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Dáil Éireann díospóireacht -
Wednesday, 23 Apr 1958

Vol. 167 No. 5

Financial Statement. Budget, 1958.

I. CURRENT ACCOUNT, 1957-58.

As Deputies are aware, there was a deficit on current account last year of £5.88 million. Table I of the Tables in connection with the Financial Statement compares the outturn with the budget estimates. On the revenue side the estimation was close, but expenditure far outran the budget figure. The Central Fund Services required an additional £610,000, mainly because of higher interest charges on the public debt, but most of the excess expenditure was incurred on the non-capital Supply Services and agricultural subsidies were mainly responsible.

But for the need to provide for exceptionally heavy losses on the disposal of butter, bacon and wheat, the sum of £950,000 which I set aside last year for unforeseen Supplementary Estimates would nearly have been enough. The Estimates for 1958-59 should cover the commitments arising in respect of agricultural price supports—the provision is almost £3 million—and we may reasonably hope to avoid a repetition of last year's experience in regard to Supplementaries.

The total amount of savings, specific and general, for which credit was taken at budget time last year was £10.6 million, including £7.1 million on food subsidies. The savings actually realised came to £9.45 million a sum which, though short of the Estimate by £1.15 million, was in itself substantial. The shortfall arose on the allowance of £3 million for general overestimation. Taken as a whole, the specific savings—on Food Subsidies, the Civil Service, Land Commission, Health Services and Defence—were realised but this, of course, had the incidental effect of narrowing the field from which general savings could be drawn.

II. CAPITAL ACCOUNT, 1957-58.

The outturn on capital account last year is shown in Table II. It will be seen that the capital requirements of the State and other public authorities came to £36.33 million as compared with the Budget Estimate of £40.99 million. Housing, sanitary services, hospitals, schools and other building accounted for £15.6 million.

To the borrowing which the Exchequer had to incur on capital account must be added the deficit which arose on the current budget and a small amount to make good the revenue deficiency involved in accepting National Loan stock in settlement of death duties. The total amount borrowed was £30.98 million, as against the original Estimate of £31.38 million.

The sources of this borrowing are set out in Table III. A sum of £1½ million was obtained from the commercial banks whose deposits increased considerably during the financial year. The remainder was obtained direct from the public in various ways—by the State through small savings, Exchequer Bills, Prize Bonds, the sale of existing Irish Government securities and the issue of a new National Loan, and by the Electricity Supply Board through a public issue of stock. The financing of public capital needs was made less difficult last year by the gratifying increase in total savings.

Prize Bonds continue to be popular. Total net receipts in the year, allowing for encashments, were £6.79 million. The support given to the bonds was not without effect on small savings in the form of Savings Bank deposits and Savings Certificates, the receipt from which was a net £640,000. There is no way of telling how much went into the bonds which would otherwise have gone into small savings. It is known, however, that a sum of over £1/2 million already invested in small savings was withdrawn for reinvestment in the bonds.

The traditional forms of small saving suffered also from transfers into the National Loan last November and into the recent public issue by the Electricity Supply Board. Reinvestment in these issues and withdrawals to purchase Prize Bonds account for the small savings total being so low last year. Nevertheless, Prize Bonds, Savings Certificates and the Savings Banks between them brought in £7.4 million of new savings.

An innovation since the last Budget was the issue of Exchequer Bills to the public. The support received in June, 1957, encouraged us to raise the amount of the quarterly issue from the original £2 million to £3 million and we are still experiencing oversubscription. A noteworthy feature of these issues is the close correspondence between the average discount rate and that of British Treasury Bills. For instance, the average rate for the last issue was £5 11s. 10½d. per cent. as compared with the contemporary Treasury Bill rate of £5 10s. 5½d. per cent. Apart from the consideration of borrowing successfully at competitive rates for Exchequer purposes, the position is satisfactory also in providing evidence of widespread confidence in the soundness of our financial structure.

Exchequer Bills, of course, are not a substitute for long-term borrowing. Their main purpose is to tide the Exchequer over seasonal fluctuations in revenue intake. Their temporary help in financing public investment may be welcomed but, in principle, capital development should be financed on a more long-term basis, principally by way of National Loans and other stock issues.

III. ECONOMIC BACKGROUND.

Before turning to 1958-59 I should say a few words about the economic background to this year's Budget.

While the economy is still faced with serious problems, it is stronger now than it was a year ago. Production is higher both in agriculture and in industry. The national income has gone up in real as well as in money terms. In the calendar year 1957 a surplus was achieved in the balance of external payments for the first time since 1946. This was the result of a substantial expansion in exports which reached a record total of £131 million. The principal increases compared with 1956 were in live cattle, meat and other foodstuffs and in manufactured goods, mainly textiles, clothing and vehicles. Imports declined in volume but were slightly greater in value because of higher prices.

The substantial increase in agricultural exports and the larger acreage under crops point to a significant rise in agricultural output. Preliminary estimates show an increase of about 10 per cent. in the value and of 3 to 4 per cent. in the volume of gross output. There were marked increases in the output of livestock and livestock products, wheat, barley and beet.

In the third quarter of 1957 industrial activity began to revive and there was a notable recovery in the closing months of the year. In manufacturing industries the volume of output in the December quarter was almost 9 per cent. greater than in the corresponding quarter of 1956. The recovery was most marked in the motor assembly, electrical equipment, fertiliser, footwear and furniture industries. Production was stimulated both by increased export demand and by higher internal demand resulting from increased incomes, particularly among the farming community. Industrial employment also recovered somewhat but it is clear that the pace of industrial expansion will need to be quickened considerably. The unemployment figure is still too high although it is several thousands less than a year ago.

