on board members' concerns by introducing a graduated system of fines based on vessel size. There are significant reductions in the amounts involved, as the amendments propose that the maximum levels for smaller vessels will be about one fifth of those provided for in the Bill as initiated, that the levels for mid-size vessels will be approximately halved, while the maximum fines for most larger vessels will be reduced by between 20 and 50%. Thus, the maximum fine levels will be graduated according to vessel size. We are just within the limits of meeting our obligations, given that the system of fines and sanctions must be dissuasive and have a deterrent effect. Therefore, it is not as if we have not listened to and taken on board arguments made about fines. We have gone as far as we believe we should go.

Several other points were raised by Deputies. Deputy O'Donovan and others argued in favour of decriminalising penalties by introducing on-the-spot fines. However, as an on-the-spot fine is still a criminal sanction, that would not decriminalise anything.

Another issue raised was what would happen when gear was confiscated. Gear is confiscated only after prosecution, when it is often sold back to the people concerned.

Deputies also asked whether the catch was lost or wasted. As we will see when we consider later amendments, provided that a bond is settled, the catch will be processed and sold in the normal way before the case is heard. Depending on the outcome of the court case, either the bond and the value of the catch will be handed back or the money will be confiscated.

On the issue of what constitutes a minor offence, I have offered Deputies opposite the opportunity to discuss the issue with me or to table amendments on Report Stage clarifying what they think are minor offences. Some have suggested the inclusion of a wrong date in the log book should be considered only a minor offence. While I accept genuine errors can occur, such offences can also be part of an organised conspiracy to prevent detection of overfishing or illegal fishing. The information contained in the log book is perhaps the basis on which the legislation and the Common Fisheries Policy need to work. Although there is no doubt that genuine errors can occur, some leave spaces blank until the appropriate time in order that they can find out whether they will be subject to a check. If there is no check, they fill in the wrong details for the date, area and so on. The issue is not so much what the log book is as what it represents. Such an important document for sea fisheries control cannot be allowed to be ignored or interfered with. The log book is usually where an offence begins. It is not correct to say, therefore, that a log book offence is a minor one in all circumstances. For example, where a person apparently forgets to fill in the data, includes them in the wrong place, or puts the decimal point in the wrong place, this could be of major significance. Having said that, mistakes may be made, but it would be necessary to take the circumstances into account when defining it as a mistake.

Deputies are anxious that offences under the legislation will be dealt with in the District Court. Currently cases are heard in the Circuit Court. The Bill will allow prosecutions to be taken in the District Court.

Much is being made of the talks on an administrative system in the United Kingdom. The authorities have been studying the system for 12 months and Deputy Broughan outlined the background work on administrative fines, specifically in the case of the fishing industry, carried out by the Prime Minister's committee. The proposal it has brought forward is that administrative sanctions should apply only to very minor offences, many of which are currently dealt with by means of a letter of warning. The UK scheme will not deal with cases of illegal fishing, where the financial benefit is more than £1,000 sterling as EU law requires that the perpetrator must not benefit from the illegal activity. Under the Bill before us, we can deal with the matter in the District Court.

I think I have covered most of the points raised.

Let me clarify a point before we proceed. The Minister stated prior to the suspension of the sitting that at no stage had the Attorney General commented on the unconstitutionality of administrative fines. Is that correct?

That is not exactly what I stated.

Will the Minister clarify what he said?

The Attorney General never stated administrative penalties were unconstitutional.

On a further point, in his letter to the committee the Minister said — he has made it quite clear here — that administrative sanctions were unsuitable for fishery offences. Is that correct?

I have, on the basis of the knowledge that the Attorney General has which counsel to the committee did not seem to have at the time. I will not start an argument on my advice from the Attorney General or the committee's advice from its senior counsel. If one briefs a senior lawyer in a particular way, one can get any amount of differing views. I am bound by law and the Constitution to accept the advice of the Attorney General who tells me these are the sanctions that should apply in the Bill.

That is understood. Did the Minister indicate to the committee that he would look at some form of administrative sanction on Report Stage if it was brought forward by members?

I have stated clearly that if members want to bring forward an alternative to the system we are bringing forward, it will be considered on Report Stage. They have a right to table amendments on Report Stage.

