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Dáil Éireann díospóireacht -
Thursday, 8 Jun 1933

Vol. 48 No. 2

Estimates for Public Services. - Vote 52 (Agriculture)—Debate Resumed.

As a Senator remarked recently in the Seanad, there is very little use in talking on this question, because the Government seem to pay very little attention to the position of the farmers. Some days ago, when he was speaking in the Dáil, Deputy Corry started off by saying that he had to admit the farmers were in a very bad way. Then he went on to indicate all that the present Government has done for the farmers during the last one and a half years. I think the Deputy's attitude was very inconsistent. At first he admitted the truth and then he proceeded to endeavour to bluff the people. There is an old saying that you can bluff some of the people some of the time, but you cannot bluff all the people all the time.

There has been a good deal of criticism about the way in which the farmers in this country utilise their land. There has been a good deal of talk about tillage. The members of the present Government have time and again endeavoured to put the late Minister for Agriculture into the position that he was opposed to a tillage policy during his term of office as Minister. That is not so. The late Minister for Agriculture stated on many an occasion in this House that his view was that every farmer should till a certain amount for the purpose of feeding to his own stock, but he was not in favour of a tillage policy if its only purpose was to produce cash crops.

The Minister has told us that he himself had made the production of pigs pay, but he did not go into the matter very fully as he should have, and told us whether he reared the pigs himself, or whether he bought them and, if so, how long he was feeding them, the price he paid for the young pigs and the price he received when he sold them. I have lived amongst farmers all my life and I know as much about them as anybody in this House. I have always heard farmers say that the only man in the country who made money on pigs was the man who was always engaged in their production. There were times when such a man would not make a profit on producing pigs; there were times when he met with losses, but then when a rise came in prices he had his supplies for the market and was able to make a profit on them. What is the position now of such people? I represent a constituency where the people are most industrious and where they produce a lot of pigs. In fact, the production of pigs is their mainstay. What is their position to-day? One man told me that his position would not be so bad last year but for the fact that on 58 pigs he suffered a loss of £1 apiece. In view of that one may say that the position in the farming industry to-day is that the less you do the less you lose.

Deputy Corry stated here that he got £6 15/- for oats last harvest. I would like to know where he got it. The Millers in Cork, when they took stock, found that they sold a certain amount of Indian meal over certain periods previous to the mixture scheme under the Cereals Act being put into force. They calculated that on the ten per cent. mixture they would require a certain amount of oats, but what is the position now? Since that time they have bought no oats at all, with the result that people all over the country cannot get sale for their oats. There is no market for it. Only last week a member of the Seanad told me that he had a large quantity of oats and he did not think he would be able to sell it. Deputy Corry tried to get over that by saying that he had no pity for people who could hold over their supplies. That is how Deputy Corry meets the situation in regard to oats. The Minister is encouraging people to produce wheat, and to those who hold it over to give an increased price for it.

To give them a market for it.

At what price? I would like to know what the flour scheme is costing this country. The Minister for Industry and Commerce stated that when the Cumann na nGaedheal Government went out of office only 1,500,000 sacks of flour were being milled in the country, and he went on to say that the output now was 2,500,000 sacks. A merchant in Macroom told me that he could buy foreign flour at 3/6 a sack cheaper than the home manufactured flour. A simple calculation shows that 3/6 a sack on 2,500,000 sacks of flour amounts, roughly, to £437,000. Deputy Brennan asked a question as to how many hands were employed in the flour-milling industry here, and I put a question to the Minister as to what the cost was, but the Minister evaded replying. Everybody who has read the Report of the Tariff Commission knows that if all the flour millers of the country were engaged in the production of these 2,500,000 sacks of flour the calculation was made that employment would only be given to 153 extra hands. Making the liberal allowance of £4 a week each for these 153 extra hands there is an expenditure of about £600 a week or £30,000 a year, so that if we deduct this sum of £30,000 from the £437,000 we find that the policy of the Government, so far as the milling industry is concerned, is costing this country £407,000 a year. Yet in the face of these figures we are told that wheat growing is a paying proposition. If it is why did not Deputy Kelly of Meath accept the generous offer I made to him last October? I offered him 15 acres of tillage land situate about 15 miles from the City of Dublin in order that he might avail of it to educate the people in that area how to grow wheat at a profit. The Deputy did not accept my offer, and he did not accept it because, as I said at the time, wheat growing experts have found that the growing of wheat is not a paying proposition.