The improvement in the country's external balance has done much to restore confidence and it provides the firm basis necessary for expansion. Looking to the future, one must recognise, first that the upward trend in exports, which was responsible for last year's favourable outturn, halted towards the end of the year. The exceptionally heavy sales of cattle last year have made an inroad on saleable stocks. In the first three months of 1958 cattle exports were over £3 million less than in the corresponding period of 1957. It must also be noted that imports were restrained for the greater part of 1957 by the restrictive measures introduced in 1956 and by the slackness of business activity generally. They increased, however, towards the end of the year—following the relaxation of the special import levies and the recovery of industrial production —and in the six months ended March, 1958, they were over £6 million higher than in the corresponding period a year earlier. The further increase in industrial activity, for which we hope, will lead to a further rise in imports of raw materials.

We must be very careful to avoid a return to the conditions of 1955 and 1956 when difficulties in external payments necessitated a series of corrective measures which, though successful in restoring an external balance, reacted unfavourably on employment and production. Every effort must, therefore, be made to keep all three moving forward together—production and employment increasing and the balance of payments rising to a higher equilibrium level. This cannot be achieved unless there is restraint in relation to claims for increased money incomes. Real incomes can rise only as fast as our national output rises. Fortunately it has been rising well in recent months and this is tending to make good in real terms the increases which have taken place in money incomes.

An unwelcome factor, however, was the worsening of the terms of trade in 1957. Import prices increased by 5½ per cent. a against an increase in export prices of less than 2 per cent. This means that we have to work harder, or more efficiently, even to maintain our standard of living and that the increase in productivity required to improve that standard is all the greater. A reduction in costs arising from an increase in productive efficiency would improve our competitive power in world markets and enable higher expenditure on imports to be sustained. We should not deny ourselves this solid advantage by being too quick to press for higher money incomes. Increased wage and salary costs may result in less employment unless they are offset by greater and more efficient production.

The primary aim of policy in the present conditions of this country must be to secure as much productive employment as possible while at the same time restraining inflationary forces so as to avoid balance of payments difficulties. Various factors are likely to impose a strain on the balance of payments in the coming year and it is appropriate that financial policy should tend to relieve that strain. The tax incentives and other aids available for increased production for export, both in industry and in agriculture, will help in that direction; so also will a net reduction in public borrowing.

There are many grounds for uncertainty about the course of economic affairs over the next year or so. Not all of these are internal or within our control. Indeed, one of the major uncertainties is whether the American recession will become any wider or deeper. It is our earnest hope that it will not. It will, however, be necessary to watch the balance of payments trend very carefully as the year progresses so that measures may be taken in time to correct any tendency towards an unduly large deficit. When corrective measures are applied in time they need not be so harsh or cause so much upset to industrial output, trade and employment as when action is delayed until the situation has become critical.

On the whole, however, there is reason to hope that we may get through 1958-59 without the upturn in production and employment being checked and without any serious setback in external payments.

IV. CURRENT ACCOUNT, 1958-59.

EXPENDITURE.

Exchequer issues last year for the non-capital Supply Services amounted to £101.26 million. The Estimates as published for this year total £98.26 million. Having regard to the limits imposed by statutory and other commitments, the reduction of £3 million indicates some success in curtailing current expenditure. It was never contemplated that the Exchequer would gain, in full, the cost of the food subsidies because, from the outset, compensatory increases in social assistance were conceded. At the maximum the net saving by comparison with 1956-57 expenditure would have been £6.5 million. That it is, in fact, less is due to increased requirements for other services. Support for agricultural prices alone is estimated this year to cost £2.5 million more than in 1956-57. Córas Iompair Éireann, contributions to loan charges and grants to health authorities are amongst the other heads of increase. The nature of these items illustrates the difficulty in the way of reducing expenditure.

In relation to Central Fund Services there is not even the limited scope for reducing expenditure that exists in the case of the Supply Services. This year the Central Fund Services are estimated to cost £21.1 million, or £1.7 million more than last year. Over 90 per cent. of the expenditure is required to service the public debt and the recent downturn in interest rates has been allowed for in framing the estimate. But even if interest rates generally should fall further, there is no early prospect of avoiding an upward trend in the Exchequer charge for the service of debt. Borrowing for public capital purposes cannot be stopped without also arresting national development. We can, however, do more than in the past to offset the inevitable increase in interest charges by securing a higher revenue from State assets. This in turn depends on arranging that a higher proportion of public capital outlay will be of a directly productive character.

REVENUE.

The figure of £95.78 million which appears in the White Paper as the expected revenue from taxes (other than road tax and special import levy) shows an increase of £1.3 million over the actual revenue in 1957-58. In comparing the figures it should be borne in mind that the estimate for 1958-59 includes £600,000 from the customs duties which have recently been substituted for special import levies. As against this, however, I have had to forego revenue of the order of £600,000 because of the reliefs announced in last year's Budget. I have also allowed for revenue balances being reduced to the standard level of £2 million.

The revenue from road tax is estimated at £5.4 million—only a little less than the quite exceptional intake of 1957-58, a financial year which benefited from the aftermath of the Suez incident. The uncertainty about petrol supplies in early 1957 caused many individuals and firms to tax their vehicles only for a quarter, rather than for the usual twelve months. This left the revenue of the financial year 1956-57 rather light but, when the uncertainty lifted, the receipts of 1957-58 were correspondingly swollen by the taxing of these vehicles for the remaining nine months of the calendar year. In the current financial year we can expect only a normal intake but it reflects the renewed upward trend in motor vehicle registrations.

Non-tax revenue admits of close estimation, as the outturn for 1957-58 shows. The estimate for the current year at £21.825 million is £1½ million more than the actual yield in 1957-58 mainly because increased receipts are expected from State assets, from the Post Office and from the Central Bank.

OPENING GAP.

We have, therefore, an opening position on current account as follows: tax and non-tax revenue is expected to amount to £123.005 million, whereas estimated current expenditure totals £124.758 million. The budgetary gap with which I am faced at the outset is, therefore, £1.753 million.

REMUNERATION.