It is very possible, going on past performance, that at the next stage there will be a guillotine and that we many not even reach the amendment. To reiterate the point made by the Chairman, effectively the Minister is stating administrative fines are not unconstitutional but are unsuitable for the industry. If a system were to emerge on Report Stage, it would be constitutional. The key point in the letter from the Minister — I have gone over the letter approximately ten times — seems to be that administrative fines are not suitable for the industry.

For organised criminal activity.

I accept what the Minister is saying, but for this industry——

For any industry.

Why then in communications and finance for organised criminals——

I have answered that question, Chairman.

Perhaps I missed it. The question arises as to why the British Parliamentary Under-Secretary of State with responsibility for the marine, Mr. Ben Bradshaw, launched a consultation document, my copy of which is dated February 2006. I think he launched it following several fisheries policies, but particularly because of the difficulties the Scottish fleet was experiencing and what had happened in Whitby, Yorkshire where every skipper was brought into the local court. I think the British authorities decided that there must be a better way and came up with a system that was administratively possible and could be facilitated easily. This is better than having no system for certain offences. Fishing is the last industry with the modus operandi of the hunter gatherers. That being the case, it needed something different. My reading of the document from Mr. Bradshaw is that the Department of the Environment, Food and Rural Affairs will consider the matter but from my reading of EU documents, it does seem to be in line with the Common Fisheries Policy.

Strong arguments were made in a document on the future of the Common Fisheries Policy in 2001 that we needed a transparent system which was harmonised across the European Union. In other words, given that there are two legal systems, including the old British system which is applied in Ireland, the Commission believes further progress is necessary to enhance monitoring, control and enforcement of the Common Fisheries Policy. This would include the harmonisation of penalties for infringement of fisheries regulations.

On a further point on the co-ordination of monitoring, with which we were trying to grapple in the earlier amendments, a third element of this package would be to explore ways of improving the dissuasiveness of penalties for infringement, including "administrative penalties etc", a number of which are mentioned. Clearly, Commissioner Joe Borgis acting on views expressed in the last Common Fisheries Policy review. It seems to be the settled policy of the Commission to provide for strong enforcement and a level playing pitch for every fleet. Some of the administrative penalties outlined in the document are very serious such as the removal of licences and so on. The other two points concern the harmonisation of penalties and administrative penalties. I think the European Union has accepted this and constitutionally it seems to be kosher. Therefore, it applies to other industries.

Those behind the DIRT scam were criminals. Each and every one of them who designed and organised the scam should have been jailed. The scam was uncovered by the Comptroller and Auditor General and laid out by Deputy Rabbitte, among others. It involved millions of euro.

Deputy Broughan——

It is a key point.

Does it concern the DIRT inquiry?

We are discussing the Sea-Fisheries and Maritime Jurisdiction Bill.

The Minister is happy to see administrative penalties used in a white collar industry populated by individuals in nice sharp suits who earn €400,000 or €500,000 per annum. However, he does not wish to see such penalties apply to individuals with the arses out of their trousers who carry bags of fish in their pockets and walk off piers at night. These men do not have 2 cent to rub together.

That is far from being the case.

These are our people but the Minister is not prepared to consider a regime of administrative penalties for them. There is a dichotomy at work here. I was under the impression that the Minister was on the left wing of Fianna Fáil but that does not appear to be the case in this instance.

In the interests of clarity, I must advise members that on 12 October 2005, Mr. Giorgio Gallizioli made the EU's position quite clear to the Joint Committee on Communications, Marine and Natural Resources. He stated that the EU would prefer if a system of administrative sanctions was imposed but that it was a matter for each member state to enforce the Common Fisheries Policy according to its own national laws. The Minister made this point clear. He also made it clear that this could be considered if a system of administrative sanctions was produced for Report Stage. Am I correct in that regard?

I do not disagree with what Deputy Broughan is saying in respect of harmonisation of fines, dissuasiveness and proper enforcement. If it is so well-accepted across the EU, there should be no trouble having it passed by the Council of Europe. If this is done, it will be mandatory for us to introduce the system. I do not see where the problem lies. However, I will not, and cannot, wait for the Commission to do this. I must introduce a law here at this point.

