Richard Boyd Barrett
Ceist:16. Deputy Richard Boyd Barrett asked the Taoiseach to report on his visit to the western Balkans. [2796/24]
Amharc ar fhreagraWednesday, 14 February 2024
Ceisteanna (16, 17, 18, 19, 20)
Paul Murphy
Ceist:17. Deputy Paul Murphy asked the Taoiseach to report on his visit to the western Balkans. [2799/24]
Amharc ar fhreagra
Ruairí Ó Murchú
Ceist:18. Deputy Ruairí Ó Murchú asked the Taoiseach to report on his visit to the western Balkans. [3958/24]
Amharc ar fhreagra
Seán Haughey
Ceist:19. Deputy Seán Haughey asked the Taoiseach to report on his visit to the western Balkans. [4171/24]
Amharc ar fhreagra
Marc Ó Cathasaigh
Ceist:20. Deputy Marc Ó Cathasaigh asked the Taoiseach if he will report on his visit to the western Balkans. [6212/24]
Amharc ar fhreagraFreagraí ó Béal (10 píosaí cainte)
I propose to take Questions Nos. 16 to 20, inclusive, together.
I visited the western Balkans from 10 to 12 January 2024. My visit to Kosovo was an opportunity, in particular, to thank the Irish members of the Defence Forces serving with the Kosovo Force, KFOR, and the Irish people serving with the European Union Rule of Law Mission in Kosovo, EULEX, for the vital work they do in contributing to peace and security in that country. My visit to three western Balkans countries, namely, Kosovo, Montenegro and North Macedonia, was also an opportunity to reiterate Ireland's long-standing and strong wish to see the countries of the western Balkans join the European Union as soon as they are ready.
Ireland has long endorsed their journey towards membership, and we will continue to do so.
As I said in my meetings with leaders in all three countries, enlargement is, and must remain, merit-based. Undertaking the reforms and legal preparations necessary for membership is challenging, as it should be. However, the prize at the end of a difficult path is membership of the European Union which, as this country knows well, can be transformative in economic and social terms. I urged all leaders I met to continue to take the steps necessary. I also said that Ireland is their friend, and will continue to make the case that once a country is ready for membership, it should be allowed to join. There should be no requirement to wait until others are ready, or for internal reforms within the EU. We should not put up unnecessary or additional barriers.
In Pristina, I met the Prime Minister of Kosovo, Albin Kurti, and the President, Vjosa Osmani-Sadriu. Both briefed me on efforts to de-escalate tensions between Kosovars and ethnic Serbs in the northern part of the country. I urged them to continue to do all they could to advance this and to engage in the EU-facilitated Belgrade-Pristina dialogue aimed at normalising relations between Kosovo and Serbia.
There is great interest in Kosovo in how Ireland engages with our global diaspora. As a country that has experienced considerable emigration, Kosovo was interested to know how it can maintain and strengthen relations with Kosovars around the world. I offered to share any lessons from our national experience that might be useful.
In Podgorica, I met the Prime Minister of Montenegro, Milojko Spajić. and the President, Jakov Milatović. Montenegro is further advanced in preparations for EU membership than others, and both leaders were keen to ensure that it should be able to join once ready. We also discussed ways to deepen our bilateral relations, especially in the economic sphere.
My visit to Skopje, the capital of North Macedonia, was the first to that country by a serving Irish Taoiseach. I met Prime Minister Dimitar Kovačevski and President Stevo Pendarovski. North Macedonia has faced challenges in its efforts to advance its case for EU membership, including agreeing to change the name of the country and agreeing to amend its constitution to reflect the presence of a Bulgarian minority in the country. They are, therefore, naturally keen to ensure that no new or further obstacles, other than those required of all applicants, are placed in their path.