I have also to take account of the recent decision regarding pay increases for civil servants and others whose remuneration is borne on public funds. It is not difficult to imagine the problem which faces the Government when it comes to deciding whether a general wage increase in outside occupations should be applied to public employees. Cognisance must be taken of a number of important points. On the one hand, it cannot be ignored that the cost of administration is one of the factors tending to raise the level of taxation. On the other hand, the Government has to ensure that the relationship between the remuneration of persons in State and in outside employment does not get completely out of line—particularly as the conditions of public employees may be adversely affected by higher costs due to wage increases granted to outside workers.

When claims for increased pay were presented last autumn it was already clear that the financial position precluded any consideration being given to them in the year 1957-58. The claims were such as would entail extra taxation on a scale which, if feasible at all, would be gravely harmful to the economy. In these circumstances the associations representing the Civil Service and the teachers were told that if the claims were pressed to arbitration it would be necessary to move for the rejection by the Dáil of any arbitration award.

When the budget for this year came to be framed the pattern of increases in outside occupations had become so widely established that I felt bound in equity to see how far, without damage to the economy, I could go to meet the claims of those paid from the Exchequer. Having carefully studied the financial and economic position, I felt I should, in effect, agree to extend the National Wages Agreement to the arbitrable groups in the civil service and also to teachers, the Garda Síochána and the Army. The civil service groups concerned have accepted a settlement on this basis, which is being extended to the Garda Síochána and the Army. I am including the relevant provision for teachers in the budget. The total required is £1,450,000, including roughly £640,000 for the civil service, £350,000 for the three categories of teachers, £165,000 for the Garda Síochána and £190,000 for the Army. The remainder will be available to the Minister for Health to recoup health authorities half the amount of any increased remuneration they may concede.

ADMINISTRATIVE ECONOMY.

This is the appropriate point at which to mention what has been happening in regard to structural reorganisation and the reduction of posts in the civil service. I referred last year in my budget statement to an examination which I proposed to have made of the possibility of simplifying the rather elaborate system of civil service grades. Heads of Departments have before them proposals for a radical alteration in the present structure. Once their views have been received and considered I intend to have the proposed changes discussed under the conciliation machinery for the civil service. It is, of course, necessary to afford the staff an opportunity of expressing their views on a major change of this kind. I am confident that substantial progress will be made in this matter during the present financial year.

With the co-operation of Departments, recruitment has been reduced so that the preliminary figures for serving staff at 1 January, 1958, show a reduction of 400 compared with the previous January. The filling of vacancies occurring as a result of retirements and deaths is rigorously scrutinised in every instance and no opportunity of suppressing posts is omitted.

I would like here to express my appreciation of the active co-operation of all grades of the civil service in the pursuit of administrative economy.

The provision for increased pay adds £1.45 million to my opening deficit, making it £3.203 million. Faced with this substantial deficit I was compelled to explore the possibility of finding more revenue or reducing expenditure or perhaps of taking a contribution from both. It will be appreciated that the Estimates were all most carefully examined and in many cases rigorously pruned before they were released for publication. On re-examination I could find no single item or group of items on which a saving of the required magnitude could be made without undue hardship and serious loss of services. Neither could I satisfy myself that it would be wise or consistent with our economic objectives to attempt to close the gap by imposing increased taxation. A net allowance could properly be made for general savings and overestimation—I will return to this later—but a large gap would still remain.

SPECIAL IMPORT LEVIES.

In the circumstances it was necessary to consider the position with regard to the revenue from the special import levies. It is clear that the levies still play an important part in keeping our external payments in order. They have a deterrent effect on imports and are conducive to saving. No less important is their psychological effect. Their removal would have an influence out of proportion to the direct effect on the particular imports concerned. The recent review, therefore, is as far as we can safely go for the present in the direction of relaxation. The assistance which the levies afford in financing the capital programme has already been greatly reduced; the changes made since March of last year have taken away roughly two-thirds of the income of the Capital Fund. The need to apply the proceeds of the levies to capital purposes is still diminishing. Current savings have been increasing, while public borrowing is being kept in check. I am satisfied, therefore, that no harm will be done by applying the remaining revenue from the levies to current purposes. The Finance Bill will contain a clause removing the statutory requirement that the proceeds of the levies be paid into the Capital Fund. This will increase the current income of the Exchequer by £1.778 million this year, reducing the gap on current account to £1.425 million.

NET ALLOWANCE FOR OVER-ESTIMATION.

For a number of years it has been the practice at budget time to make some provision for unforeseen expenditure but, on the other hand, to take credit for general over-estimation. The credit taken for savings has usually exceeded the allowance made for additional expenditure, with the result that the net deduction from the expenditure side has been as follows in recent budgets:—

Last year

£2.05 million

1956-57

£2.25 million

1955-56

£2.25 million

1954-55

£3.25 million

The tendency has been to reduce the credit taken for general over-estimation and to increase the provision for unforeseen expenditure. Experience underlines the need for a further step in this direction and I do not feel I would be justified this year in making a net deduction of more than £1½ million.

This leaves a small balance of £75,000. Every year about this time the Minister for Finance is faced with the rather distressing duty of having to listen to the many groups and organisations who feel that they have a good case for some form of relief under the budget. Many of them have impressed me with their arguments, supported by figures. The amount I have to distribute, however, is small, so small that those whose need is substantial in amount have to be passed over—irrespective of their merits. Of the many remaining deserving cases I have selected two where, I think, the greatest benefit can be expected from a small amount of relief.

CINEMAS AND PATENT THEATRES.

First, I feel obliged to do something to help to preserve both the revenue from cinemas and theatres and the employment which they afford. As in other countries, the cinemas have been suffering from the competition of other ways of enjoying leisure, with the result that attendances have fallen and receipts from entertainments duty are contracting. Last year's revenue from cinemas was 7½ per cent less than the year before. The time has come to lighten the tax burden on cinema entertainments but with the limited amount of money available to me this year I can go no further than removing the customs duty on films. I propose also to give some relief from 1 August next to cine-variety in patent theatres by increasing the entertainments duty rebate from 30 per cent to 50 per cent. These minor concessions will cost a net £50,000 this year.

EXPORT PROMOTION (WHISKEY).