I will be brief because I do not wish to rehash points I have already made. Would it be possible, between now and Report Stage, to bring about a meeting of minds between the Minister and his officials and the fishing industry regarding the codification or classification of what I, and the fishing industry, consider minor offences? There are probably only four fishing organisations representing the 26 counties. Based on personal experience, I believe these organisations to be reasonable. If politicians, this committee or the fishing industry could lay out, by way of classification, what are considered to be minor offences, it would be a major step forward. Such classification is found in every other category of offence, whether it relates to road traffic or other areas. Coming from the Minister's side of the House and being, with the exception of the Chairman, somewhat of a lone sailor——

I am merely clarifying matters.

——I implore the Minister to reflect on the situation to see if he can resolve the impasse. The different sides are not far apart. Unhelpful comments have been made by both sides in the past five or six weeks but we are coming close to some common ground where we could reach a reasonable resolution. I do not entirely agree with the assertion by some people that fishermen will never be satisfied. There is a central issue in this affair, which I find difficult to ignore. As a Fianna Fáil backbencher, I implore the Minister to examine how the gap between the different sides — which is not wide — can be bridged in the coming days and before Report Stage.

The Minister's response is very unsatisfactory because he has not dealt with many of the issues raised, particularly the black propaganda campaign conducted by him against the fishermen. This campaign was similar to David Lloyd George's threat of immediate and terrible war against the Irish rebels, only in this case the threat was of penalties to be borne by the Irish taxpayer. However, the Minister has not provided the facts to justify this propaganda.

I have examined the third edition of the Common Fisheries Policy compliance scoreboard, which was published recently. This scoreboard makes it quite clear that the fine imposed on France dates back to a judgment in 1991 that was consistently ignored by that country. However, based on this judgment, the Minister put forward the suggestion that Irish fishermen are exposing the taxpayer to a considerable penalty that could run into tens of millions of euro. This is balderdash. The Minister has not seen fit to give a response because he is unable to give one that would stand up to scrutiny.

If one examines Ireland's position on the scoreboard in the most recent EU report, one will see that complaints against Ireland relate, in particular, to fishing effort declarations. The report states that the situation in 2004, compared to that in 2003, regressed. France, Ireland and Portugal failed, for the third consecutive year, to transmit any data about their fishing efforts. What kind of effort is the Minister presiding over when we are receiving complaints from the Commission? It is not the fishermen who transmit this information to the Commission, it is the responsibility of the Department of Communications, Marine and Natural Resources to do so. The Minister is responsible for this failure to comply with the Commission's demands.

A major report deals with the situation in its entirety. With regard to environmental issues, the report reveals that Ireland, Italy, Malta, the Netherlands and Slovenia again failed to submit information. Based on this report and the case involving France, the Minister has blackened the name of Irish fishermen by suggesting that they are exposing the Irish taxpayer to the possibility of considerable fines levied by the Commission. It is he who is exposing the Irish taxpayer to this risk by not doing his job. Worse still, he is transferring this blame and the responsibility to Irish fishermen. That is disgraceful. No matter how entrenched the Minister's position, he should not use this type of propaganda and unfair approach. This approach has, unfortunately, been swallowed hook, line and sinker by some sections of the media. I suppose the Minister is delighted with the sheep-like response of other members of the media who have followed them. This is not the background against which he should judge the legislation.

It has been alleged that the Bill has been delayed. I am currently dealing with the Criminal Justice Bill 2004. The Minister for Justice, Equality and Law Reform circulated the Bill in 2004 but we have still not received the amendments. The Sea-Fisheries and Maritime Jurisdiction Bill has been dealt with fairly by this committee, which has made honest efforts to produce constructive views on it. I am not a member of this committee but I am substituting for another member largely because of my keen interest in this issue, which is very relevant to my constituency. However, I believe this committee has made an honest effort to deal with the Bill, which was circulated in October 2005. There has been considerable movement on it since then.