With regard to the feeding of pigs, Deputy Corry made a comparison between the prices here and in Scotland for wheat and barley. He said: "look at the prices we are paying as a result of the Government's policy and legislation." I asked him who paid it except the farmers in the poorest parts of the country. The Government themselves admit that the ten per cent. addition to the mixture resulted in an increase of about 10/- a ton to the cost of meal. Now there is to be a further increase to 15 per cent., which will mean that the farmers of the country will have to pay 15/- a ton more for their meal. It is no wonder, as Deputy Kent said, that the hens are going on strike because the feeding they are getting is not strong enough. Farmers have told me that their pigs come out in the middle of the night crying because of the hunger. I have always maintained that it is not fair to tax the people in the poorer parts of the country to help those who can well afford to provide feeding themselves. I think it would be a much better policy for the Minister to give a subsidy of so much per ton so that the people in the areas who have to buy feeding stuffs could obtain homegrown cereals at a reduced price and mix them themselves. People would then know what they were getting, but at present they do not.

When this admixture scheme was under consideration before the Tariff Commission, an expert witness, giving evidence, said that it was impossible to detect adulteration in the mixture. For that reason I object to the present system. If the Government feel that people who produce grain should be helped, then they should do that in a different way to that in which it is being done and be honest about it. Fianna Fáil Deputies, in the course of their speeches, have told us about the great depression there is all over the world. When they occupied these benches and when we made that statement they laughed at us, and said that it was the Cumann na nGaedheal Government that was responsible for all the depression. We are getting a good deal of dictation now from the experts on the Government benches as to how we should run our farms. We are told a lot about the wisdom of a tillage policy. I have some experience of feeding. I put in seven cows to feed and a fortnight afterwards I was offered £51 for them. I fed them for another eight weeks and at the end of that time I was very glad to get £50 for them. I leave it to members of this House who know what it costs to feed cows to estimate the loss that I sustained.

The most unfortunate thing about the whole policy of the present Government is that it is driving people out of production. In Cork this year the quantity of feeding stuffs sold was only half what was sold two years ago. I am not a politician. I said in this House before that it made no difference to the people of this country what party occupied the Government benches if the country were prosperous. That is my policy. There has been a good deal of talk about dividing up land. I have seen some land that was divided up, but so far as I could observe there has not been much change made in the working of it, because most of it is still being used for grazing. If the Government want to go in for dividing up land, then surely they ought to take steps to provide a market for what is produced and we have not that market at the present time due to their policy. My policy always was to increase production on the land but our position to-day is that we have no market in which to sell our produce. Before the last two General Elections we were told by the Fianna Fáil Party that the markets would be got. We were to get a market in Germany, but to-day our cows are going to Germany because they are cheaper than old horses. I always heard it said that it was a foolish thing for a man to give up on job until he was sure of walking into another. That saying has great application so far as the policy of the present Government is concerned. They should have taken care to try and preserve the markets we had until the other markets that they talked about were procured. The Minister said a few days ago that we had circulated the report that they were going to reduce the number of cattle in the country. We never said that but they said it themselves: that they were going to put people instead of bullocks on the land. They have admitted now that the more land they divide the more cattle the country can produce, but what is the good of producing anything when you have no market to sell in?

There are people in my area producing cattle and a very poor part of the country it is to produce cattle. At the present time, every one of these cattle from two year olds upwards has to bear a tax of £6 which, if you wish, less the bounty, is reduced to about £4 15s. Some time ago a cattle dealer was buying cattle from a man in this district. He caught one of the beasts by the head to look at its teeth. The man from whom he was buying them asked what was that for. He replied: "You can ask President de Valera. He can tell you all about it." I think it is up to the Minister now to give us some idea of the future policy of the Government with regard to agriculture in this country. Nobody would be more pleased than I if he were able to say that the agricultural position in the country was satisfactory. We want a market for our agricultural produce and we want to encourage production amongst the people. If you build up the agricultural industry in this country you can build up your other industries side by side with it.

There is one thing on which all Deputies are unanimous and that is that the Government and the Dáil should work in the interests of the farmers of Ireland. Starting with that as our base, we should ask ourselves in what way are we to work in the interests of the farmers of Ireland, taking the farmers of Ireland as the Irish nation? It is undeniable that during the ten years of Cumann na Gaedheal Government in this country we handed over £52,000,000 to the British Government. We were asked to give 25 per cent. of the total revenue of this nation to a foreign country. If we continued to give that 25 per cent. for a few more years to that foreign country, we would have no further need of an economic policy, or any other policy in this country, for the country was bound to become bankrupt.

You are giving them 100 per cent.