The sum of £25,000 which remains ought, I feel, to be applied to increasing the grant-in-aid to Córas Tráchtála Teoranta for the promotion of exports. The provision for the grant-in-aid to this body has already been increased from £125,000 for 1957-58 to £135,000 for the current year. The additional amount of £25,000 will enable Córas Tráchtála to expand its activities further and, in particular, to give greater support to the campaign for promoting sales of Irish whiskey abroad. The distilling industry is an old-established one based almost entirely on native raw materials, and it has a large unrealised export potential. I hope that the increased provision will prove a good investment, encouraging increased effort on the part of all concerned and leading to a sustained expansion in exports.

That disposes of the financial aspects of the Current Budget. It would, of course, have been open to me to propose some increase in indirect taxation in order to give certain reliefs in direct taxation—particularly in relation to income tax, sur-tax and death duties— which are all, for different reasons, desirable. I decided against this course. For two years in succession increased taxes have been put on tobacco and petrol. The tax on beer was raised only last year. The prices of tobacco and beer were increased recently without any benefit to public revenue. Whiskey will bear no more at present. Indeed, all the principal players on the customs and excise side need a rest if they are to recover their old vigour and resilience. After the big changes made in recent years, it is well that increased taxation, for any purpose, should be avoided this year.

I shall now mention briefly some proposals which do not affect the balance of this year's budget but which will be included in the Finance Bill.

NEW OR INCREASED EXPORTS— EXTENSION OF TAX EXEMPTION.

To give an added impetus to the expansion of exports and a further encouragement to both home and foreign industrialists to build, extend and equip factories within the next few years to manufacture for export, I propose to lengthen from five to ten years the maximum period of the 100 per cent. tax exemption granted for new or increased exports. This relief will not, however, be afforded in any case for a year subsequent to 1969-70.

TAX RELIEF FOR ANNUITY CONTRIBUTIONS BY SELF-EMPLOYED.

I shall also introduce provisions enabling a self-employed person or a non-pensionable employee to obtain a measure of relief from tax on payments made to secure a life annuity for himself in his old age or to secure, after his death, an annuity to his widow or dependant. An adjustment of the law as to the assessment of assurance companies will be involved.

OTHER TAX CHANGES.

The Finance Bill will contain a series of sections concerning the treatment, for tax purposes, of husband and wife. To a large extent these will simply codify the law, but there will be new provisions to authorise collection from a wife of tax on her income which was assessed on her husband.

Tax may be avoided by means of superannuation schemes, the benefits under which are either excessive by generally accepted standards or are given in non-taxable form. The remedy I propose is that, where a scheme does not satisfy certain conditions, the cost to the employer of providing the benefits will for tax purposes be treated as income of the director or employee.

Where benefits in kind are given by employers to directors or other employees, tax cannot as a rule be charged upon the recipients, although the employers would normally get relief for the expenditure. Similarly, where the benefit consists of an excessive expense allowance, it may not be possible to tax the element of disguised remuneration. I propose to bring in legislation to put these matters right.

I propose to secure that duty payable in a foreign country on a death, in respect of property situate there, shall not, if double taxation relief arrangements subsist between Ireland and that foreign country, be deductible from the value of the property for purposes of estate duty assessment.

I propose to abolish as from 1 July next the additional duty chargeable on tobacco dealers' licences under Section 26 of the Finance Act, 1932. The yield from this duty does not justify the cost of collecting it.

The six last-mentioned proposals require Financial Resolutions, which I shall move to-day with the resolution regarding the duty on films and the usual income tax and general resolutions.

When a comprehensive arrangement is entered into with a foreign country for relief of double tax, the only available method of giving it the force of law has been to schedule both it and the requisite technical rules to the next Finance Bill after the conclusion of the arrangement. I am proposing that the Government should be enabled, subject to the prior approval of Dáil Éireann, to give effect to such arrangements by Order as is done with conventions in relation to profits from the business of sea or air transport.

Among the other matters to be included in the Finance Bill are provisions to facilitate the collection of tax.

QUESTION OF SINGLE RETURN FOR INCOME TAX AND SUR-TAX.

The suggestion has been revived in recent years that the same form of return of income should suffice for sur-tax as well as for income tax. This has been investigated departmentally and I am satisfied that it is feasible only if sur-tax is decentralised—a matter which is now being considered.

P.A.Y.E.

I have also had representations for the introduction here of the Pay As You Earn system in relation to income tax. This is an important matter of considerable administrative complexity on which I await the views and advice of the Income Taxation Commission. I would prefer not to come to a decision on it at this stage.

I should like to take this opportunity to thank the members of the Commission, who have undertaken a comprehensive examination of our system of income taxation, a far-reaching task which has not been attempted before and one which must make heavy inroads upon their time.

SHANNON AIRPORT.

While it will be a matter for a special Bill, I should add that, with a view to encouraging the use of Shannon Airport as an international distributing centre, the Government are considering the complete exemption from taxation for a twenty-five year period of profits derived from new bona fide export businesses using air freight and established within the confines of the Free Airport area.

V. CAPITAL ACCOUNT, 1958-59.

The particulars of the Capital Budget for 1958-59 in Table IV take into account the decision to apply the special import levies to current purposes. The capital requirements of the State and various public bodies are estimated at £36¼ million which is the same as was actually required last year. A substantial part of the capital provided in 1957-58 was earmarked to discharge outstanding bank or other indebtedness, much more than is the case this year. A total of approximately £3 million was needed last year for this purpose by the Electricity Supply Board, Córas Iompair Éireann and local authorities. The comparable figure this year will not be much more than the £1.4 million which the Industrial Credit Company will use to repay existing overdraft accommodation. This means that the public capital programme should afford at least the same volume of employment as last year.

The 1957-58 provision of £14.88 million for local authorities included, moreover, £900,000 for an advance to the Road Fund. This advance was made to ensure that the maintenance of a satisfactory volume of road works and employment would not be jeopardised by the arrears of payments due to local authorities in respect of previous years. Because of the upward trend in Road Fund income from motor taxation, it has been possible to make the same grant allocations this year as were made last year without supplementing the resources of the Fund.

