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Dáil Éireann díospóireacht -
Tuesday, 14 Feb 1978

Vol. 303 No. 7

Private Members' Business: Fisheries Policy : Motion.

I move:

That Dáil Éireann deplores the handling by the Minister for Fisheries, of negotiations on a Common Fisheries Policy in Brussels on January 30th and 31st last, which has involved the abandonment of this country's case for a 50 mile exclusive limit.

I have here a document which purports to be the draft resolution of the Council of Ministers concerning the introduction of fishing plans within the EEC. If this document is to be given credence it means that we as a nation have abandoned our claim to a 50-mile exclusive limit. I should like the Minister to verify that this is the document. It sets out the objectives of the Community's fishing plans and there is a total of 16. The Minister may contradict me as I go along on the validity of this document. It is a draft resolution.

That was not agreed upon.

It is a draft resolution.

We are talking about an interim arrangement.

It was agreed for a trial period. That is what we are talking about and we regard it as a direct refutation of our desire as a nation to have a 50-mile exclusive limit.

That is being taken as the basis of an interim arrangement for this year without prejudice to a claim for a 50-mile exclusive limit.

Unfortunately we regard what the Minister terms an interim arrangement as being a conclusive arrangement and we have long known that the Minister has collapsed in regard to our case for a 50-mile exclusive limit.

The Deputy will address the Chair and get away from this dialogue.

I wish to mention some of the points in this draft resolution. We are told in paragraph 3 that fishing plans may not discriminate as between fishermen of the member states of the Community or affect their rights of access. There appear to be a number of points in the same document contradicting paragraph 3. The latter part of the first paragraph refers to the employment of the natural geographical advantages in catch possibilities within a few hours' steaming time from home ports so as to favour balanced development in line with progressive improvement of fish stocks. I fail to see the meaning of these contradictory statements in one document. There is clearly a contradiction. In the first place we are told there cannot be any discrimination between member states and then we are told that people will enjoy a natural geographical advantage and that they will have catch possibilities within a few hours' steaming time from home ports. The vagueness of that statement is quite extraordinary; it can only be described as woolly and has no relevance whatsoever. How can one define "a few hours' steaming time" from a home port? It could be five miles and it could be 25 miles depending on the definition "a few". How can we agree even on an interim basis to any such statement?

Paragraph 6 states that fishing plans shall take into account that vessels which due to their limited range of operation can only exercise their activities close to the coast should have priority in coastal areas. This seems to be a direct contradiction of paragraph 3 which provides that there may not be any discrimination of any kind.

There is a further contradiction in paragraph 7. It is provided that the activities of other categories of vessels must be harmoniously introduced into the global fishing activity of all vessels operating in the area and in particular undue concentration of long-range vessels in areas closest to the coast should be prevented. I do not see how this can be done because of the statement in paragraph 3 that there may not be discrimination. How can we deny right of access?

This document would appear to set out to confuse us so that we do not know what is going on. I have spoken to fishermen and they have not the slightest idea what it means or what is proposed. I understand that the Government are at present drawing up plans, but nobody seems to have the slightest idea how those plans will affect our fishermen. It seems likely that our own fishermen will be excluded from large areas of Irish waters. It is a most extraordinary plan.

Paragraph 12 states:

Fishing plans may clearly identify vessel categories, fishing periods, types of gear, number of boats, species to be fished and other relevant data while ensuring that there is sufficient flexibility, for example, to enable replacement of vessels and to ensure right of passage, it being understood that fishing plans may be tailored to suit different circumstances.

All this adds up to confusion and contradiction. We as a party oppose any such plan. It cannot be for the benefit of the Irish fishing industry. Clearly, it will give certain countries within the EEC, notably France and Holland, the right to fish within six miles of our shores. They seem to be protected under this draft resolution by the 1964 London Convention, which gives them certain historical rights. I do not see how the Minister can deny for one minute that he has collapsed on the matter of the 50-mile exclusive limit and is now settling for a six-mile limit while he allows this document to be implemented even on an interim basis, if it is ever accepted. We are asking this House to see that it is not accepted. It is not what the fishing industry wants, it is not what the National Coalition Government were set to achieve, and it is not what Fianna Fáil promised before the election. It reneges on any promise made before the 1977 election.

We are asking that the Minister should go back to Brussels, refute this document and renegotiate on the basis of a 50-mile exclusive limit. That is what we were promised and that is what we expect to get. There are numerous quotations on the record of the House from a variety of Fianna Fáil speakers during that last Dáil session giving their support to a 50-mile exclusive limit and promising that once in power they would renegotiate the terms of the Treaty of Accession to ensure that such a limit would be obtained. This document will allow foreign fishermen to come within six miles of our shores. We have very vivid memories of what these people did when they were allowed to within six miles of our shores: our fisheries have not yet recovered from the damage. We have no reason to believe that they will not do the same thing again, given the chance. The likelihood is that they will perform exactly the same acts of plunder and poaching and that there will not be any fish left for any Irish fishermen within a short space of time.

