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Dáil Éireann díospóireacht -
Wednesday, 19 Jul 1989

Vol. 391 No. 6

Vote 32: Agriculture and Food (Revised Estimate).

I move:

That a sum not exceeding £154,323,000 be granted to defray the charge which will come in course of payment during the year ending on the 31st day of December, 1989, for the salaries and expenses of the Office of the Minister for Agriculture and Food, including certain services administered by that Office, and of the Irish Land Commission, and for payment of certain subsidies and sundry grants-in-aid.

The record achievement of the agriculture and food sector over the past two years is the best testimony of the success of overall Government policy. The sector has a unique and pivotal role in the economy and its performance has contributed enormously to the overall economic renewal in the country. The benefit of this success is not confined to the farming community; it has impacted in a dynamic and visible manner on the community generally.

The major building programme in the food sector, the farm development programmes in rural Ireland, the increased spending power in our towns and cities, the increased employment in our meat, dairy and horticultural enterprises, the huge boost to the haulage and transport services, the expansion of the range of quality Irish food products in our retail outlets, all testify to the positive spin-off across the economy of the renewed vigour in this primary production sector in our economy.

This Estimate is as relevant to each of these sectors as it is to the farming sector and it is the Government's firm intention to expand even further the opportunities that will arise in the European internal market. While the prolonged spell of dry weather is less than ideal for our agricultural pattern of production, the indications are already clear that this year will see a further major improvement in farm incomes, in agri-food exports and in employment in this key sector.

The decision of the Taoiseach over two years ago to adopt a new integrated policy for the agriculture and food sectors under my Department has been a key factor in this success. The direct responsibility of the IDA and SFADCo to my Department in the food sector has ensured that our production practices are geared directly to the marketplace and has enabled us in conjunction with CBF, Córas Tráchtála and Bord Bainne to capture very profitable and expanding markets throughout the world. I would like to pay a special tribute to these organisations and to the Department of Industry and Commerce for their co-operation and understanding with my own Department in this very successful transition.

I will now make some more general remarks before dealing in some detail with the main areas of agricultural production and with some of the precise elements in the Estimate. The Estimate is for a gross amount of over £310 million. This represents only a minor part of my Department's spending as some £950 million funded by the European Community is being paid by my Department to farmers and agri-business in 1989 and a further £120 million funded from borrowings will be spent on the purchase of products into intervention. Overall, therefore, between domestic and EC funds my Department are involved in disbursing almost £1,400 million.

The 1989 budget Estimates were framed in an overall economic environment which has provided significant benefits to Irish farmers. Inflation in 1988 at 2.1 per cent was at its lowest level for almost 30 years. Irish interest rates had fallen by 6 per cent over a two-year period and had withstood a significant increase in UK interest rates during 1988. The latest Teagasc report indicates an increase of 27 per cent in farm incomes in 1988 over 1987. This increase, on top of the previous year's very positive 31 per cent increase, consolidates the strength of family farm income levels and confirms that there has been a full recovery from the deep depression of 1985 and 1986.

The year 1988 also saw a significant growth in our exports of food, beverages and live animals which topped the £3 billion mark for the first time.

Deputies will be aware that the European Community has been adopting a restrictive approach to agricultural expenditure over the past five years or so. In particular, support prices have been frozen or reduced and other measures of varying types have been introduced both to control production and to stabilise budgetary costs. The Commission's proposals for prices and related measures for 1989-90 represented a continuation of this restrictive approach. However, overall, the financial impact of the pricedecisions was a favourable one for this country. Adjustments in the agrimonetary and milk sectors will be worth some £50 million to the farm sector in a full year, with a balance of payments gain of about £42 million.

The year 1988 proved to be exceptional for the dairy sector. The benefits of the improvement in the market were reflected, in particular, by the increase in milk prices paid to producers during 1988 as well as the record profit levels achieved by Irish dairy processors. The dairy sector provided some of the highlights of our export performance in 1988, a year in which world prices for the major dairy commodities rose dramatically and helped to create a favourable climate for investment. I have been heartened by the eagerness of the milk industry to undertake investment and to diversify away from the basic commodity products. Within the past two years alone butter production has fallen by 19 per cent while cheese production has increased by about 30 per cent. The advent of the Single European Market in 1992, of course, makes this process even more urgent and significant. Government action ensuring the availability of IDA and FEOGA grants for such investment has greatly helped the sector in undertaking this fundamental restructuring of output.

The advent of the Single Market also puts into focus the need for structural rationalisation of the dairy sector so that it can compete successfully with larger processing units in the rest of the Community. In the final analysis, only the industry itself can carry through the kind of reorganisation needed in a rational and sensible way, and the necessary planning at both producer and processor level has to be undertaken now.

On the actual operation of the milk quota system, my main concern is the particular difficulties faced by small-scale producers. I have constantly been seeking to introduce some flexibility into the system in order to make greater provision for such special category producers. The introduction of the milk quota restructuring scheme which I negotiated in 1987, as well as the scheme for the temporary leasing of quotas, have for the first time enabled quotas to be made available to these producers without the additional expense of purchasing or leasing land.