I will return to the central issue. The response of the Minister in respect of administrative sanctions has been contradictory. At one stage, he stated that the Attorney General never stated that administrative penalties are unconstitutional. At a later stage, when it was suggested that we should not slavishly follow the UK example, he stated that we cannot follow the EU and the UK because of the minor matter of our written Constitution. I do not believe we are slavishly following the UK but many members suggested that we should the follow the example of every other member state. What does the Minister mean when he says that, because of our Constitution, we cannot follow the example of the EU and the UK? Is he suggesting that he is not accepting the advice of the Attorney General? His response is completely contradictory. One must address what is and what is not a criminal sanction. The Minister again suggests any sanction is a criminal sanction. It is a matter of words. Are litter, parking and speeding fines criminal sanctions? If we use that terminology, there are many criminals in the country. The Opposition, supported by many members of Fianna Fáil, states that for serious breaches of the fisheries code there should be serious criminal sanctions and penalties. For minor and technical breaches we should have a system akin to that applicable in other EU member states where 86% of offences are dealt with on an administrative basis.

I return to the question of whether there is the political will to introduce that proposal. The Minister can sit back smugly and say he is satisfied with his Bill which has been cleared by the Attorney General. However, the Attorney General did not draft the Bill. His job is to certify to the Minister that its provisions are not contrary to the Constitution. They are not. However, that does not mean changes cannot be made. We return, therefore, to the Minister's political will or lack thereof.

It is not good enough to say the Opposition is entitled to propose amendments on Committee Stage. It is. After almost 20 years of Fianna Fáil rule, this is not yet a dictatorial regime. That does not add to the discussion which is about whether there is a willingness to accommodate the views not just of the Opposition, back-bench Fianna Fáil Deputies and this committee but also those of the stakeholders involved in the fishing business. While they do not want cowboy operators cleaning up and raping the seas, they also do not want to be brought before the courts for minor and, in particular, technical offences causing them serious loss. Is the Minister prepared to adopt an approach that will allow minor and technical offences to be dealt with on an administrative basis? Is it Deputy Dempsey's law or no law?

Will the Deputy explain to me the minor and technical offences to which he refers?

I am prepared to contribute to a discussion with the Minister and his officials if he is not prepared to accept the views expressed in the Committee Stage amendments. If he will open the door and accept that offences can be dealt with on an administrative basis, I am prepared to contribute to a formal or informal discussion towards devising an approach to achieve a fair outcome. That is my fair approach. I ask for a similar approach from the Minister. If he is prepared to do this, all things are possible; if not, we are wasting our time.

I will take the other two speakers. We must finish the debate on the amendment.

Deputy O'Keeffe said it all. In the Minister's letter to the committee he said on-the-spot fines were criminal sanctions, but not all of them were. He also said fixed penalties were not practical. Why not? Fixed penalties are widely used to deal with many offences in a decisive and cost-effective manner. He further stated in his letter:

Administrative systems are suited to groups which are in essence a closed group or a club and where the discipline and sanctions are accepted as part of the obligations of membership. This is not the case with sea fishing in Irish waters. They are thus unsuitable for fisheries offences.

Will the Minister explain this?

The Minister indicated that he would consider proposals on Report Stage and if that is the case, I welcome it. For now we must deal with what we have, a Bill that will criminalise many decent people. Deputies have made a strong argument here in favour of administrative sanctions and on-the-spot fines through the District Court, as Deputy O'Donovan said. The United Kingdom has followed a different road on this issue. People fishing in Carlingford or Dundalk are operating under one regime, while five miles up the road in Kilkeel, there is a different method of dealing with illegal fishing or mistakes in logbooks. Ireland is an island. It does not make sense that our nearest neighbour, for which most Irish people have no great love because of our history, will use administrative sanctions and on-the-spot fines while we, a couple of hundred miles to the west, we use a different mechanism. Everybody, with the exception of the Government, not including all Government Deputies, has a serious problem with this. I wish we could come to an agreement either now or at the next stage. We can only deal with the amendments in hand. That is why I will press the amendment.

We will conclude with the Minister, otherwise we will never get beyond the amendment.