In October 1976 the Coalition Government got an agreement at The Hague which gave the Irish fishing industry an outstanding chance to expand. These negotiations were conducted by Deputy FitzGerald, who was then Minister for Foreign Affairs. We gained considerable ground, principally the commitment from fellow members to the fact that the Irish fishing industry was a special case and was to be considered separately from all other members, including Great Britain.

The present Minister for Fisheries has let our case slide. We are now in the unhappy position that, where we had high hopes of a 50-mile exclusive fishery zone, we are now settling for six miles. Under the conditions of that agreement drawn up by the Council of Ministers we were also to be given the right to double our catch of fish between 1976 and 1979. Again, I fear the present Minister for Fisheries has collapsed on this issue. On the basis of recent figures published by An Bord Iascaigh Mhara the amount of fish we shall be allowed to catch in 1978 falls drastically short of what we were promised in The Hague Agreement of October 1976. At that time we were promised that we would be allowed double our catch. Our catch, according to Bord Iascaigh Mhara figures, in 1976 was 80,663 tons—I shall be kinder to the present Minister —on the basis of the previous year's figures, 75,188 tons, our catch for 1978 should be somewhere between 125,000 tons and 135,000 tons. I should like the Minister to explain how he has agreed to a catch of a mere 96,000 tons.

On the basis of the figures for 1976 our catch for 1977 should have been 108,000 tons, for 1978, 135,000 tons and for 1979, 162,000. But from the information available to us for the first half of 1977 it appears that not alone have we not increased our catch as promised but it has actually dropped. So, we cannot look forward to reaching the target which we had set ourselves in October 1976. Due to vast overfishing, our fishermen have not been able to get the quantities promised. Under the Minister's present proposals it is obvious that those figures, rather than double, will fall far short and we are deeply concerned that this should not be allowed to continue. We take exception to the fact that our quotas for herring for 1978 have been reduced, not increased according to the promise or plan in 1976. Our catch of herring in 1975 was 28,000 tons whereas the catch which we were told we would be allowed in 1978 is 22,000 tons.

This is a very serious matter. We were supposed to be in a position where we would double our catch but we are now in a position where there is a drastic fall. The excuse will be made that we shall increase our catch in other sectors. The only alternative fish to be caught are of very low quality and fetch an inferior price. The two species most likely to come into the reckoning in this regard are blue whiting and sprats neither of which fetches an even reasonably good price on the market and they produce a very poor return for the fishermen. We regard the dropping of the Irish fishermen's demand for an increase in their herring quota as being detrimental to our fishing industry. I believe the Minister has to tackle the job of going back and making sure that we get our due share of the fish that really sell well. No fish sells better at present than herring. Unfortunately, we have no vast stocks of cod which could be compared to herring. We have the herring and should be allowed to catch them and should not be fobbed off with some inferior species.

Repeatedly in previous debates prior to their coming into office, Fianna Fáil speakers told us that on no account would they settle for quotas, that they wanted Irish fishermen to catch as much as they could within the 50-mile limit. However, since the present Minister for Fisheries took over the emphasis has been more and more on a dilution of that promise or principle. We have gone from exclusive zone to special zone, to preferential zone and latterly there has been talk of a Community solution to the problem. This all adds up to dilution of the original promise. The word "quota" has crept in more and more. We are now told that the draft resolution with which we were recently presented will be based on fishing plans which in turn will be based on quotas and licences. Our experience of quotas and licences has been anything but happy. In the past, quotas have been an excuse for wholesale deception by foreigners. We have no reason to think that in future there will be a change for the better. The North Eastern Atlantic Fishing Commission found out this to their cost: countries took what they wanted. They were granted a certain quota and when they found their fleets had fished this quota within three or six months they merely continued to fish. I have no doubt that the French, the Dutch and the others, when they have fished their quotas off our coast—if they are allowed to do so and we intend to see that they are not—in three or six months will continue and nobody will stop them. The reason they will continue is that it will be a political decision and we shall be quite powerless because their attitude, as always, will be just to ride roughshod over smaller nations. That is what they have done off our coast for the past ten or 15 years; that is what they will continue to do; that is what they have done in recent times.

To emphasise my point I shall quote a figure which makes very vivid reading and gives a very good reason why we should never agree to a quota system where these people are involved. In 1976 in zone 6A which is off the north west coast of Donegal the Dutch were allocated a quota of 7,600 tons of herring. This is stated in Leaflet 84 produced by the Minister's Department. However, according to Leaflet 88 issued by the same Department last year the Dutch actually caught 21,039 tons of herring in that area. How could we ever expect those people to confine themselves to a quota? There they trebled their allocation because they had fished their quota within a matter of months. They had no intention of stopping at that point.

The whole system of quotas and licences is open to abuse. We have only to look towards our fishing system and at salmon licence escapades in recent years. People are fishing for salmon without licences. They are supposed to have them, but they get away without them. They have been doing so for years and doing it openly. Even some people who have licences are abusing them wholesale. From my observation of activities off the coast I have found Irish fishermen to be more honest and law-abiding than foreigners to whom we are going to grant licences and quotas. To think that these people will ever honour these quotas is to put one's head in the sand like an ostrich.