The countries the Taoiseach visited are very much on the front line of what I will call the escalating new Cold War tensions between the expanded NATO and Putin and his bloc, as it were. It is worth noting that the Balkans is the crossroads of competing empires. Because of that, it was the place where the First World War began, and historically it has been so. These empires are banging up against each other with competing priorities, objectives and interests, and it has resulted in some pretty horrific conflicts. It is worth bearing in mind that historical context when we look at what is a very worrying situation. We all know Putin's invasion of Ukraine was an absolute disgrace. It was illegal, criminal, brutal and imperialist-driven. Equally, the expansion of NATO has not exactly helped matters, particularly when after the fall of the Soviet Union it was strongly urged by people like Gorbachev that it would not be a good idea, and that it would lead to conflict. Indeed, it has certainly contributed to it
At his meetings, did the Taoiseach discuss NATO, the new Cold War and the dangerous tensions that are emerging? It is in the context of a new tailored arrangement between Ireland and NATO that has just been announced, which means we are going to be in a new formal co-operation arrangement with NATO. Is that not a really egregious breach of our neutrality? It is an arrangement with an alliance that is now even more discredited because its leading members, the United States Britain and Germany, are all up their necks in complicity with the Israel's crimes against the Palestinian people. They have really showed their moral bankruptcy and their true colours. If Putin is a nasty imperialist, is it not the case that equally, the dominant powers in NATO have shown themselves to be morally bankrupt, driven by self-interest and willing to support and tolerate some of the most horrific crimes? It should be all the more reason for us to keep a million miles away from NATO.
It has been reported that on the Taoiseach's visit to the western Balkans, the issue of regional security was discussed. I wonder whether the issue with NATO came up, and whether the issue of Ireland's new individual tailored partnership programme, a new agreement with NATO, came up. Does the Taoiseach think it is appropriate that the Irish Government is able to sign Ireland up when it is a country that remains, formally speaking, neutral? The Taoiseach is forced to say Ireland is neutral and there is no intention to get rid of Ireland's neutrality. Is it appropriate that a government is able to sign Ireland up to a new agreement which involves more co-operation with NATO and where the list of areas of co-operation is confidential? The public does not see it and we do not see it. The Government can do all of that without bringing it here to a vote of the Dáil. Is it appropriate that the Government can continue on its campaign of chipping away at what is left of neutrality and getting Ireland closer and closer to NATO?
In that context, what is the plan in terms of legislation to get rid of the triple lock? When does the Government plan to bring it forward? I think it should be brought forward as a proposal for a referendum because I think the people should decide. It would, in reality, be the end of what is left of neutrality because it means that any future Irish Government could send troops abroad on imperialist US-led adventures in the Middle East or anywhere else. I think the public should decide. What is the plan and when is the Government going to come forward with that legislation?
We are talking about the western Balkans and accession to the European Union. I have no doubt that when the Taoiseach spoke with the leaders of North Macedonia and Montenegro in particular, he got that element of annoyance - probably more than annoyance - that they have because the whole conversation on accession has not been real for the last while. We all accept that some of that was down to the European Union. The likes of France or whatever came to the conclusion that there were huge rule of law issues. We all know the issue in relation to Hungary. It was decided that those issues needed to be settled, as they do, before wider accession would be looked at. I think that is where the conversation really was.
In fairness, the Ukrainian crisis has changed all that. When we look right across that particular area, we can see there is game play by Russia. The fact is that we have to offer people an alternative from a geopolitical point of view. That is the positive side of the European Union. We have seen a lot of the negative lately. I would like to know what conversations the Taoiseach had with leaders on the necessary moves they have to make in dealing with the rule of law issues. Did he have conversations in relation how we can facilitate them in delivering on the Copenhagen criteria?
I agree with a lot of the commentary. If we are talking about rule of law issues, the Western world has let itself down incredibly badly in relation to Gaza. As much as the language of the US has improved, we know that as we face possible further devastation in Rafah, proper pressure needs to be put on Israel. The only way to do that is for the powers that be to use their voice and, beyond that, for the powers that really be, that provide Israel with weapons, to stop doing so.
The Taoiseach's recent to the western Balkans, and specifically Kosovo, Montenegro and North Macedonia, was welcome. He also visited the Irish peacekeeping troops posted in Kosovo. Ireland has a proud tradition of UN peacekeeping. No doubt, the Taoiseach conveyed the deep appreciation of all of us to the Defence Forces personnel station stationed there for the important duties that they are undertaking.
As the Taoiseach knows, a number of countries in the western Balkans have aspirations to join the EU. The declaration issued last December, following the EU-western Balkans summit, acknowledged these aspirations and outlined the future steps to be taken in this regard. Ireland favours enlargement in principle.