I will begin by reiterating that, with the exception of lowering the fines in place since 1959, we are doing nothing new. This system has been in place since 1959. Deputies opposite, including Deputy O'Keeffe who spoke so eloquently, were in government during that time and did not introduce administrative fines. When Fine Gael was in government, it increased some of the fines payable. I am happy with the shape and thrust of the Bill. I listened carefully, as did the former Minister of State, Deputy Gallagher, to the arguments made strongly by members of the committee to see if we could amend the Bill to meet concerns about smaller fishermen being put out of business because of the size of fines. We brought forward significant amendments to meet those concerns but after travelling a certain distance, people want us to go even further. I am satisfied, on basis of the advice I have received, that this is as far as I can go. If the committee believes it can introduce a system of fines, an alteration or an amendment to the Bill that would change the system of fines or the method employed, I will give it appropriate consideration. However, I am telling it directly because I do not wish it to labour under an illusion. I have no intention of introducing amendments on Report Stage regarding administrative fines. That said, I will be prepared to consider any amendments members of the Opposition bring forward — if they can produce any. Deputy O'Keeffe can talk all he likes, criticising the Government for introducing the legislation and so on. If he has so many bright ideas about this, it should not present too much difficulty to formulate a brand new system in the next two or three days and table it as an amendment on Report Stage.

Which the Minister states he will reject.

However, this argument that we cannot have this and should have that is vacuous if Fine Gael will not make any proposals in this regard since it is up to the Government to govern. I will not pursue that argument. I do not know what the Deputy's difficulty is in understanding what I said regarding the position in the United Kingdom. Its proposal is that administrative sanctions should cover only minor offences, where the financial benefit is not more than £1,000. That would not solve the problems portrayed by the Deputies opposite.

It would be one small step for fishermen.

Perhaps we should examine the British system. In the case of very serious offences, there is no maximum fine. They can go as high as they wish. The average fine under the UK system in 2003 was nearly £78,000. Is that the sort of system we advocate?

That is not what we are talking about. The Minister is trying to have it both ways.

No, that is what the Deputies opposite are trying to do.

It is the Minister's hallmark. Tonight he must make a decision.

I have made the decision.

I thank the Minister.

The Chairman will excuse me, but I have listened for the past 45 minutes to contributions from the Deputies opposite.

On Deputy O'Keeffe's point on the fine levied against the French, its purpose, and the Government not doing its job on sea fisheries control, if we do not have proper sea fisheries control legislation in place such as is provided for in this Bill, however we finalise it in the House, we leave ourselves open to a fine. The circumstances in which we find ourselves were brought about by court cases and changes made following the review of the Common Fisheries Policy. We are moving to address this to protect the fishing industry, fish stocks and taxpayers.

Why is the Minister not introducing a declaration regarding the European Union? Why is Ireland highlighted in the report as having been in default for three years?

That issue is addressed in the Bill by setting up a sea fisheries authority and providing the extra resources necessary to establish that system. We have——

The Minister could not meet his obligations.

Three wasted years.

——put in place a computer system to meet some of the Commission's previous concerns.

The Minister is blaming the fishermen because he did not meet his obligations. Now he says he cannot——

I blame only those fishermen who engage in illegal activities.

Everybody should take responsibility for his or her errors.

The Minister said he had listened carefully for 45 minutes. I thought he had concluded. It is in order that he speak. I, therefore, ask members to allow him to finish without interruption.

I have now concluded.

In line with what the Minister has suggested about tabling an amendment on Report Stage, is Deputy Ferris minded to withdraw the motion?

Amendment put.
The Committee divided: Tá, 5; Níl, 7.

  • Broughtan, Thomas P.
  • Ferris, Martin.
  • O’Keeffe, Jim.
  • Perry, John.
  • Ryan, Eamon.

Níl

  • Dempsey, Noel.
  • Fitzpatrick, Dermot.
  • Kelly, Peter.
  • McEllistrim, Thomas.
  • O’Donovan, Denis.
  • O’Flynn, Noel.
  • O’Malley, Fiona.
Amendment declared lost.

We now come to amendment No. 75 in the name of Deputy Perry. Amendment No. 76 is an alternative. Amendments Nos. 75 and 76 will, therefore, be discussed together.

I propose that it is not worthwhile moving to a new section now. We will be fresher in the morning. It was 5 a.m. when the gulls woke me in west Cork this morning.

Is that the view of the committee? Agreed.

I ask the Minister, Fianna Fáil and Progressive Democrats Deputies to sleep on this issue and come back to us with a new point of view in the morning.

Progress reported; Committee to sit again.
The select committee adjourned at 7.55 p.m. until 10 a.m. on Wednesday, 15 February 2006.
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