We have learned from recent talks of the very entrenched position taken up by the British. It is ironic that two years ago, in negotiations when we got agreement to be treated as a special case, the British were indifferent about their fishery limits. Now the wheel has turned full circle and the British are holding out for a better deal than obviously we are going to get under this draft resolution or, interim agreement as it is called. At that time the emphasis in Britain was on the long-distance fleet. They fished in Icelandic, Russian and Norwegian waters and the main catch was that highly valued fish, cod. They caught vast quantities of it, but suddenly with the imposition of 200-mile limits internationally the British fleet was shut out. Far from concentrating their efforts on their long-distance fleet activities they have now recognised that their future lies close to their own shores. The biggest confidence trick that has been pulled in the Brussels negotiations in recent years was pulled by the British on the Minister for Fisheries, Deputy Lenihan, when they took him by the hand and said "Let us go together and negotiate, because in unity there is strength". Little did our naïve Minister for Fisheries know that he was being led to the slaughter. They have somersaulted us; while we have settled for less they are demanding more, despite the fact that in the 1976 agreement we were the ones to be treated as a special case. Britain are now being treated as a special case and, like a spoiled child sitting in a corner, it looks as if they are going to get their way.

If the British Minister, Mr. Silkin, had not dug in his heels in Brussels two weeks ago we would not be talking about a fishing limit here this evening. We would be talking about a permanent common fisheries policy. The Minister may be thankful yet that Mr. Silkin has kept his options open because by all accounts the Minister for Fisheries has thrown away the whole game. The British even up to a year ago were prepared to settle for a 12-mile exclusive limit with preferential treatment up to 50 miles. We at that time were holding out for a 50-mile exclusive limit. I do not pretend that we were going to be hardline in that matter. We always said, as we say today, that we did not necessarily want everything inside the 50-mile exclusive limit. We were quite fair and we said we would catch what we could and if there were excess fish we would allow in our partners from the EEC to take what was there to be taken, in the interests of conservation. We never dug in our heels to the extent that we were going to act the dog in the manger and exclude everybody else. We would even take what excess fish were there on our terms. That is still our stand, but the British wanted only a 12-mile exclusive limit and they were willing to take the easy way from there up to 50 miles.

Once the British long-distance fleet collapsed and once they were hunted out of Icelandic, Norwegian and Russian waters their attitude changed. They have been scrapping and breaking up their long-distance trawlers for the last year or so and have turned their attention to coastal fishery activities. What has that meant? They have changed their strategy, and that is where our Minister for Fisheries is fooled up to his eyes. They saw that we were going to get an excellent deal on the basis of the October 1976 agreement. They decided that they had better string along with us and thereby they might do a lot better than they had previously hoped. This has happened to such an extent that not alone are we not going to get the 50 miles, but according to this document we are going to get only six miles. The Minister for Fisheries has made a disastrous mistake in aligning our case with that of the British. Events have proved this correct. I only hope he can retrieve the situation to some extent before it is too late, and it is getting late.

Our fishing industry must be allowed to expand at the rate promised in the 1976 agreement. As I pointed out earlier, with the total catch allocated for 1978, which is far short of what we were promised, this cannot be done. We have to keep the foreigners—even though they be our fellow-members in the EEC—far away from our coasts. Their catching power is too great for the limited amount of fish available. If they keep on catching it as they have been for years past a major expansion in our fishing industry is out of the question. Many Irish fishing boat owners at the moment are in serious financial difficulties and are finding it exceedingly difficult to pay their way. I will quote figures from a reply to a question I put down to the Minister for Fisheries on Tuesday 31 January. I asked him the number of purchasers of boats who were in arrears in their repayments to BIM. Summarised, the answer was that out of a total of 438 borrowers—that is people who were purchasing their boats—from BIM, 292 were in arrears. He can hardly state that we have a healthy fishing industry when two-thirds of our fishermen are in arrears with repayments on their boats.

How can we allow our total catch to be cut back when we were promised an expansion, when we were promised a doubling of it within three years? How can we allow the most valuable species of fish off our coasts to be denied to the Irish fishermen and replaced by fish which have a very poor market value, fish which are very difficult to catch because they are at great depths off the western coast? I refer to blue whiting. That is what the Minister is being fobbed off with. We are getting a cutback in our catch. We are getting a reduction in the quantity of the most valuable species at our disposal.

I realise there was a need for conservation of the herring stock. The time has come for the Minister to ask the EEC to allow Irish fishermen to commence fishing for herring in all zones off the Irish coast. Remember, we did not do the damage. The Dutch did it. Remember, the Irish fishing fleet, as presently constituted, are not capable of doing irreparable harm to the herring stocks off our coasts. Their catching power is quite limited. As we can see from the figures quoted, they are in serious financial trouble. They should be allowed back into the herring grounds to catch a reasonable amount of herring. It is very difficult for people on the south coast to survive when the Celtic Sea is closed continuously and there are considerable quantities of herring there. I do not believe any great damage would be done by allowing the Irish fishing fleet to fish in these waters for herring.

Why should we not? The Dutch are doing it. They have been fishing for herring in the Celtic Sea as long as the band has been ostensibly in existence. That is well known. They have been fishing for herring under the guise of mackerel fishing. This has been quite obvious. They have been seen fishing in the area on a considerable scale. I have seen them myself. There is no shortage of herring on the Dutch market, in processing concerns or on the open market. They are as plentiful as ever. We can be sure a sizeable quantity of that herring is coming from waters which are banned to Irish fishermen.

