Bernard Durkan
Ceist:1. Deputy Bernard J. Durkan asked the Taoiseach to report on any recent meetings he has had with the British Prime Minister [46439/23]
Amharc ar fhreagraTuesday, 7 November 2023
Ceisteanna (1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6)
Peadar Tóibín
Ceist:2. Deputy Peadar Tóibín asked the Taoiseach if he will report on his recent meeting with the British Prime Minister. [46374/23]
Amharc ar fhreagra
Brendan Smith
Ceist:3. Deputy Brendan Smith asked the Taoiseach if he will report on his recent meeting with the British Prime Minister. [47658/23]
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Mick Barry
Ceist:4. Deputy Mick Barry asked the Taoiseach to report on any recent meetings he has had with the British Prime Minister. [47663/23]
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Seán Haughey
Ceist:5. Deputy Seán Haughey asked the Taoiseach if he will report on his recent meeting with the British Prime Minister. [47700/23]
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Mary Lou McDonald
Ceist:6. Deputy Mary Lou McDonald asked the Taoiseach if he will report on any recent discussions he has had with the British Prime Minister. [48408/23]
Amharc ar fhreagraFreagraí ó Béal (23 píosaí cainte)
I propose to take Questions Nos. 1 to 6, inclusive, together.
On 5 October, I met with British Prime Minister Rishi Sunak in the margins of the European Political Community summit in Granada in Spain. We discussed developments in Northern Ireland and the importance of the Irish bilateral relationship, as well as broader global challenges. The Prime Minister updated me on the UK Government's engagement with the Democratic Unionist Party, DUP, regarding the restoration of power-sharing institutions. I acknowledged the Prime Minister's personal efforts in securing the Windsor Framework earlier this year. I underlined the importance of the two Governments working together in a spirit of partnership in all scenarios.
The Government's focus remains on getting the Northern Ireland Assembly and Executive back up and running so that the three strands of the agreement, including the North-South Ministerial Council, can function fully. I also reiterated the Government's concerns about the UK's recently enacted legacy Act.
Prime Minister Sunak and I welcomed the joint UK and Ireland bid to host Euro 2028 and discussed the necessary redevelopment of Casement Park. It is fantastic news that the bid has been successful, and I confirmed to the Prime Minister that the Government is ready to contribute financially towards the redevelopment costs in order that Northern Ireland is able to host matches at Casement Park and to benefit directly from the tournament.
We discussed the significance of our bilateral trade, which is valued at €120 billion a year, and welcomed our recent bilateral memorandum of understanding on energy. I also welcomed the agreement reached for the UK to access EU research partnerships under the Horizon programme, which will have benefits for Ireland as well.
I want to add my voice to the condolences that have been expressed for Deputies Verona Murphy and Mitchell on the loss of their parents. It is a hard time for both families, and our thoughts and prayers are with them.
The British King set out the priorities of the British Government in the House of Commons today. In that speech there was no mention at all of the mothballing of the democratic institutions of the North of Ireland. That is a disgrace. Despite months of discussions between the British Government and the DUP, it appears that the DUP is still holding the democracy of the North to ransom until it gets its way on the protocol. It was reported on RTÉ today that a senior DUP member stated that "To end that boycott ... would be electoral madness." There we have it. The democratic institutions of the North of Ireland and the ability to administer health, housing, education, transport and even flooding are all being mothballed because of the narrow electoral interests of the DUP. How long are we going to allow this to happen? How long are we going to stand idly by as a State and allow for the democratic, educational, housing and economic rights of 2 million people, living 50 or 60 miles away from here, to be held to ransom? Is it not time now that the Government should pressure on for a reopening of Stormont and a change in the rules of how Stormont functions?
On 28 December last in Belturbet, County Cavan, we marked the 50th anniversary of the bombing in the town that caused the death of two young teenagers, Geraldine O'Reilly and Patrick Stanley. As the Taoiseach knows, next May will mark the 50th anniversary of the Dublin and Monaghan bombings, when 33 innocent people were murdered and hundreds were badly injured on that fatal day. That day, 17 May 1974, was the darkest day of all during the era known as the Troubles, when unfortunately there were many bad days throughout this island. Very regrettably, nobody has been brought to justice for those heinous crimes, be it in Belturbet or Dublin and Monaghan. The Taoiseach will also recall that in 2008, 2011 and 2016, this House unanimously passed motions calling on the British Government to give an independent eminent international legal expert access to all papers and files pertaining to the Dublin and Monaghan bombings. The non-response of the British Government to the legitimate and unanimous request of a neighbouring sovereign jurisdiction is totally and simply unacceptable.