Apart from the Road Fund advance, £13.98 million was provided for local authorities in last year's budget. This was later increased to allow greater access to finance for housing and schools. In the event, local authorities found that they did not need to borrow more than £12.85 million and out of this they discharged abnormal bank and other indebtedness of about £1 million. It will be seen, therefore, that the estimate of £11.49 million for the current year provides for a continuation of local building and kindred activities at roughly last year's level.

There will, of course, from now on be a tendency for social investment to fall, not because of any curtailment of capital but because the arrears of housing and other social needs are being overtaken. The housing problem which once appeared almost insoluble is now well on the way to solution. Sanitary services have been greatly improved. General hospitals are almost adequate to requirements. Numerous schools have been built or reconditioned—although admittedly there is much leeway still to be made up. In addition, there are now ample power resources, the supply of domestic fuel is large and growing, and transport in all forms has been modernised.

The activity under all these heads in the past has, one might say, laid the basis for positive economic expansion. Some reduction in the scale of investment under many of the heads I have mentioned is inevitable and may be welcomed because of the opportunity it will afford to apply more of our development resources and energies to immediately productive purposes.

As I said last year, the remedy for the related problems of emigration and unemployment is through the provision of productive occupations. The approaching satisfaction of social development needs means that more of the nation's savings can be applied to productive development, private and public.

In this budget I have held the line against increased taxation. I have not, in general, been able to afford reliefs beyond those which came into effect this month as a result of last year's Finance Act. I have made provision for increased State aid for industrial development so as to facilitate the expansion which the recent taxation reliefs are intended to stimulate. My intention is that no industrial project with worthwhile prospects, particularly export prospects, should be frustrated by lack of capital. The substantial provision made for agriculture and for tourist development is apparent from the Estimates Volume.

I spoke last year of the need to apply our capital resources along lines to be settled after considering the best objective advice available, both from home and extern sources. Since then, legislative authority to join the International Monetary Fund and the World Bank has been obtained. We are now members of these bodies. An International Monetary Fund mission has already visited this country and has been briefed with up-to-date information about our economy. This information will be available to the World Bank and we have in mind that the Bank, with its expert knowledge and world-wide experience, will give us advice and assistance towards increasing the proportion of directly productive capital expenditure by the State and other public authorities and generally ensuring that our economic development programme is on sound lines.

The second report of the Capital Investment Advisory Committee, which deals with housing, will shortly be published and I understand that the Committee is now at work on a general report dealing with the principles on which future development should be based. Apart from this, my Department, with the cooperation of other Government Departments and State bodies, is engaged in a study of how best our economic deficiencies might be remedied and our development opportunities realised. This study, together with the general report expected from the Capital Investment Advisory Committee, will form the basis of discussions with representatives of the World Bank which will begin in June.

I think it important that the public should be aware that much constructive thought is being given to ensuring that our plans for national development are realistic and progressive. I do not wish to be understood as suggesting that a spectacular improvement in our position can be achieved overnight. This is clearly impossible. At the same time, there is no need for despondency. Our economy is sound and will be developed to yield a steady improvement in national production and employment.

The manner in which the Budget statement of the Minister for Finance was received by his own Deputies is clearly an indication of the manner in which it will be received by the country to-morrow morning. I venture to suggest that, with the exception of the Irish Press, nobody could describe this Budget as being anything except unimaginative in the extreme, pedestrian and perhaps even stagnatory.

There has rarely been an opportunity for a Minister for Finance to plan his internal tax and revenue and expenditure arrangements such as was given on this occasion to the Minister. No Minister for Finance rising as the Minister for Finance rose to-day to introduce a financial statement was able to do so in the years since the war in the same position as regards our external account. Every Budget, no matter how small may be its scope for manoeuvre, must, if it is to qualify for the term Budget at all, be an instrument of policy. It is quite clear that the first consideration we had to give in recent years to policy on financial account had to be in regard to our external balance.

This year, the Minister for Finance was in a far more happy situation than any of his predecessors on any side of the House ever were. He was in that situation, as he himself admitted, not this year but last year, because in the year 1956-57 we balanced on external account and this year we had a surplus. He was in that situation for one reason and one reason alone, because the Government of which I had the honour to be a member faced up to their responsibilities—you can laugh because you are getting the benefit now—and this Government have done nothing whatever to alleviate the position except what has been done in the past year to harm it, as I shall show in a few minutes.

We realised at that time and we knew absolutely that the measures I took on behalf of the Government would not be popular, but we were prepared, no matter how unpopular they might be, to put the country before the interests of our Party. The general election came and Fianna Fáil were put in power, and Fianna Fáil in the past 12 months have failed miserably to rise to the occasion of putting the country above Party. Instead, they have put Party before country.

There was one thing necessary during the past 12 months, once we had achieved the balance we did achieve in 1956-57 on external account. That was a firm announcement by whoever might be sitting in that seat over there that the measures adopted in 1956 had been successful in achieving their end. If that announcement had been given, then one would have got the resurgence of the confidence that was necessary on all sides to increase production and employment. But because Fianna Fáil were not prepared to give to their predecessors any credit whatever for those measures, because they preferred to take the narrow Party line of attacking everything that had been done by us, they thought that would bring them some Party advantage, notwithstanding the fact that their action in that regard, and the action particularly of that Front Bench in that regard, has been one of the cogent and compelling reasons why, having achieved a balance on external account, we have not moved forward. This Minister when he rose to-day had no immediate worries on that front.

In the Budget speech we have just listened to, the Minister failed to give us any indication of what has been described more than once as the greatest secret of modern times—the policy of Fianna Fáil. Last year, and even as late as the Vote on Account, whenever Fianna Fáil were challenged as to policy, we were told it was to produce a balance on current account. The Minister for Finance slid through his report of last year and the manner in which his prognostications and his work for last year failed so miserably. He ended up last year with a balance on the wrong side of £5,882,000. If all the things that Fianna Fáil say they want to do end as miserably as that, the country will get an adequate opportunity of judging their value as a Government.