I should like to mention a few points on which the Minister promised recently to take action, but he has not done so. I should like to pinpoint the damage being done to our white fishing industry, that is the demersal end of it, by the Spaniards. Under the 1964 London Convention the Spaniards have certain rights up to 12 miles off our coasts, and six miles in certain cases, but I am told legally any rights they had were superseded by the 200-mile limit brought in by the Maritime Jurisdiction Act last year. They are being granted licences by the EEC. At the moment I am told something like 107 boats from Spain are being allowed to fish off our coasts. I am aware that only 68 of those boats can fish at any one time. When one drops out another comes in and 68 large Spanish boats are licensed to fish.

The Spanish fleet has increased out of all proportion in numbers and in the size of the boats. Gone are the days when they had small wooden 50 foot boats. Now they have 120 or 130 foot steel hull boats capable of catching a fantastic quantity. They are doing a lot of harm. They have been caught repeatedly in the past 12 or 15 months off our coasts. There have been up to 20 convictions in regard to boats fishing without a licence although they have been allocated 68 licences. It is time they were told to get out of EEC waters completely. Obviously they are making a play to set up a catch record for their proposed entry into the EEC. I do not see why our fishermen should have to suffer while these people are carrying on as they are at present.

On 1 December in answer to a parliamentary question the Minister promised to introduce legislation in January to increase fines for fishery offences to a realistic level. January has come and gone and there is no new legislation increasing those fines. It is imperative that this legislation should be brought in immediately, especially in view of a recent High Court decision. A number of people, including Bulgarians and Spaniards, were caught and had their gear confiscated, but now they will be allowed to retain it because of that High Court decision. It now appears that any boat caught in Irish waters recently can only be fined a maximum of £100. There was the added penalty that gear, sometimes worth hundreds of thousands of pounds could be confiscated. It is imperative that we introduce realistic fines in the order of £50,000 or £100,000 for illegal fishing within our limits.

To return to the essence of the motion, we feel the Minister has gone soft on the 50-mile exclusive limit. Every statement emanating from Brussels over the past seven months has shown he has weakened beyond all comprehension. We take exception to this because, in Government, we put up such a stern fight to win a foothold for Ireland which was lost in 1970 and 1972, lost in 1970 when the six members of the EEC drew up a common fisheries policy biased against all belief in their own favour. In 1972 when the Treaty of Accession was being negotiated, the Fianna Fáil Government made no attempt to right the wrong which had been done. They accepted the eventuality that by 1982 our fellow EEC members could fish right up to our shores. We retrieved that situation through the negotiating ability of our then Foreign Minister. Deputy FitzGerald. The Minister has lost that ground. He has let it slip away and we are now back where we started. We are in exactly the same position as we were in 1964. The Dutch and the French, the people who did all the damage to our fisheries are entitled to come within six miles of our shores if we are to believe this draft resolution we received from the Council of Ministers meeting.

That has been one of the biggest letdowns an Irish politician has ever given to the people of this country. We can ill afford it when we should be expanding in such a high job intensive industry as the fishing industry. It is so sad and so drastic that the Minister should tear up these proposals and say: "Interim agreement or not, we are not having it" and stick out for what was originally promised, what we originally fought for and what we were on the point of attaining—a 50-mile exclusive limit.

At the outset let me say the Government demand for an exclusive coastal band for 50 miles has not been withdrawn or watered down. It is still there and will remain until an acceptable agreement is reached on a revised EEC Common Fisheries Policy. It has been and will be Government policy that an adequate coastal band reserved to Irish fishermen is essential for the conservation of stocks and also to ensure the expansion of the Irish fishing industry, the special need for which has been accepted by the Community on social and economic grounds. Most member states are of course adamantly opposed to the idea of any coastal state having completely exclusive rights and this has been the principal factor in blocking the completion of a new common fisheries policy.

For the past year or so stopgap measures, mainly for herring, have been adopted which, while better than a free-for-all, have been unsatisfactory. I should point out however that the measure closing the west of Ireland herring fishery last year for which the Minister secured the agreement of the Council of Ministers was very successful and helped considerably to improve herring fishing in the area in the latter part of the year. Our fishermen fully accept the value of that closure and have advocated a similar closure this year.

At recent Council meetings it was evident that there was no prospect of early agreement for a revised common fisheries policy. Accordingly in order to safeguard our fish stocks the Minister proposed as an interim solution—and I stress the word "interim"—that a fishing plan arrangement be introduced for the remainder of this year. The Opposition can hardly criticise the Minister for asking for such plans seeing that the former Government invited member States to submit fishing plans last year.

There appears to be confusion among some of our fishermen as to what the plans mean. The main effect of such plans would be that boats fishing in our waters would be licensed and the fishing efforts of boats of the member States other than Ireland reduced substantially in the coastal areas of our waters. While there was no agreement on the package of interim measures proposed at the last meeting of the Council of Ministers, it was agreed that this fishing plan system would be introduced in our waters as soon as possible. Officials of the Department have since attended a meeting of representatives of other member states and the Commission to discuss the early introduction of fishing plans.