We all know the chances of getting prosecutions are extremely limited but the least the families deserve is the truth about who carried out those atrocities. Will the Taoiseach give an assurance to this House, as he did in the past, that he and other members of the Government in all meetings at prime ministerial and government level will continue to raise the need for the British Government and the Northern Ireland authorities to co-operate in meaningful investigations into these atrocities?
I want to raise the issue of the repression of expressions of solidarity with the Palestinian people. In Germany, we have seen school students who wear the Palestinian scarf threatened with school discipline. In Paris, people can be fined €135 for wearing the scarf; hundreds have been. In Britain, attempts have been made in universities to ban groups that show solidarity with Palestine. These are groups that oppose racism, and that have a long history of campaigning against antisemitism, yet they face bans. The Prime Minister has said that if next Saturday's Palestinian solidarity demonstration were to go ahead it would be provocative and disrespectful. He sees to be attempting to nudge the police into banning that protest, although how the hell they will do that when up to half a million people have been on the streets in London is anyone's guess. Is the Taoiseach is concerned about this attack we see on civil liberties not just in Britain, but in European Union countries as well?
The Northern Ireland Assembly elections were held on 5 May last year. As we know, the Democratic Unionist Party, DUP, by blocking the appointment of a speaker prevented the assembly from functioning, which, in turn, prevented the establishment of an executive. Meanwhile, the everyday problems in the North continue to get worse. Hospitals waiting lists are twice as long as they are in the South. Lough Neagh becomes more and more polluted. There are serious concerns about the budget in Northern Ireland. Deputy Tóibín mentioned the need for flood relief schemes. The Windsor Framework between the EU and the UK has been agreed and will be substantially implemented over the next 12 months. What are the prospects now for the restoration of the Northern Ireland political institutions? The Taoiseach went to Belfast in August to meet with the political parties there. Some reports suggest that the DUP is planning a return to Stormont but if this does not happen, what alternatives are being considered by the British and Irish Governments in the context of the revisions of the Good Friday Agreement? What were the views of the British Prime Minister on these matters when the Taoiseach met him on the margins of the European Political Community meeting?
This House has roundly condemned on a number of occasions the British Government's so-called legacy Bill recognising that the Bill and the approach of the British Government has been cruel, callous, and contrary to the spirit of the Good Friday Agreement and the words of the Stormont House Agreement, which both governments recommitted to as recently as 2020. For our part, we have been very clear that the Irish Government as a co-guarantor to those agreements has a duty to ensure their protection and to work towards their full implementation. In that regard, I previously asked whether the Government intends to take legal action to the European Court of Human Rights in response to the Bill. I was informed that the Government is awaiting legal advice from the Attorney General. Will the Taoiseach inform us as to whether that legal advice has been furnished and whether it will lead to the enacting of the legal actions required to face down this dreadful legislation?
Britain has seen very sizeable protests of hundreds of thousands of people in solidarity with the Palestinians and in opposition to the genocidal assault by Israel on Gaza. That has happened in the context of massive repression and threatened repression. A letter from the Home Secretary to police constables suggests that flying a Palestinian flag in Britain may be a criminal offence and that the chant, "From the river to the sea, Palestine will be free" may be a criminal offence. Now we see attempts to ban the coming protest this Saturday, which could see up to 1 million people on the streets. The deputy assistant commissioner of the police has said it is not appropriate to hold any protests in London this weekend. Suella Braverman has said that "hate marchers need to understand that decent British people have had enough of theses displays of thuggish intimidation and extremism". I suggest that decent British people are appalled at the Israeli genocide and are appalled at their own government's support for that. Has the Taoiseach discussed the right of people to protest with the British Prime Minister? I would certainly say to people that if it is banned, they should still be on the streets and should attempt to mobilise 1 million people in a very powerful display of international solidarity with the Palestinians.
We obviously need the Government to do everything it can to take the necessary battle on. We are in full agreement that the legacy Bill is nothing but Britain's attempt to hide its disgraceful actions in Ireland during the conflict. I would like to think that legal advice has been provided to the Government because we need to take action as soon as possible. We spoke before about the huge issues as regards drift and slippage. We know the DUP is holding up issues related to an executive being up and running. We have had our own issues around flooding in north Louth but, as much as there may be questions and we need to get certain answers on the humanitarian assistance fund and the emergency business flood relief schemes, at least we have them. We have seen the issues in the likes of Newry and Downpatrick where an executive is not up and running. I would like to think the Government would add its voice to the British Government and the Secretary of State from a point of view that people will need reliefs there as soon as possible.