During those years, as I said, we were handing over £5,250,000 every year to the British Government. The British themselves owe a debt to the United States and the annual payments in respect of that debt amount to about five per cent. of the British revenue. The British Government and the British people say to-day that they are unable to bear the burden of that five per cent. of the revenue which goes to a foreign State. Here we are, an agricultural country, asked to hand over 25 per cent. of our revenue to the British Government. If we continue to do that how, in God's name, could we survive as a nation? How could we continue to do that unless we were prepared to face ruin and bankruptcy when a highly-industrialised country like England, a wealthy country, is not able to bear a payment which represents only five per cent. of its total revenue? That is a fact which I would ask Deputies on the opposite benches and Deputies of the Centre Party to consider. If they have any interest in the nation, if they wish to save the people from ruin and bankruptcy, they should be content to support the Government who are trying to save this nation from the plunder of this £5,250,000 by the British Government.

We are told that if the economic war goes on this country will lose far more than we can hope to gain by it. We heard Deputy MacDermot a few moments ago say that we should not consider that we are paying £5,250,000 to the British. He mentioned the fact that pensioners in this country, those who were maimed and crippled in the Great War, are getting some £2,000,000 from the British Government. Does he mean to insinuate that that is a gift from the British Government to this country? Does he mean to insinuate that the people of this country should pay the pensions of men who fought for Britain in her war for the supposed freedom and liberties of small nations? Should we pay £2,000,000 to the soldiers who helped England in the reconquest of Heligoland or in the annexation of these German territories which she holds to-day? Are we to pay pensions to those soldiers who exposed the people of these annexed territories, heretofore held by the Germans, to bombing by British aeroplanes when the people there tried to shake off the British yoke? Is that what the Deputy meant?

I think I can reassure the Deputy at once, if he wishes to be reassured, that I made no such proposal.

I think that is the inference to be drawn from what the Deputy has said.

If the Deputy wishes that I should explain my remark, I shall willingly do so. I do not want to interrupt him.

Whatever Deputy MacDermot or Deputies on the other side may think, it is their duty to support the Government, to support the nation and the people of the nation in bringing this economic war to a successful end, an end that will redound to the benefit, profit and credit of this nation.

A Deputy

Agreed.

Agreed in word, but what have been your actions here in this House? Where is the general in the field who would hear from opposing armies the remarks that have been passed by Deputies on the other side and who would surrender in such circumstances? Are you not giving every encouragement to the British Government to continue this war in the hope that they will be able to starve out our people and bring us to our knees? Is that not the encouragement you are giving to the British? One Deputy put the loss to this country by the economic war at £18,000,000 already. If Mr. Thomas, or Mr. Chamberlain, or the British Ministers over there think they have caused a loss of £18,000,000 to this country are they any more likely to make an amicable settlement at any conference? Another Deputy puts the loss at £4,500,000 a year. His reasoning to me runs something like this: Mr. Chamberlain, in the British House of Commons, says he hopes to collect £3,000,000 by reason of the tariffs. Add to that, said the Deputy on the opposite benches, £1,500,000 given in bounties to the Irish producer, which in all makes £4,500,000. He counts as a loss to this nation the £1,500,000 given as bounty on the produce of the Irish farmer. He says it is a direct loss to the nation, whereas, if my intelligence has not gone greatly wrong, that £1,500,000 goes into the pockets of Irish agricultural producers and is no loss to the nation.

Who pays it?

It does not represent a loss.

The Deputy is misquoting Deputy Coburn completely. Deputy Coburn is not here now but the £1,500,000 to which Deputy Coburn referred was not connected with the bounties at all.

I understood he was referring to bounties.

He was referring— I do not know that £1,500,000 was the exact figure—to the amount which he said was extracted from the Irish taxpayer by tariffs on imported goods coming into this country.

Dr. Ryan

We pay the tariffs at both ends!

Yes, apparently. I should consider that the £1,500,000 obtained from tariffs on goods coming into the country would be a gain to the country and not a loss. If Great Britain exports coal and other materials to this country and we levy a tariff of £1,500,000 on that coal and the other materials she sends in, and if our ports are open to the Germans, the Dutch, the French, and other people who send in their produce, the only reasonable conclusion we can come to is that we are getting that £1,500,000 off Great Britain. I am dealing with the argument made by Deputies on the other side. I heard a Centre Party Deputy yesterday, speaking on the Cement Bill, say that cement can be bought much cheaper in Dublin than in Liverpool. If that is so, why is it? Does it not arise from the fact that Great Britain tried to under-sell the Continental exporters here? If that is so and cement is sold cheaper in Dublin than in Liverpool, is not that a gain to the Irish people?

