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Asia Strategy.

Dáil Éireann Debate, Tuesday - 16 February 2010

Tuesday, 16 February 2010

Ceisteanna (13)

Joan Burton

Ceist:

76 Deputy Joan Burton asked the Minister for Foreign Affairs the position regarding the Asia strategy following the conclusion of the first phase thereof; the objectives which he seeks for the second phase, including the advancement of human rights. [7144/10]

Amharc ar fhreagra

Freagraí ó Béal (20 píosaí cainte)

The Asia strategy was established in 1999 to improve Ireland's political and business contacts in the Asia-Pacific region, and to raise awareness of Ireland as an investment location and a source of high-quality exports. The 1998 report of the Asia strategy group, which provided the basis for the Asia strategy, stated that fundamental rights and freedoms were a factor in our relations with countries in Asia, and re-affirmed our commitment to promoting the principles embodied in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, and other international instruments, through our foreign policy. As Ireland's relationship with countries in Asia has developed, my Department has worked to ensure this objective is pursued by way of the Asia strategy and by ongoing dialogue through other fora.

The focus of the first phase of the Asia strategy, from 1999 to 2004, was on raising awareness of Ireland in our target markets and assisting Irish companies to do business there. This transformed our relationship with countries in the region, with a marked increase in the number of trade missions, greater levels of trade, and an increase in high level political contacts. These helped durable political and business relationships to develop, particularly with China, and provided a context in which sensitive political issues could be discussed.

The second phase of the strategy, from 2005 to 2009, aimed to establish a coherent policy of engagement, on a political, social and cultural level, as well as on an economic and commercial level, with a particular focus on China, Japan, South Korea, Singapore, India, Malaysia, Indonesia and Vietnam. By the end of 2008, total exports to these priority countries had reached €11 billion, €2 billion in excess of the 2009 target outlined at the beginning of the second phase.

My Department has played a vital role in the Asia strategy since its inception, including through the organisation of awareness-raising projects by our embassies and consulates in the region, and the co-ordination of high level and official trade-related visits, which have helped to intensify and deepen our relations with the countries concerned. When we have specific issues regarding human rights, we also raise these with the governments and embassies of the countries in question through consultations and other forms of ongoing dialogue. They are also taken up by the EU in the context of formal human rights dialogues with a number of Asian countries and in regular discussions with others.

The Asia strategy has been very successful in raising awareness of Ireland in Asia, developing strong and meaningful relations, and increasing our trade with relevant countries. The high level group appointed by the Minister for Enterprise, Trade and Employment to oversee the implementation of the strategy is currently finalising its review of the second phase, and is developing a new strategy for trade and investment. This strategy will focus on increasing our exports to, and investment from, emerging high-growth markets, as well as our key existing trading partners. My Department is contributing to these efforts and will continue to work to ensure that political considerations, including the advancement of human rights, are taken fully into account.

In regard to the different phases of the Asia strategy which the Minister has given us, it is time to acknowledge that a serious mistake was made in deciding to accommodate the Burmese junta in terms of Asian thinking. It was a mistake to think that the military junta could be brought to the table, which did not happen. Now on the eve of the Burmese elections, we have recently had it explained to us by the party of which Aung San Suu Kyi is a member, who will probably not be able to participate in the election, that a constitution has been passed which is seriously restrictive in respect of democratic rights. Should an election take place, in order to change that constitution, a 75% majority is required but 25% of seats are allocated to the military so it is almost impossible. What is the Government's attitude to the forthcoming elections? Is it in favour of pursuing, through the Asian group, such constitutional mechanisms as would enable change to take place to enable even a semblance democracy?

The Minister would know that long before either phase of the strategy, there was a considerable educational relationship between some of the countries, including China, in respect of a fund for hydrology and so forth. This was kept open by the Department of Foreign Affairs for a very long time in so far as very senior Irish graduates are advising on flood prospecting in different Asian countries. On the educational side, is there a core set of proposals in regard to exchange of educational facilities and advice?

The Burmese question has never been seen or dealt with in the context of the Asia strategy.

I met recently with representatives of the Burmese government in exile. As the Deputy will be aware, we have provided considerable support to it to organise and present its case to the wider world.

I would be very concerned about the forthcoming elections given the timeframe that has been allocated. The timeframe is running out in terms of the rules of the game being published or people being given notice as to who can and cannot participate. The essential requirement is that there would be a release of the political prisoners, many of whom are the leading lights of the opposition. I take the Deputy's point about the weakness of the Asian structure to deal with this issue. That remains the case. Some engagement has been initiated by the American administration. Our view is one of caution in terms of engagement. I am aware that when Carl Bildt, the Swedish Foreign Minister, hosted the Presidency, he had initial contacts and met with the Burmese Foreign Minister in Brussels with a view to ascertaining the possibility of engagement. Again, our view is that we believe in the maintenance of sanctions and would not, at this stage, support the easing of sanctions in lieu of more engagement.

At the end of January, the Minister stated in a parliamentary reply that as we come to the end of the second phase of the Asian strategy, we will examine ways in which we can continue to develop relations with China. Will the Minister outline what are these ways? He also stated that he hoped to visit China in 2010. Does he have a definite date for such a visit? He referred to the St. Patrick's Day festivals in Shanghai and Beijing. The Fine Gael Party believes it is very important that Irish political representatives go abroad for St. Patrick's Day and they should not be fearful of what the media might say about it because, as an export nation, it is important. If I may add a little sting in the tail, they can do less damage abroad than at home.

In both Asia strategies the educational dimension has been very strong. In fact, there has been an expanded level of partnership and engagement between universities here and universities in Asia, particularly in Malaysia and China, to name but two.

Was there a disadvantage to foreign students studying here because of our visa arrangements?

I share the Deputy's view that I believe in an expansive and creative approach to that.

I think that is a matter for another question and another Minister.

The point is valid. It is an important dimension to the issue of expanding the whole education industry. We can gain more from it. The Minister for Education and Science, Deputy Batt O'Keeffe, is pursuing that issue vigorously.

Deputy Timmins asked about relations with China and the review of the second phase. In terms of trade, there has been growth and an enhancement of bilateral trade in particular of exports and of Irish companies who were creating bases in China and working from there. It is early days yet but the IDA has an office there and its activity is beginning to bear fruit. However, it will take some more time before we begin to get investment here from Chinese multinationals. That is a priority we are seeking.

Is the Minister going to China?

I am. I am determined to get there in 2010. I was not in a position to go there last year because of the Lisbon treaty referenda and so on. Relations with Asia are very much about maintaining the political contacts on a regular basis — not on a once off basis and not doing it again for a few years. The Expo has created a problem with the timetable because the Chinese are anxious to keep visits both for and after the Expo. However, I will be going. I concur with the Deputy that it is absolutely essential to optimise and maximise the value that St. Patrick's Day gives us in terms of opening doors, promoting Ireland from food to tourism——

It is the year of the tiger.

——to industry and in terms of Irish companies going abroad.

Perhaps the Minister for Defence, Deputy O'Dea, could be encouraged to go abroad for St. Patrick's Day as he has never been abroad for St. Patrick's Day.

I can assure the Deputy that from the time the Minister for Finance went to London last year, the recurring international feedback has been that the presence of Irish Ministers overseas has enhanced Ireland's image abroad and the perspective that international markets have of Ireland. That was in relation to Deputy Timmins' last comment.

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