The Taoiseach is next.
I am next.
I did not have the Deputy on my list but he can go ahead.
I attended the demonstration in London two weeks ago. For British political and government figures to call it thuggish is absolutely outrageous. It was an entirely peaceful demonstration and the thought that there would be efforts to deter people from protesting or even banning them is absolutely outrageous. One of the things that protesters here and in Britain on that day and at all of the protests are puzzled about is the attitude of the British Government, the Taoiseach's Government, the United States Government and western Governments to international law. The Taoiseach, Rishi Sunak and others have repeatedly said that Israel has the right, through military means, to pursue Hamas and that has given cover to the justification for the slaughter in Gaza. First, I ask the Taoiseach, if a paramilitary group in Ireland attacked Britain would that give Britain the right to bomb Dublin or Belfast, for example? That is the logic that is being applied. Second, if any actor has the right to pursue by military means an entire population in order to pursue a particular paramilitary antagonist, do the Palestinians have the same right to so-called self-defence? I am seriously asking this question.
I thank the Deputy. We are way over time.
Do they have the right, through military means, to defend themselves against a siege, against occupation and against the killing of thousands of Palestinians by Israel over the past number of years?
Deputy, we are way over time.
Under international law, they do but it seems that nobody seems to want to accord them that right.
I thank the Deputies. Deputy Tóibín asked about King Charles's speech in Westminster today. I have not had a chance to read it but I do know the UK Government is working very hard on securing agreement from the DUP to return to government in Northern Ireland to deal with many of the issues that need to be dealt with and that have been mentioned by Deputies, ranging from flooding to the environment and to the health service. We remain in close contact with the UK Government on this and also with the five main political parties. Some progress has been made in the past few weeks and we have had a few false starts as well so let us see how it goes.
How long?
There is no deadline; we have not set a deadline.
There is never a deadline.
Deputy Brendan Smith mentioned the Dublin-Monaghan and Belturbet bombings. I concur with his remarks and want to reassure him we continue to raise the issue bilaterally and at Head of Government level and foreign minister level as well. A comprehensive review of the Belturbet bombing investigation was carried out by An Garda Síochána, which identified several lines of inquiry.
A senior investigating officer was appointed last year to lead the investigation and an incident room has been established at Ballyconnell Garda station. The investigation is open and active and any new information or evidence will be thoroughly investigated. I call on anyone who has information to make that available to the Garda authorities even at this very late date.
Deputies Barry, Paul Murphy, Boyd Barrett and others mentioned the right to protest. I believe in free speech, in freedom of assembly and in the right to engage in peaceful protest and any restriction on any of that needs to be rare and needs to be fully justifiable and warranted. It is not this Government's policy to ban or discourage pro-Palestinian marches, nor will we be doing so. The same applies to pro-Israeli marches. The same applies to marches that are just pro-peace. We will not be banning any national flags or any national symbols. That is our position. Other governments can make their own positions, of course. I have to say, however, I am concerned about rising anti-Semitism in Europe and around the world, some of it sparked by the events in the Middle East. That is not justified. I am concerned about rising Islamophobia as well. I am also concerned about what is, quite frankly, the dehumanisation of the Palestinian people in some of these debates because Palestinian lives matter as much as any other life, in my view.
In answer to Deputy Haughey's question, I cannot speak for Prime Minister Sunak but I believe he is committed to the Good Friday Agreement and wants to get the devolved institutions up and running again. I hope to have a chance to talk to him about that in the next few weeks as well.
On the legacy Act, we have received the legal advice from the Attorney General, AG, in relation to a possible inter-state case at the European Court of Human Rights. This is an essential contribution to our consideration as to whether or not we take a case or support a third-party case. We are studying that advice and considering the next steps, looking at all the implications of such a decision including the potential impact on the bilateral relationship, broader political and civic concerns in Northern Ireland and legacy issues among victims' groups and families. I stress that the initiation of an inter-state case would be a significant step, one which would have to be taken on solid grounds and not taken lightly. A decision has yet to be made.
Finally, I restate the very strong view of the Government that Israel has a right to defend itself but that has to be in accordance with international humanitarian law. Do people who are occupied have the right to resist that occupation? Of course they do. All over the world, people are occupied and resist occupation. Of course, they have the right to do that, but I think we all agree that what Hamas did on 7 October was not resisting occupation; it was a terrorist act.
The Attorney General's advice in respect of the legacy Bill.
I answered that.