It is, but it is not cement the Deputy has been talking about.

I was dealing with an item mentioned by a Deputy on the other side, not the one I refer to. I do not wish to say anything to Deputy Belton, because his figures have been so grossly exaggerated that it would be an insult to the intelligence of the House to criticise him.

And the intelligence of the House is raised to a high level now. When Mr. Thomas reads this he will be frightened.

There is only one honest way to settle this question and that is to show Great Britain that there is going to be no surrender here until Great Britain concedes the rights to which we believe we are legally and morally entitled. When Great Britain concedes those rights to us, we shall make a Treaty with Great Britain that we shall honour in the letter, as well as in the spirit.

May I correct the account given by the last speaker of what I have said? He suggests that I put forward the view that it was the duty of this country to pay the pensions of people who served in the British Army during the Great War. I never suggested anything of the kind. I challenged the statement, and I challenged it again, that there was a net sum of five and a quarter millions being bled from this country year by year by England. That is not true.

A Deputy

It is not true.

It is not true. That is not a net sum, because I pointed out that large portions of that came back here; that one million pounds, or thereabouts, came back to the holders of Irish land stock in this country, that three-quarters of a million, or thereabouts, came back to Irish police pensioners in this country; which makes a big hole in the five and a quarter millions to begin with. Although I admitted that it was not on all-fours with these other payments, I said that we ought not to forget that there was a stream of two million pounds year by year coming into this country to pensioners who had served in the Great War. So that the general statement that there was this terrific net drain from us of five and a quarter millions year by year is totally misleading as to our financial situation.

What about the sweepstakes money?

I should like to remind the Minister that the Dublin Horse Show will be held in the second week of August. If there is going to be a settlement of this financial question, and if it were brought about before the Horse Show was held, it would make a great difference to the breeders and owners of horses in the sale of their animals at the Show. It was pitiful last year to see the prices that people got for yearlings, some of which cost £50 to be sired. Some of these yearlings were sold at seven and eight guineas each. The Minister knows the worry, expense and trouble of breeding thoroughbred stock and what it means to the country. We have the name of breeding the best horses in the world. That trade has been absolutely ruined. I would, therefore, impress on the Minister the necessity of having a settlement of this question before the Dublin Horse Show.

I am not a farmer, but I have listened to a lot about farming since I entered this House a couple of months ago. Almost every day in the week we hear about the wrongs of the farmers. We had them last night for three or four hours; we had them for three or four hours to-day; and now we have them again at 10.15 at night. Nobody that I ever could trace in my ancestry was a farmer—certainly on the paternal side anyway. I went back a long way at one time to find out something about my family history in the City of Dublin. I went back well over one hundred years, but I had to stop because there was a woman amongst my ancestors who was not as good as she might be. I had to stop then or goodness knows what else I might discover. I have, however, met farmers both in private and in public and I have always come to the conclusion, founded upon certain experience, that they were a shrewd body of men. Their heads are well screwed on. I do not blame them for that because I know they have to earn their living very hard, like their fathers before them, and their fathers before them again. Being a shrewd body of men, they know the difference between right and wrong. I suggest to the Centre Party that the President is the recent election did not go around as a political thimblerigger or a three-card trickster.

Ask the Labour Party.

He did not try to confuse or deceive the people. He laid his programme plainly before them, and I suggest that three-fourths of the farmers supported him at the last election.

I suggest that and, if I were a farmer, I would go further than suggesting those things, but I do not want to intrude too much.

Did the President say that he would withdraw the agricultural grant?

I cannot hear you and I do not want to hear you. I further suggest that the President never refused, or never stated that he would refuse, an honourable settlement of this economic war, if an honourable settlement could be obtained. Did he not offer to have the matter submitted to fair arbitration? Did he not say that we were willing to arbitrate on this matter provided the tribunal was a fair one? Did he not say in effect to Great Britain: "You choose your men and we shall choose ours; but let an unprejudiced chairman preside over it"?

Place our destinies in the hands of a dictator.

I have to apply the same remark to Deputy Belton as I applied to Deputy O'Sullivan. This is a very serious question. I am speaking now as a missioner because I have the interests of the Centre Party at heart. In my own mind I believe that these men are National; that it is in their blood, and that they are not supporting Britain with their whole hearts.

The Deputy certainly is complimentary.