We see it as beneficial to the individual countries and to the EU as a whole. It is clear that some of these countries are doing better than others with regard to meeting the necessary criteria, which are the so-called Copenhagen criteria. What is the view at European Council level concerning the western Balkans and enlargement? Does the Taoiseach think progress on this matter has stalled? We are told there is a rise of the far right across Europe and perhaps a pushback on enlargement. Does the Taoiseach think we should wait to admit all the countries collectively or should they be admitted on a case-by-case basis? I think the Taoiseach said in his response that they can be admitted on a case-by-case basis. Would he think that is the view across the EU at European Council level?
I thank Deputies for their remarks. I do not think Deputy Boyd Barrett meant to say it but, just in case I misheard him, I do not think we should in any way equate the expansion of NATO to Russia's invasion of Ukraine. That is part of the Russian narrative and a Russian speaking point, to blame NATO expansion or use it as an excuse for what it has done in Ukraine. I would hope that none of us agree with that speaking point or viewpoint or accept that it is-----
I am saying it is not a good thing.
That is a different thing. I am glad that is clear because it is a Russian speaking point. Aside from the historical lectures that one gets from Russia, one of its speaking points is that the expansion of NATO forced them to invade Ukraine-----
It did not force them.
-----in order to prevent it from joining NATO, which would be its choice, not Russia's, in my view. Whether we agree with NATO expansion or not, I think it is up to individual countries and their democratically elected governments to decide whether they want to join. It should not be decided in Russia or other places.
We of course discussed NATO in our conversations. All three are members. We are not. Most of the countries that I meet in Europe are interested to know why we are not members and how we would defend ourselves in the event of a serious attack. It is fair to say that Montenegro and Macedonia feel more secure, although they are really concerned about Russian interference in their countries and democracies. Kosovo is a little bit less secure because the situation with Serbia is much more tense.
The individually tailored partnership programme, ITPP, was not specifically discussed in any of my meetings. I would have said to them that we are part of the Partnership for Peace, PfP, and have been since 1999. PfP has a separate identity and is based on individual bilateral relationships between NATO and each of the PfP countries. We have no plans to join NATO. However, access to NATO training and standards through participation in PfP has been of benefit to the Defence Forces, particularly when on service with the UN and EU, where they can be interoperable. It is a tailored framework for co-operation and is completely voluntary in nature. I should say that the White Paper on Defence states that Ireland will continue to participate in NATO's PfP with a view to ensuring the Defence Forces have the necessary interoperable capabilities to participate in modern and demanding peacekeeping operations alongside other EU military forces.
I do not agree that an end to the triple lock would be an end to our neutrality. Our neutrality goes back to the 1940s. The triple lock has only been around for maybe 20 or 30 years. It was done in response to some conspiracy theories about a European referendum. I do not believe the five permanent members of the UN Security Council should have a veto at all and I do not believe that any one of them should be able to veto decisions by a sovereign Irish Government to take part in a peacekeeping operation. That is why I would like to see it removed. We do not have any date for that to be done. I do not know if it will be done in the period of this Dáil.
Deputies Ó Murchú and Haughey both asked about accession and enlargement. It is ten years since any country joined the European Union. The last one was Croatia. It is now in the eurozone. I do not think that anyone regrets the fact that Croatia is a member. I would like to see countries join as soon as they are ready. I think it should be done on a case-by-case basis. Not everyone on the European Council agrees that. They would like to see it as a bigger package or an enlargement of the many, linked to institutional reforms. I and the Government have a different view. Let us not forget that we were part of the first enlargement. We joined with Britain and Denmark. I would not like us to be told that we had to wait for somebody else. That would not have been fair. It is important that the one or two countries that are most ready should be allowed to join soon because if that does not happen, people will lose faith in those countries that they will ever be allowed in, then people in the countries that are further back and less ready, rather than turning to pro-European forces, pro-European parties and democratic parties, might turn to the extremes. That is a real fear that I have. It is noteworthy that Montenegro and Kosovo have already adopted the euro even though they are not in the European Union.
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Cuireadh an Dáil ar fionraí ar 1.55 p.m. agus cuireadh tús leis arís ar 2.55 p.m.
Sitting suspended at 1.55 p.m. and resumed at 2.55 p.m.