The main development in the quota system at Community level during the course of the year has, of course, been the resolution of the problem arising from the European Court decision in favour of the Mulder producers. The final date for the receipt of applications was 29 June and the quotas are to be provisionally allocated to eligible producers by 29 August. The House will be aware of my statement to the effect that I welcomed the fact that the Commission had responded to my request, and that of the French, at the price negotiations to introduce special proposals for a national reserve for small producers and young entrants into agriculture. I hope effect will be given to those proposals very soon.

The year 1988 was the time when the fall in cattle numbers throughout the EC, following the introduction of the milk super-levy in 1984, was finally reflected in market prices for cattle and beef. Factory prices throughout most of the year were about 10 per cent higher than in 1987. I am glad to report that, exceptionally in Ireland, the decline in the national cattle herd came to an end. The decline in slaughterings at meat export plants of about 120,000 head was due entirely to the strong movement towards stock rebuilding which manifested itself during the year. This movement was confirmed by the substantial increases in beef cows and heifers-in-calf recorded at the December 1988 livestock enumeration, which more than offset the decline in dairy cow numbers. As a result, the total breeding herd increased by practically 100,000 head. This was the first increase in the total breeding herd since 1984. It was also a striking expression of confidence by our producers in the future of the beef industry.

Certainly the climate is right for further expansion. All the favourable factors to which farmers responded in 1988 are still in evidence and have been supplemented since 3 April by an increase in the suckler cow premium from £38 to £51. There has also been an improvement in the relative profitability of once-calved heifer systems following the abolition of the UK variable premium which applied only to steers and maiden heifers. As a further encouragement to expansion my Department are this year offering grants of £20 per cow to selected farmers who use modern calf twinning technology.

There were significant developments during the last year in the EC beef regime. The EC Commission submitted proposals which would have involved very severe changes in beef market support. The negotiations on these proposals were crucial from the Irish viewpoint. In the event I was very pleased with the considerable improvements which we managed to negotiate before the matter was concluded last January. A very significant achievement was an assurance from the EC Commission that in its operation of the various support mechanisms it would have regard to the great importance of the beef industry in Ireland.

During late January and February it emerged that our winter feeders were encountering problems with cattle prices. I pressed the EC Commission to take urgent action and, as a consequence of my representations, intervention for carcases was introduced for a two-week period in March 1989.

I also obtained the agreement of the EC Commission to my proposal that a study be made of the whole question of the impact of seasonality on the industry. I am very pleased that the Commission will now regard seasonality as a priority issue. This is all the more significant in the context of the Commission's other assurance in recognising the great importance of beef in the Irish economy. I have also been giving attention to domestic aspects of the meat industry. The Abattoirs Act provides for a major reorganisation of the control and inspection arrangements for meat destined for the home market. The main provisions of the Act will come into operation on 1 September next.

Sheep production continues to be one of the most attractive farm activities. Last year alone the national flock rose by 16 per cent and some 5,000 new entrants came into sheep farming. There is a bright future for the sector provided we can supply lamb of the right quality at the right times. Since I launched the sheepmeat code of practice nearly two years ago considerable progress has been realised. However, there can be no letup in the move to better quality. The European Commission has clearly signalled its unwillingness to continue with open-ended support for the sheepmeat regime. Producers themselves will be expected to take more resonsibility for guaranteeing their return by marketing a better quality product. In this sector as in many others the message I want to convey is one of achievement to date and confidence for the future.

I would now like to refer to developments in the pigmeat industry and, in particular, to the Government's major five year modernisation plan, which I announced in 1987. The plan calls for the establishment of up to eight central slaughtering and processing plants of the highest standard and effectiveness, supplemented by a number of downstream specialised processing facilities. The development programme is well under way. A number of plants are already onstream and others are in the process of construction or at an advanced planning stage. In the past two years, my Department have approved investment projects in pig slaughtering and processing facilities involving a total capital input of about £80 million.

The plan also envisages an increase in pig output to three million pigs per year by 1992. The significant improvement in the pig prices in recent months should be a major stimulus to this expansion. Also, a number of pigmeat plants have already introduced incentive packages for producers aimed at encouraging the necessary expansion. I am confident that as these new developments bring about higher profitability, more farmers will be attracted back into pig production. Further contributions to the strengthening of our pigment sector will be made by the CBF marketing strategy and quality scheme which I launched recently and by the Community pig grading scheme which I introduced in this country last January.

The poultry meat sector continued to expand in 1988 with a further increase in the processing of oven-ready birds and an expansion in the added-value products sector, and significant export growth. While Irish egg consumption declined during 1988, in line with the international trend, the market share held by domesticproducers continued at a significant level. Home producers now account for 85 per cent of the supplies to the Irish market as compared with 55 per cent some years earlier. The impact of salmonella enteritidis in late 1988 resulted in a significant decline in home consumption of both poultry meat and eggs. However, consumption has now improved again in response to the implementation by the industry of the voluntary code of practice which I announced last December and the operation of the Department's monitoring programme.