I have the greatest difficulty in hearing the speech the Deputy is reading. Perhaps he might speak a little louder. I am anxious to hear all the points.

Further meetings will be held in the near future. Officers of the Department will be available for consultation with Irish fishery interests while the scheme is being worked out. Before passing from the last Council meeting, the Minister again stated our position—that we would not agree to substantive agreements with third countries until the internal arrangements had first been settled.

The Community are now faced with a situation where there are no agreed Community measures, even stopgap ones, in operation. This is a very serious situation and it was to avoid such a situation that the Minister tried to get agreement on interim measures for 1978. Unfortunately agreement of all nine member States was not forthcoming for the interim measures suggested by the Commission. It is now a matter for national governments to introduce fish conservation measures in respect of the waters under their control. Of course such measures will have to be non-discriminatory and the approval of the Commission will have to be sought for their introduction in accordance with The Hague Agreement. The Minister already made an order continuing the ban on herring fishing in the Mourne Sea and Celtic Sea and a comprehensive package of other technical and control measures is being considered urgently in the Department. The Minister already held discussions with fishermen's representatives on the measures under consideration.

In conclusion, let me emphasise that the fishing plan system is purely an interim measure for the present year. It is not designed to replace the exclusive coastal band which the Minister is seeking but could be a useful adjunct to it in the final arrangement.

All of us appreciate that the fishing industry is essential to the economy. I come from a county that depends largely on that industry for employment. There are many things we would wish to be done but we realise they cannot be done. I have confidence that our Minister will negotiate an agreement for Irish fishermen that will be to the benefit of the fishermen and the country.

The Minister inherited a situation that was not satisfactory but he has fought a case for the Irish fishermen and I am convinced he will obtain an agreement for them that will be to their advantage. In order to secure the fishing industry, to make it a long-term profitable enterprise, we must give serious consideration to conservation of the fish stocks. Unless we keep this matter uppermost in our minds, in time the seas will become barren. Everyone appreciates this. The fishermen realise that reasonable conservation measures will safeguard their livelihood. I am convinced that the Minister will win for Irish fishermen the right to fish the seas around our coast for an acceptable distance in order that we may secure the maximum benefit.

The Labour Party supports this motion, particularly because we are gravely concerned that at present the country is in a state of abysmal unawareness as to what the Minister and the Government are doing in these negotiations. There have been so many statements based on the generalities of negotiations and so many conflicting kites have been flown in the past few months that at this stage the people of the country, Members of this House and the fishermen themselves do not know what to believe.

It appears that in the near future we will have a package of interim measures. The Minister says they will be temporary, somewhat experimental, and dependent on a number of factors. We know what these generally are— they have been spelled out. We do not know if the measures will become permanent. We do not know whether any definition has been given to the various rather wonderful 19th century terms used in these documents such as "a few hours steaming", whatever that might mean. I have visions of Commissioner Gundelach and the Minister for Fisheries steaming out of Dublin on a Board of Works dredger trying to measure the distance in terms of hours. It is in that kind of "Hughie Green—Opportunity Knocks" situation the Government are carrying out the present fishery negotiations. It all boils down to one major, but simple, fact. The politicians here—and I include both sides in this, but particularly the Fianna Fáil Party, and the Commission in terms of its responsibility, including Commissioner Gundelach and some of his senior staff—have been persistently, consistently, and quite outrageously dishonest with our fishermen. Indeed, our fishermen were used as a sprat to catch votes in the general election last June.

They were used by Deputy Haughey with his heart bleeding for them on the Opposition benches of this House. I remember sitting in the benches behind where the Minister is now sitting and the fishermen were played with unmercifully and with a most outrageous lack of political honesty by the Fianna Fáil Party then in Opposition.

I am afraid the Deputy was not the only one to notice that.

I had a great regard for Deputy Garret FitzGerald as Minister for Foreign Affairs. I believe he would have got a coherent package at the end of the day because he has a better capacity and a greater ability in negotiating than the majority, if not all, the Members of this House. With him negotiating we would at least have known where we stood. It is no disrespect to the present Minister to suggest Deputy Garret FitzGerald as Minister for Foreign Affairs would have got a better package. However, I do not believe Deputy Garret FitzGerald, or Deputy Haughey, who shed copious tears out in Howth over the fishermen and their plight, or Deputy Lenihan, or any public official would have got a 50-mile exclusive fishery limit and that is where the fundamental deception was fostered in the first instance, tragically for Irish fishermen.

Let us be honest about it now. Irish fishermen saw themselves, I suppose, as being in a negotiating position. They were filled with zeal and concern for their economic livelihood. They had the sympathy and the understanding of the House. But what appeared initially to be a negotiating position deteriorated into a political football. Deputy Lenihan, Minister for Fisheries may point the finger across the floor at Deputy Garret FitzGerald, but that football was kicked into touch during the general election, by the Fianna Fáil Party. It happened out in Dún Laoghaire. We are about the sixth most important, or least important, port in terms of catch. I remember, whether it was in local pubs or just talking to local fishermen, you would swear that Deputy David Andrews and Deputy Martin O'Donoghue—one a Minister of State and the other a "Minister for"—lay awake at night and never got a wink of sleep worrying over a 50-mile limit. They were going to pace it out to the Kish Bank to measure the distance so preoccupied were they about it. They conned the fishermen: "Put us back and we will get it. The Coalition do not know what they are talking about. Mark Clinton is Minister for Agriculture and Garret FitzGerald talks too much."