I have an idea that they will come over here on these benches yet, and therefore it is for the good of their souls that I am speaking to-night. Great Britain would not accept that arbitration. The Fianna Fáil Party and every Nationalist in Ireland will remember well what happened over arbitration in connection with the Six Counties. Everybody knows that they could never again accept the same class of tribunal to try to settle any question that might arise between England and ourselves. I heard the President saying some years ago, in connection with a much similar matter which needed the interpretation of a tribunal to fix it, something that has always stuck in my mind. He used these words: "Fool me once, shame on you; fool me twice, shame on me." There is sound sense in that. We should just think of the way in which Britain acts in her own interests. Her Prime Minister is travelling about Europe and America seeking international aid for the present policy of Britain. Does he not go one day to France, another day to Italy, then to America and back to Switzerland? Does he not go all over the globe? Is he not a regular hiker, seeking international aid and influence for the policy of his own country? Why would he refuse the same treatment to us? Is he not inconsistent when he refuses the same aid to settle the dispute between this country and his country?

The Deputy who spoke in the elevated position this evening said he trusted more in observation than in newspaper writings and speeches heard here or elsewhere. We can all observe. I am not an agriculturist and, in order that I might learn something about the consequences to this country, I ask the ordinary man and woman in the street who I know would not be liars, their opinions on this matter. I put questions to them regarding the position of affairs in the country. I can give you a lot of instances of what their replies were. One was a professional man, who is an architect and was a strong Unionist. I remember when, if he could not sing "Rule Britannia," he used to whistle it. I asked him how things were and he put his hand gently on my shoulder and said: "The best Government we ever had." The next man I asked was a County Dublin farmer, whose family has been in business for generations. When I asked him how are things, he said: "Very good." I am only speaking of people as I find them. A lady came into my shop some time ago on a certain business. Having transacted the business, she said to me: "I came all the way from Kildare to see you and I am only just after arriving." I asked her: "What were you doing in Kildare?" She said: "I am travelling; I travel amongst the small farmers of the country."

Who ever saw a lady travelling amongst small farmers?

Well, I am only telling you my experience. You need not believe it if you do not like it, and if you do not believe it, it will not hurt me in the least. I asked her what is the position amongst the small farmers and she said: "They are hard pressed, but they are all right; they are keeping their hearts well up. They believe that this thing is going to come right; they are acting up to that belief and working as hard as they can." I asked her: "Do you travel through other counties?" and she said: "Yes, principally in Leinster." I asked where she travelled last week and she said around Cavan—she mentioned Virginia—and she had the same experience there. The next man I questioned was a commercial traveller for woollens. I asked him how things were and he said: "Very well." He mentioned a number of factories in Ireland which are doing three times as much business as they were doing a couple of years ago.

What is the price of wool at present?

I do not know; I am not interested in the woollen trade.

That is a matter that affects the farmers who have to sell wool.

I explained that I was not a farmer and I thought that would be sufficient for the members of the Centre Party, without their asking questions. The next person I questioned was a parish priest connected with a church some distance outside Dublin. I asked him: "How are the farmers in your district doing?" He replied: "The farmers are all right; it is very hard to pull them down; they never come down except through their own fault and they will stand up to this; if they have to sell cheaply they buy cheaply." The next person I questioned was a doctor in touch with the North of Ireland. I asked him: "How things were there." He said that the farmers around here were complaining about the economic war, the pressure on agriculture, and the hardships to themselves and their families, but he said: "They are no worse off than the farmers in the North of Ireland; they are better off, though the farmers in the North of Ireland have a free entry into the British markets, the thing that the Southern farmers are complaining that they have not got." The next man I met was a commercial traveller in millinery, and I said to myself: "Now this man surely must be down and out." I asked him how was he getting along and he said: "I am doing remarkably well. Since the week before St. Patrick's Day, we have been working overtime." I asked: "Is it selling hats you are?""Yes," he said, "it is selling hats and I never had a better time." I asked him: "Was it to the farmers' wives and daughters he was selling the hats," and he said "Yes, they have got the latest fashions, and what is more they look remarkably well in them." All right, you may laugh, but it is not a laughing matter to me.

It is no laughing matter for the farmers of the country.

I am only telling you my every day experiences. Hope has been expressed here that this question will be settled. Well, that will be all right if it is settled, but the men in charge of affairs here are not the type of men to be cajoled any more. They did not get into this economic war with light hearts at all. I submit that they are as patriotic a body of men as are in this House and are as anxious and desirous for the welfare of the country as any other Party. Deputies ought to give them credit for it.

Will the Deputy move to report progress now?

Mr. Kelly

Very well, although I had only three minutes more to go.

Progress reported; the Committee to sit again to-morrow.
The Dáil adjourned at 10.30 p.m. until 10.30 a.m. on Friday, 9th June.
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