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European Security Strategy

Dáil Éireann Debate, Thursday - 25 June 2015

Thursday, 25 June 2015

Ceisteanna (2)

Pádraig Mac Lochlainn

Ceist:

2. Deputy Pádraig Mac Lochlainn asked the Minister for Defence if he has read the European Commission's communication on the European security agenda; if he held discussions with the Taoiseach ahead of the next European Council meeting, which takes place on 25 June 2015, considering that the Council will discuss the security challenges facing the European Union and the European security agenda at that meeting; and if he will make a statement on the matter. [25309/15]

Amharc ar fhreagra

Freagraí ó Béal (8 píosaí cainte)

My question relates to the meeting today of the European Council which will include discussion on the EU's security strategy. This meeting takes place against the background of what is happening in the Mediterranean and in Ukraine. There are real concerns, in particular, about the military build-up by EU and NATO on one side of Ukraine and by the Russians on the other side, and the approach Ireland is taking to that matter.

The Deputy's question is relevant and fair in the context of the discussions that are going on today, although they are somewhat overshadowed by the continuing negotiations on the situation in Greece. There is ongoing liaison between my Department, the Department of An Taoiseach and other relevant Departments regarding security and defence matters generally. In preparation for the European Council meeting, which is taking place today and tomorrow, 25 and 26 June, I attended a meeting of the Cabinet committee on EU affairs on 10 June, at which all aspects of the June European Council, including defence matters, were discussed.

I understand from my colleague, the Minister for Justice and Equality, Deputy Frances Fitzgerald, that the European Commission published its communication on the European agenda on security for the period 2015-2020 on 28 April. The communication sets out a series of actions to support member states in their work combatting three areas presenting significant challenges to the internal security of member states and the Union, namely, preventing terrorism and countering violent radicalisation, fighting organised crime, and fighting cybercrime. The communication was considered at the Justice and Home Affairs Council on 15 and 16 June 2015. The conclusions of the meetings of the Council of Justice and Home Affairs of December 2014 and June 2015, taken together with the European agenda on security, constitute the renewed EU Internal Security Strategy 2015-2020. It is expected that a decision will be taken at the European Council 2015 to progress work on the renewed strategy.

In regard to common security and defence policy, it is expected that the European Council will request the High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy and Vice President of the European Commission, HR-VP, to prepare an EU global strategy on foreign and security policy to be submitted to the European Council in June 2016. In addition, it is expected that the Council will agree to continue work on a more effective, visible, and result-oriented common security and defence policy, the further development of both civilian and military capabilities and the strengthening of Europe's defence industry.

Developments in Ukraine and the Mediterranean will also be discussed at the Council meetings today and tomorrow. In the context of activities in the Mediterranean, there is to be a discussion as to whether a quota system should be introduced for the acceptance of migrants. The objective is for other member states to share the burden Italy is currently carrying more or less on its own. There is a great deal to discuss and we will have to await the outcome.

I am always concerned when I hear about common security and defence policies at EU level. We proclaim ourselves to be a neutral state, but I do not see a strategy or actions from the Government to support that assertion. For example, Fine Gael's four MEPs voted in favour of a European Parliament report which advocated possible military action in the Black Sea basin following the annexation of Crimea by Russia. That does not tally with the position of the Government and the State that Ireland is neutral.

Neutrality is not about sitting on the fence. It is possible as a neutral state to play a very positive and constructive role internationally, as we have seen from Ireland's involvement in peacekeeping, conflict resolution and human rights advocacy. What is the Minister's plan in these meetings to assert Ireland's neutrality and offer something separate from the position that will be taken by the representatives of NATO countries with whom he sits at the table?

These issues arise all the time. We are a militarily neutral country, which means we are not militarily aligned to any other country. However, neutrality does not mean one stays out of everything or one cannot take a position on a particular report. Neutrality means choosing to support or not support positions on the basis of their particular merits. Ireland sometimes takes positions that are consistent with those of other member states. On other occasions, that is not the case. When I attend meetings of the Defence Council, I consistently refer to our relationship with the United Nations when other countries are talking about EU co-operation with reference to NATO. That serves to re-emphasise on a regular basis Ireland's connection with the UN, which is very much linked to our military neutrality and is the protector of that neutrality in terms of our international reputation and so on. We will continue to do that.

The fact that a number of our MEPs might vote for a report because they happen to consider it worth supporting does not undermine Irish neutrality. I have not read the particular report the Deputy mentioned, but I would defend the right of MEPs from any party to do so where they happen to agree with the thinking behind and the merits of a report's recommendations. Irish neutrality allows our MEPs to vote either for or against such reports on the basis of whichever is the right thing to do. That does not undermine Irish neutrality.

The problem is that there is history here. Some of us will recall, for example, the Beyond Neutrality document produced by Alan Dukes, a former leader of the Minister's party. There is a concern that Fine Gael does not support the historical decision of this State in terms of neutrality. It is an honourable tradition and one that has served us well.

Regarding the current situation in the Mediterranean, we are all very proud of the role the LE Eithne is playing and we want to ensure its mission remains a search and rescue one. The mission launched recently by the EU is something very different from the one in which we are currently engaged. Will the Minister assert very clearly to the Taoiseach that we must continue our involvement solely in a search and rescue capacity and will not align ourselves with a mission that has an entirely different agenda, one that is driven by NATO states in Europe? I am seeking an assurance from the Minister that the work being done by the Defence Forces and Naval Service, work of which we are all very proud, will continue and they will not be sucked into some other agenda.

To clarify, the Beyond Neutrality policy document was put together by Gay Mitchell at a time when my party was in opposition.

It was fully advocated by the party's former leader, Alan Dukes.

I simply wish to correct the record on that point because I know Mr. Mitchell put a lot of work into it.

The LE Eithne and its crew continue to do extraordinary work in the Mediterranean for which they have received a great deal of recognition. From the videos I have seen and the reports I have received from the ship and through the Department of Defence, it is clear they are doing a first class job in terms of the compassionate and professional way they are dealing with people. There are huge numbers involved, with some 2,300 people having been taken on board the LE Eithne at this stage. As I said, we intend to continue that work. I have given a commitment - which, however, is under constant review - that we will have an Irish naval vessel in the Mediterranean on search and rescue and humanitarian work until the end of September at least. The LE Eithne will probably be rotated towards the end of July.

The EU's naval force, NAVFOR, mission has been approved at European level. To be clear, what is proposed under that process involves three phases. The first is little more than what is happening at the moment, namely, information gathering and so on. Phases two and three require a UN mandate before they can proceed, as far as we are concerned. If we are to be part of the mission, we would have to go through the normal approval process involving the triple lock of UN mandate, Government decision and Oireachtas approval. NAVFOR is not on the agenda of the meeting at the moment. If a request comes in for Ireland to participate and if there is a UN mandate for it, we will debate the proposal and make a decision. For now, our focus is solely on our humanitarian role in the Mediterranean, which effectively involves a bilateral arrangement with Italy. I understand Deputy Clare Daly has tabled a question on that specific point. The humanitarian role is our sole focus at this time and there are no other agendas at play.

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