These are all Deputies.

Deputies, yes. In fact, during that time the Ministers and staffs of both the Department of Foreign Affairs and the Department of Agriculture and Fisheries were, from my observations, in a much more effective and stronger position than this Government find themselves in today. Had Deputy Lenihan gone to Brussels shortly after his appointment as Minister and said: "Look, there is no way I can get a 50-mile limit and it simply is not on and I will settle for the best possible deal", then he would not be the laughing stock he is, as I have found as a member of the Council of Europe. I was in Paris only this morning, yesterday evening as well, and the Irish are a joke, an absolute joke. Hughie Green on "Opportunity Knocks" would not find it easier to get a laugh.

I believe the position has now been pre-empted by continually telling the fishermen: "Do not worry. We will get a little bit now and we will carry it through and we will have our staff work out a better position. We fixed up the quotas all right, a little bit of herring here and a little bit there. Everything will be all right."

I have great sympathy for our fishermen fluttering back and forth like butterflies between here and Brussels, knowing not what the Minister is up to. And the Minister's left hand does not know what his right hand is doing. The public servants, as is their wont, wisely keep their mouths shut and let the politicians get on with it.

These things have to be said, harshly and crudely, because, if one examines the documentation which has come out in recent weeks, it is the kind of documentation which nobody would put the smallest permissible bet on. It contains no definite assurances. It makes no mention of what we clearly need, namely, a planned development of our fishing industry over the next five to ten-year period. That is definitely something that should be done.

The Minister has had his portfolio now for close on eight months. People talk about a general election in another four years. The next general election will be over within four years. I doubt very much if this Fianna Fáil Cabinet have discussed this matter of our fishing industry at all. There is urgent need to finalise the attitude of the Cabinet. There is urgent need for going to the Commission with rational and reasonable proposals. A few moments ago we had the unfortunate Fianna Fáil backbencher from Donegal standing up here and reading out a speech prepared obviously for the Minister in which he said the Irish Government's position has not been abandoned. It is almost reminiscent of the Treaty Debates in this House. We were fighting the British from the day we signed the Treaty and we continued to fight them even after the six north-eastern counties were gone. Likewise, for the most part the Commissioners and colleagues of the Minister on the Ministerial Council have probably written him off and we will probably have to settle for what is going to be second best.

It is unfortunate that at present there are no agreed Community measures. There should be. The failure to bring about agreement over the past seven months has been detrimental to the industry. It is unfortunate that Irish fishermen in the present atrocious weather have to resort to marching on Leinster House, for whatever good that will do them. They cannot kick out the Minister for at least another three years, much as they might wish to do so. In fact, they are doing the most democratic thing they can do, coming to Leinster House and making their views known. The Minister should clarify the Government's negotiating position. I do not think the Minister will lose one whit of public respect if he tells the House that a certain thing is on, something else is not on or that we are likely to get something else. The fishermen would at least thank him for knowing where they stand and it is time they knew where they stood.

If the Minister did that we could get off the kind of arguments we have been having here which are somewhat reminiscent of the situation we had on ground rents. Ground rents were to be abolished over-night without compensation or any concern about the Constitution but we know what happened. Now we are back to the 50-mile zone. The 50-mile zone is there but it is not there. It is like Santa Claus, he will bring it next Christmas but by next Christmas we all hope that the unfortunate child will have reached the age when he no longer believes in Santa Claus. That is the way the 50-mile argument stands at present. Quite a few of my constituents are fishermen who operate from Dún Laoghaire and I told them during the last election campaign that I did not believe the National Coalition would get an exclusive 50-mile zone. I told them that it was my belief that if we had that zone not many of them would go out that far but that was not to say that we should not try to have it. I told them that something more modest and reasonable was on because I do not believe in codding people. I suggested to them that if they wished to vote for David Andrews or Professor O'Donoghue they could and they did just that with the result that I nearly lost my seat. That was how it worked out because of the Fianna Fáil statements in relation to fisheries.

I had occasion to speak to members of the British Labour Party and they told me that it was their view that the 50-mile limit was never on and, indeed, some of the more perceptive backbenchers of the Minister's party, for instance, Deputy Killilea and others, thought the way the Minister continued to negotiate in a sea of promises was the greatest lark of all times. Those promises have been shown up to be no more than fishing plans with a mesh containing a hole about one mile wide through which every European fishing trawler can

The final outcome will be a lot less than what the politicians and the fishermen propagated in terms of our steam without having to worry. policy. Even within the limitations of a much reduced settlement, and Fianna Fáil are notorious in terms of principle, almost as bad about fishing as they are about Northern Ireland—one minute they want withdrawal, another minute they want federalism and another minute they want power sharing —there is an opportunity within that context for the fishermen of Dún Laoghaire and the rest of the country to expand and develop. We all know from replies to Dáil questions of the number of fishermen in arreas with BIM loans and that is an indication of the uncertainty that is entering into the industry now.