This Budget which has been produced for this coming year is a miserable affair. It shows no sign of imagination, no sign of appreciation of the internal problems with which we are faced. It shows no sign of ensuring that there will be that increase in production on the agricultural and industrial fronts which is vitally needed. It shows no sign of plans for any improvement in the employment situation. It shows nothing which could in any way ensure that there will be a halting or even a lessening of the drain of the flower of our manhood going away in emigration, as they have gone in the last year. It does not give the people of this country any ray of hope at all for the future.

There are three or four fiddling changes and one in regard to which I could imagine the Minister for Health, if I had made it, making the welkin ring. Time and time again when I was on that side of the House, I was challenged that I proposed to turn the levies from capital account into current account. I made it clear beyond doubt I would not do so. I made it clear that I regarded the levies as a means of dealing with a temporary balance of payments difficult situation and that I would not have them turned into the permanent revenue producing law of the country. My bona fides in that respect were challenged. It is rather significant that the people who challenged them are the people one of whose first actions was to switch part of the levies and who now have completed that switch in this Budget.

Last April, the present Government transferred part of the temporary duties, that should have come off by now having regard to our improved situation on external account, into permanent taxation to the extent of £692,000. A fortnight ago the Minister continued on the same line and added another £600,000 to the permanent customs duties and now he has added £1,778,000. Three million pounds of temporary measures for the purpose of achieving a balance in our external payments have now been built by this Government into the permanent tax structure of the country and that from the Government and from the Deputies who before the last general election never lost any opportunity, in private or in public, of talking, as the Minister for External Affairs was so fond of talking, of the 94 taxes that had been put on in those levies.

Does anyone want to go through the list in the Order that was made the other day, the list of the number of levies that have now been made permanent taxes by Fianna Fáil? Does anyone want to stand up, as they stood up 14 months ago, and say that these were unjust impositions? The plain fact of the matter is that in this switch by the Minister to-day he has written another epitaph on the dishonesty of Fianna Fáil during the General Election of 1957.

Ministers and Deputies over there can laugh. They know that all they are interested in is getting into their jobs on that side of the House. They fooled the public and they now laugh cynically and without reason.

That is not the only aspect in respect of which I would describe this Budget as a complete fraud on what they put to the people last year. One of the things they said in their official pamphlet issued during one of the elections was this:—

"For this purpose and to provide a stimulus for the recovery and expansion of private business activity Fianna Fáil will increase the amount of capital expenditure by the State and local authorities."

Anyone who cares to look at the tables issued with the Budget this year and the Budget last year can see the manner in which that promise has been kept. Far from being kept, there is, in fact, a change in the other direction of some £11,000,000 on the face of the table, a figure which requires adjustment in certain respects, but even so it shows a clear repudiation of the promise that was made to the electorate at that time. This was a promise that was made to the electorate under the photograph of the man who had the impertinence to preach to us some short time ago about honour and honesty in public life.

So far as the actual small tax changes in this Budget are concerned, they will not achieve anything that will benefit the ordinary people either in employment or anything else. The changes are so trifling as not really to merit any account. It would not have been necessary even to do the switch of levy that the Minister indicated if he had been able, for example, to hold his position on last year.

When I was speaking here on the Vote on Account, I quoted certain figures as to the position of revenue and expenditure on 1st March last. These figures were challenged by the Taoiseach but subsequently it was proved that my figures were right as of the 1st March last. But the national accounts went wrong during March. Why? Because the Minister for Finance, in March, 1958, paid out £7.7 million more than was ever paid out in any March in the history of this country. In the three previous years it always ran round about £18,000,000 in that month. This year it ran £25.9 million. If the Minister for Finance had been keeping the proper rein and had been doing his job, we would not have been faced with the deficit at the end of last year with which we were faced and we would have a more satisfactory position in the coming year.

I was amused to hear the Minister for Finance saying that there were some 400 civil servants fewer than last year. I can tell him where he gets 157 out of that straightway. He gets it because the new Gaeltacht Company has been set up and because the people working for that company are no longer civil servants in the Book of Estimates. The matter is dealt with in that book by a Grant-in-Aid to the company. If the Minister thinks that that is an honest way of redeeming his statement that he would reduce the Civil Service, then I make him a present of his reduction.

We are in a situation now in which, after 14 months of Fianna Fáil Government, prices have risen substantially as a result of direct governmental action. We have had an increase in the price of bread, an increase in the price of butter, an increase of nine points, from 135 to 144, in the cost of living. We have had that even though the Taoiseach, apparently, three or four days before the last February announcement, did not know that the cost of living was increasing. We have got that in a situation in which the small farmers up and down the country can see for themselves no way of meeting the increases which they have to meet day in and day out. Instead of being able to see a method of meeting those increases, they are now being asked by this Government to accept less for their wheat, less for their barley, less for their milk and less in other aspects, for example, for pigs. The action of the Minister for Agriculture in dealing with our pig trade may well mean the disappearance of the item of £4,000,000 odd that there is in the 1957 figures for exports of bacon and ham.

There is nothing in this Budget to show that the Minister for Finance appreciates the seriousness of the situation internally or the difficulties with which the people are faced on all sides—nothing at all, except what Deputy MacEntee, when he was on this side of the House, described as putting one's hand into the till to raid the till money. That is the high light of a Budget that will get us nowhere and that will merely create despondency instead of enabling our people to go forward with confidence, now that the predecessors of this Government put our accounts properly into external balance. Let this Government not destroy that balance.

I do not know why the Minister for Finance went to the trouble of writing this 31 page speech and calling it a Budget document because, in the whole of the 31 pages, there is virtually no change in the position as we see it to-day. As a document, it is labelled secret and confidential, but it could have been posted on the streets of this city a couple of months ago, so far as its contents and its effects on the ordinary people are concerned. It is a dreary, colourless Budget and I think the half-hearted applause, which some of the heroes on the Government Benches sought to bestow on it, is a clear indication that, in their minds and hearts, the boys know it is not good stuff for the crossroads and after-Mass meeting. Will somebody now tell us where is the "get-cracking" policy which Fianna Fáil had during the last election? Did anybody ever imagine that "get-cracking" would be embodied by the Government Front Bench in a miserable, cemetery-like document of that kind? Is that what "get-cracking" means when it comes down to dealing with the basic economic problems of the country?