There is no need for fishermen to fear for their livelihoods and to fear for the planned development of the industry. The Department and BIM can then settle down and instead of flying Brussels' kites, and the Minister wasting taxpayers' money hopping back and forth to meetings, can plan the development of the industry within whatever limitations we finish up with. There is no shortage of capital now, apparently, because the Government are borrowing to the limit of 13 per cent of GNP. There is no reason why a fraction of that money cannot be put into the development of this industry. I urge that negotiations be brought to a close as quickly as possible. There is no point in passing motions of no confidence in the Minister because he has a solid majority of 20 Deputies behind him, but there is a point in passing this resolution because it would be the finality of the horror we had before the last election. We did not just have Private Members' time devoted to this issue, we even had Private Members' Bills introduced. Those Bills were eloquently packaged and proposed by Minister Haughey and the other maritime Deputies. Not many of them are likely to speak in this debate because they would run a mile from what was their policy in this regard. In the interests of political honesty here and the sanity and future prospects of the fishing industry and so that we might give hope and proper responsible concern to the fishermen who will march on this House on Thursday we should clear the decks and clarify our policy. The Minister has a golden opportunity of doing that now and not by saying that there are no problems because grave problems exist. I am convinced from the negotiations that have gone on, the most tortuous negotiations in the history of the Irish State in respect of the numbers employed and the economic strength of the industry, that we can bring a final settlement about that will last until 1988.

The Minister owes it to the House to do this and not treat us to some political horseplay. I have no doubt that the House will go home at least having cleansed itself of some of the utter rubbish which we have perpetrated on Irish fishermen in the past few years—failure to face up to the realities of the situation, the prospects we have and conning people into expecting something, from a flow of ludicrous rhetoric, 90 per cent of which came from the Fianna Fáil Party, a situation which the Minister is now trying desperately to wriggle out of. Although he is probably the greatest operator of all in that regard he is not adroit enough to wriggle out of that tragic situation.

I find it difficult, as I am sure many other people do, to sort out the total confusion which now appears to have developed in the sad saga of the negotiations of our fisheries case. I have already said in other places—it is worth saying it again in the House—that I believe the Minister's counterparts in Europe, the Irish Fishermen's Organisation and the general public have watched mesmerised since he was appointed to office, the Minister adopting different positions, moving sideways, horizontally, vertically and any other way he could as if he had some master plan at the back of it all. I believe that much of the reason for the woolly draft agreement, which is self-contradictory, now being produced in Brussels, is everybody has become convinced that this man has some grand objective, some final solution at the back of it all or he could not have been adopting the sort of contradictory attitude and the different promises for different occasions, different meetings and different bodies, that he has been adopting.

They do not realise that this is the Minister in the tradition of his previous portfolios who is quite happy to play with the ball as day follows day. He is not even concerned with week following week or month following month. As day follows day he will react in a manner that allows him to get off the hook in the easiest way and allows the thing to be put off for another 24 hours. It is as a result of this type of approach with no final objective in mind beyond staying in the job, keeping things quiet and letting it all roll along that we have now arrived at a situation where the Irish Fishermen's Organisation have admitted to being in total confusion with regard to what the Minister has in mind. His colleagues in Brussels have produced a draft agreement which appears to provide for a fishing plan and on the other hand appears to say that nothing can be done which discriminates against the member states. The document appears to be self-contradictory. The only thing that is evident from it is that there will be no opportunity for a realistic coastal band of any sort if that agreement is adopted and adhered to.

The Minister explained to the people, in the course of a radio interview, that as far as he is concerned Ireland's case for a 50-mile limit is still on the table. I am not sure what table it is on or where the table is. If the Minister is going to agree to the sort of grand agreement—he threw in afterwards, when he was pressed a little bit by the interviewer about it, that it was only a temporary thing but was better than having no agreement at all—and keep Ireland's 50-mile case on the table he might as well put it in the waste-paper basket. The time when he managed to be convinced by his colleagues in Europe that he should go along with his self-contraditory document, was the time, if not a lot earlier, that Ireland's case went off the table and was confined to the scrapheap. It is becoming very apparent to the public that that is the position and that our case for an exclusive coastal zone now is forgotten.

The contradictory sort of approach adopted by the Minister is in sharp contrast to the clear and categorical utterances given by his colleagues when in Opposition. I recall the promises made by the present Ministers for Foreign Affairs and Health and Social Welfare with regard to what their party would do when Fianna Fáil returned to power. The Minister who ended up with responsibility for fisheries did not have to get involved in making any of those promises because he was not then in this House. He did not make as categorical a promise in the other House. This allows him a little more leeway for wriggling off the hook. This is one of the few things he appears to be adept at.

The categorical promise made by the Minister for Foreign Affairs when in Opposition was that if Fianna Fáil were returned to power they would immediately seek to renegotiate the entire terms of the Treaty of Accession for Ireland as a member of the Community because the Treaty of Accession, which their party had negotiated in the first place, had provided such a bad deal for Ireland as far as fisheries were concerned. He held up the iron hand in the velvet glove and said that they would renegotiate this treaty in such a way that if the Community did not agree to a better deal for Irish fisheries they would have to consider getting out altogether.

I have not heard that from the Minister for Foreign Affairs or his colleague since they became Ministers. We have listened to a drastic watering down from the very successful approach adopted by the previous Government in seeking to introduce conservation measures and fighting to bring about a situation where there would be a realistic coastal zone introduced for Ireland, a situation where, with a lot of difficulty and a lot of negotiating skill, the then Irish team insisted on separating Ireland's case from the case of any other country except Greenland. They said they wanted the Irish case treated separately because it deserved separate consideration. They admitted the weakness which existed in the Treaty of Accession negotiated by the people now in Government but pointed out the validity in equity and justice of Ireland's case. Because of the size of our fishing industry at the time, its scope for development, its potential, the fact that it contributes a greater percentage of our GNP than does the fishing industry of any other country except Greenland, is sufficient justification in itself. We had reached a situation in which the Community had acknowledged that Ireland had a special case. They had conceded that Ireland should be allowed to expand its catches dramatically over a threeyear period, with agreement to carry out a further investment in and development of the industry, in which there would be a special Community contribution towards the cost of our naval fisheries protection patrols, in which there was acknowledgment by the Community of our special case.

On leaving office the previous Government made the situation clear to the new occupants, the new negotiators, the difficulty and danger for us if we were to align ourselves with the case being made with any other country. What did the Minister do? Having managed to enrage Irish fishermen because of a botched-up attempt to hand over the entire control of herring fishing in the Irish Sea to the Isle of Man Government—so that he would not have the bother of having to look after it any more—he then turned around and went out of his way to tie up our case with that of Britain, a situation in which we had been 18 months earlier and from which we spent a year extricating ourselves. In one weekend trip to London there were photographs of the British and Irish Ministers together with English housewives, banners broadcast throughout the media, the Ministers shaking hands with each other congratulating themselves that their cases were at one. There were interviews with the Ministers as to whether this was to be indicative of further co-operation in other fields between the two Governments, with long promises of future development and co-operation. As we had pointed out, within a month the Minister was scrambling in a dreadfully inept way here in the House to point out that the Irish case was materially different from that of Britain and that if any statement of his had given any impression to the contrary it was wrong, that Ireland and Britain's cases in so far as exclusive zones were concerned were not at one and would be negotiated separately.

As justification for the document being discussed the Minister now points to the fact that there is, as he claims, a substantially increased catch allocation being made available to us. The question must be asked: is even the previous commitment of the Community being honoured in the allocation the Minister says he has so successfully fought for and negotiated now? On the basis of the 75,000 tonnes caught in 1975, in respect of which there was to be negotiated over a three-year period a doubling of the catch, either two-thirds of that figure, or three-quarters for the coming year would be a fair way of assessing what would be our allocation for that year. We should have allocated to us this year somewhere between 125,000 and 130,000 tonnes. What do we find? The Minister has returned from Brussels, triumphant as usual, to announce that he has negotiated to secure an allocation of 96,000.

It is nearly 40 per cent better than any other member state.

I am not concerned about any other member state. If the Minister had not been concerned about other member states we would not be in the negotiating mess we are in today. If the Minister had not got us tied up with the British case over the last few months he would not have found himself eventually in the same boat as the Germans, French and Dutch. That is the situation into which the Minister has managed to get our fishing industry today. I am not concerned about the allocation of any other country. I am concerned at the fact that we were to double our catch quota, from 75,000 tonnes to 150,000 tonnes over three years. On that basis, taking the less favourable percentage of two-thirds rather than three-quarters, we should have a 125,000 tonnes quota allocated to us this year. We have got 96,000 tonnes, which is a reduction of approximately 20,000 tonnes on that negotiated by the previous Government. Yet the Minister maintains that, on the basis of that allocation being made available to us, we should be prepared to agree to the adoption of this temporary measure. Of course, he pointed out in his radio interview that this would be a temporary measure only. We all know that temporary agreements have a great habit of remaining with us. In the schoolyard of practically every national school in the country there are a lot of temporary arrangements called prefabs. In my involvement in educational matters I have often said that pre-fabs, like the poor, will always be with us. I am afraid that any temporary arrangement or agreement brought about in the fisheries field would turn out to be of a nature so permanent as to long outlive the present Minister or indeed any of his successors. The approach adopted by the Minister in most recent negotiations— and I believe he has now got us into a situation in which he has sold out our negotiating position, sold out any real prospects we had of securing a realistic agreement—augurs badly for the future when one contemplates what may happen at a time when the Treaty of Accession for Spain or any other country with a developed fishing industry may be brought about. If the Minister adopts the sort of attitude he has demonstrated over the last few months I cannot see, in the negotiating of the treaty for any other applicant country, that the Minister would be in a sufficiently strong negotiating position, or indeed sufficiently respected by his European colleagues, to protect our interests in that regard. We are all aware that Spain has been regarded for a long time as a country with a traditional fishing right in Irish waters. That right was re-established on foot of the London Convention in 1964.

Debate adjourned.
The Dáil adjourned at 8.30 p.m. until 10.30 a.m., Wednesday, 15 February 1978.
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