I could understand this Budget, if it were presented in a country where there was full employment, where there was a scarcity of men for the jobs available and in conditions in which nobody had to leave the country to get work, but this Budget has to be read against a background in which we have an unemployment and emigration problem without parallel in Western Europe to-day. Can anybody imagine that this sickly document will do anything to arrest the flood tide of emigration? Can anybody imagine there will be more people in employment during the coming year, when this document is read and when its full import is realised by the people in the next few days? Why all this complacency about our economic situation? Why all this complacency about the basic difficulties which confront the country to-day and which, in very large measure, have been characteristic of our economic development over the past 35 years?

We have never used our powers of Government to deal seriously with our unemployment problem and to deal seriously with our emigration problem. They are the result of years and years of neglect. Let us face up to that and take the responsibility for it. We have to-day an unemployment problem and emigration problem which bears no comparison with the situation in any other democratic country in Europe. Look at the position. According to the Government figures issued by the office under the control of the Taoiseach, the Central Statistics Office, there were 77,300 people unemployed on 12th April. It is true that that figure is 4,600 less than on the same date last year, but it is also true, by an examination of passenger movements, that we had more emigration last year than we had in 1956, or even in 1955. The figure, therefore, has been got down artificially by only 4,600, and was got down because emigration increased substantially during the past year.

Many of our people who read last year's Budget in Irish papers, in Irish homes, will read it this year in English papers in some part of England because they have been driven out of the country, due to the acute unemployment position which has operated with special force during the past year. The 1958 figures of 77,300 are, in fact, up by 9,000 on the unemployment figures on the same date in 1956, and this is the Government which was to get cracking! Women were invited to vote Fianna Fáil so as to put their husbands back to work. They are sadder to-day, but they are wiser to-day. They know they have been spoofed by a Party which has no intention whatsoever, as its actions show, to do anything to relieve this serious unemployment problem.

Look at the employment position in relation to the Government who were to get cracking. I have before me here the March issue of the Irish Trade Journal. On page 38, there is set out a statement of the numbers of persons employed in manufacturing industries, and engaged in the manufacture of all kinds of transportable goods. If we take the total figures for the four quarters of 1956 and compare them with the four quarters of 1957, the number of people employed in 1956 was greater than the number employed in 1957. This is an official publication issued under the authority of the Taoiseach's Department.

Let us come to prices. The people will remember the brutal Budget imposed upon them by a Party that promised to maintain food subsidies and control prices. Again, I quote from an official document to compare the cost-of-living index figures for the four quarters of 1956, when the interParty Government were in office, and the figures for the four quarters of last year. In 1956, the mid-February cost-of-living index figure was 132. It was 134 in mid-May, 135 in mid-August and 134 in mid-November. In other words, over a period of 12 months, the cost-of-living index figure increased by two points in 1956.

Let us have a look at 1957 when our friends had responsibility for Government. The mid-February figure was 135. It increased to 138 in mid-May, to 143 in mid-August and to 142 in mid-November and is now 144. The index figure has gone up by nine points in 12 months under Fianna Fáil, as compared with two points when the inter-Party Government were in office and, as everybody knows, price control has been abandoned. Anybody who wants to charge anything he likes can do so. The Government have washed their hands of price-control. The Government's general attitude is: "You can charge what you like and we are not terribly worried about it."

Let us look at the comfortable picture which the Minister for Finance sought to draw on the last page of his speech:—

"Our economy is sound and will be developed to yield a steady improvement in national production and employment."

We have fewer people employed to-day than we had 12 months ago. There are 40 per cent. fewer people employed building houses to-day than there were 12 months ago. There are fewer people employed on road works than there were 12 months ago. Nobody is employed on drainage work under the Local Authorities (Works) Act, where thousands were employed last year. The number employed on forestry works has been reduced and, to-day, the Minister for Industry and Commerce admitted that the number employed on electrification work is down. How are we to get steady progress while people who got jobs in these useful activities in the past are not able to get them to-day? I see no justification in the Minister's speech for that statement made against the background of circumstances in which there is a fall in the number of people employed on these schemes of national development.

The Minister said he felt constrained by the equity of the case to grant increases in pay to the Civil Service, to teachers, Gárda and Army personnel, so as to put them in relatively the same position as workers in outside employment. Those increases are now being awarded, thanks to the action taken by organised workers during the last 12 months. The organised workers have been able to secure some compensation for the increase in the cost of living imposed upon them by the Budget last year, but when we come to the social welfare classes, to the poor unfortunates trying to live on old age pensions, to persons trying to live on non-contributory widows' pensions, and on unemployment assistance, and compare the rates they are now being paid with the cost of living to-day, one can easily understand why the Minister felt he should not even mention their names in his 31-page statement. Let us make some attempt to shield those people from the wintry blasts which are blowing against them in these days of increased prices.

Similarly, one felt that the Minister might have done something to relieve some part of increased taxes for a large number of persons. Single men and single women whose lower rate of pay before the war did not make them liable for income-tax—although their purchasing power to-day is no greater than it was in 1938-39—are now being compelled to pay income-tax on rates of wages which have no greater purchasing power than their rates of wages in 1938-39. The Minister might have found some opportunity of providing relief for these classes, especially when he reflected on the excessively generous manner in which he acted towards the master bakers during the year which has just left us.

This is not really a Budget at all. It is a kind of Standstill Order by the Minister for Finance or the Government to the effect that we will not change anything, that everything will be as it was. We are in the rôle of Wilkins Micawber—waiting for something to turn up. We are waiting to see how things will turn out and how the American recession gets on. In present circumstances, the country needs a tonic Budget, a Budget which shows courage and vision. The country needs a Budget which indicates that the Government are prepared to tackle in a vigorous and a radical way the basic evils which have long confronted it and which still exact a heavy toll from the economic fabric of the State and in social misery from the masses of the people who still remain in Ireland. Instead of getting that tonic Budget, we get this colourless ersatz production which the Minister dignifies with the title of "Budget", but which is quite unworthy of any such a classification.

I have always believed that Budgets were for the purpose of directing economic expansion. I have always believed that Budgets were an instrument in relation to financial and economic policy. I have always believed that a Budget, properly conceived and applied, could give the country not merely a tonic but could guide its development in a manner calculated to produce satisfactory results for the people. Tested against that requirement and that possibility, this Budget does nothing of the kind. It will bring only bleakness into the minds of the people who were expecting a radical and constructive approach to the nation's basic problems.

I can foresee, as a result of this Budget that, from to-day, 23rd April, 1958, the emigrant ships will continue to carry their quota of Irishmen and Irishwomen to work elsewhere and that the employment exchanges will be as busy in 1958 as they were in 1957.

This is the most colourless Budget which has been presented to this House for very many years and certainly during my time as a member of this House. Like the last speaker, I have always considered—and the country expects—that the Budget is a time for a review of the affairs of the country. Furthermore, people who are oppressed in the country look forward to some measure of relief in the Budget. The outstanding fact is that the Minister's method of finding money is new and novel, for all the good it was. The Minister need not have made that long speech in introducing the Budget because the whole method of finding money was determined as far back as January last. That was when the new method of finding money was devised by the Fianna Fáil Party.

Last year, Fianna Fáil decided to increase the cost of living. They blistered, in particular, the people who had to buy bread and butter. They made those who eat bread and butter contribute £9,000,000. This year, they have hit on a new way. They determined to find the money by cutting the Estimates for the different Departments and it is noticeable that the only sub-heads cut in the Estimates are those in relation to the provision of work for the ordinary man. I need mention just a few. The principal sub-head in Forestry was cut from £482,300 to £334,150, representing a cut of £148,000 in one sub-head alone. The Minister took good care not to tell us how he got £148,000 of his money. It was got by reducing the amount of money available to provide work for the working man up and down the country, in relation to forestry.

A sum of £20,000 has been cut in respect of sub-head I of the Land Commission Vote—a sub-head that gives employment to ordinary working men, not to officials, and not involving expenditure of any kind, except for the one purpose of providing work for ordinary working men.

The employment content for arterial drainage is down. At Question Time, to-day, Deputy Norton extracted from the Minister for Finance the information that the rural electrification scheme has been cut down to practically nothing and is virtually at a standstill. All rural employment under the Local Authorities (Works) Act is completely cut out; not a single penny is being granted this year to any local authority under the Local Authorities (Works) Act. Minor relief schemes are at a standstill. The rural improvements scheme has been manipulated so that the contribution demanded from the beneficiaries is such that, while £200,000 is provided in the Vote for rural improvements, I do not believe 25 per cent. of that amount of money will be availed of.

The Minister made a great song and dance about taking the tax off cinema films. I am sure it will be a great help to people all over the country to know that the tax on cinema films coming into the country is being reduced.

Farmers, big and small, and small farmers in particular, comprise the only section of the people who have got absolutely nothing. Instead of getting any relief from last year's sledge hammer blows on this day, they have been asked to contribute still further in the form of reduced prices for wheat and milk. The Minister for Agriculture has virtually put the bacon industry out of commission. Eggs have gone down in price. Were it not for the agreement signed in 1948 by the Minister for Agriculture in the inter-Party Government, the one bright spot in this country at the present time—the cattle trade—would definitely be in the same position as our other agricultural products. There has been absolutely no relief whatever for what is regarded as the backbone of the country. The Minister did not mention the agricultural industry during his speech and did not say a single word about the farmers.

Where are the 100,000 jobs and the spending of the £100,000,000 which we heard about from Deputy Lemass, as he was then? We have been waiting 14 months for all that now and it is high time something came of those promises. Instead of giving some relief for the excess of taxes imposed on the poor people of the country this time last year, I notice that the Minister has no word about the £1,000,000 for the Tánaiste's new jet runway. I wonder what incentive that is to increased production—the fact that people are being denied grants for cowsheds and that other grants are being cut down, while money is provided for a jet runway. I wonder how they will view this new jet runway or how the Government hope to fit that project into the economy of the country.

Another method of saving is the new Gestapo released by the Department of Social Welfare on people throughout the country for the purpose of withholding unemployment benefit from people who, in most cases, are genuine applicants. A regular torture system has been let loose within the past couple of months for the purpose of saving.

Matters of detail should be left over——

All of these are sources of revenue to the Minister for Finance. As he chose to inflict these impositions on the people, he might have had the graciousness to mention them in his speech to-day. I suppose he would not have received the half-hearted clap he got from his supporters if he had mentioned the new method of raising money by depriving people of employment. My guess is that at least 600 forestry workers will be deprived of their livelihood this coming year in order that the Minister for Finance may save £148,000. I fear that from 200 to 300 Land Commission workers will be left at home during the coming year because the Minister for Finance wants £20,000. That represents a hidden form of taxation within the Budget.

The Budget was framed at the time of the framing of the Estimates—last November, December and January. I regret to say that the Minister's speech, to-day, was just a waste of time. The only other remark I wish to make at this stage is that, as far as I can see, the only thing the people of the country can take from the Minister's Budget statement is that there is another hard, gloomy, grinding year ahead with no promise of relief from the blows which the Government struck last year under the present Minister for Finance. There is not a single ray of brightness in the whole outlook. Those youngsters who were anticipating employment can realise now that the sooner they get a train and boat ticket to England the better. Those who are out of employment can remain out of employment because it is quite clear that the Minister, instead of decreasing the number of unemployed, means to put more people into their company. There is no outlook for the country but just this harsh, grinding year ahead, as a result of this Budget.

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