As regards cereals, Irish production in this sector increased only marginally in 1988. As community production, at 162.5 million tonnes, exceeded the maximum guaranteed quality by less than 3 per cent, a partial refund of levies amounting to £2.09 per tonne of the additional coresponsibility levy was made to Irish cereal producers. Prices to producers should hold good for the 1989 harvest. The Commission has also agreed to tackle the problem of imports of cereal substitutes in the current GATT negotiations. Many Irish producers have turned to malting barley for which there is a ready and remunerative market for quality product. Milling wheat is another area to which cereal producers should look to improve their returns. Given reasonably favourable weather, better cereals management practices can also make a significant contribution to growers' incomes.

Turning now to some of the principal provisions in the Estimates, the allocation for the disease eradication schemes provided under Subhead C2 this year is almost £35.6 million. Funding for the TB and brucellosis schemes is guaranteed by the Government for the four years of the ERAD programme, a unique commitment and one which I consider vital to the success of the schemes. The board of ERAD recently announced increased compensation for reactor animals payable with effect from 1 February 1989. The total cost of these increases is estimated at £4 million in 1989. This expenditure will be met from savings of approximately £3 million by ERAD during 1988, with the balance being funded jointly by the Exchequer and by an increase in bovine disease levies. The ministerial orders giving effect to the increased levies are now being put in place.

For the record I want to indicate that these orders are being brought before the House on the basis of total agreement by the farm organisations and the board of ERAD. I want to indicate my appreciation to the spokesmen and leaders of the Opposition parties who have agreed to take this matter by way of Dáil motion without debate tommorrow. I would understand, of course, if they made comments, suggestions or even criticisms during the course of this debate.

The board have developed a comprehensive eradication strategy. To achieve the target set for ERAD of halving the existing bovine TB levels over four years, a more intensive and sharply focused programme has been implemented. This involves a full round of testing of the whole national herd, together with a component strategically focused on the 15,000 herds which pose the greatest disease risk. Particular attention will be given to areas with concentration of these high risk herds. I am satisfied that the establishment of ERAD has proved to be a successful initiative bringing together not just farmers but all interested parties to provide a clear and coherent approach to the disease eradication schemes.

A wide variety of schemes operate under the FEOGA Guidance Section but I will confine my remarks to the main areas where Community support is particularly important to Ireland.

Under Subhead L.3 the sum of £57.2 million is provided for payment of livestock grants in the disadvantaged areas in 1989. Of this sum, £45.2 million relates to cattle payments and £12 million to sheep payments. This allocation will enable payments under the sheep headage, cattle headage and beef cow schemes to be maintained at their 1988 levels. The payment of headage grants on beef cows in diary herds which I introduced for the first time in 1988 into the two cattle schemes I have just mentioned is being continued this year. Continuation of these grants is an important incentive for further expansion of the national cow herd.

Payments on mares registered with the Connemara Pony Breeders' Society and in the Irish Horse Register are being extended this year from the more severely handicapped areas to the less severely handicapped areas for the first time. The payments are also being increased substantially from £32 to £70 and from £28 to £66 and the operational rules will be changed to facilitate maximum uptake by mare owners. For the first time also this year, headage payments will be made on goats, at the same rates as on sheep. This should help to encourage alternative farm enterprises and to establish a solid breeding base for the Irish goat herd. Looking to the future, I would hope that I can negotiate an increase in our recoupment rate with the EC and that it will be possible then to increase the rates of headage payments and extend and reclassify some disadvantaged areas.

The availability of additional EC funds is, of course, the key issue here. It is too early at this stage to say exactly how much land can be included either for extension or reclassification, as the survey, on which the case made to the EC will be based, is not yet completed. Where the survey results justify the extension or reclassification of any particular area I shall put the case to the EC Commission and pursue it with vigour and determination, though I would warn Deputies that the negotiations with the Commission and indeed the Council can be expected to be difficult.

The agri-food industry in Ireland is of course one of the most important sectors of the national economy. The value of gross agricultural output, at £5.5 billion, is about one-third of our total manufacturing output. Employment in food processing represents nearly 25 per cent of all those employed in manufacturing industry. The industry has great potential for further development and expansion and with the advent of the Single European Market in 1992 there will be challenging opportunities for Irish exporters in an open market of 320 million customers. The Government are therefore devoting special attention under the Programme for National Recovery to the expansion of the food and drink industry.

The five year strategy for the food and drink industry published in December 1987 is well under way and accelerated development programmes involving investment of £0.6 billion have been agreed across the various sectors of the food industry. This investment will lead to the establishment of internationally competitive food companies in Ireland and will leave the industry well placed to take advantage of opportunities in the Single Market.

In view of the time constraint I will have to leave the remainder of my prepared script. However, I should like to make special reference to An Board Glas who have had a major success record. I should like to make that point in the presence of my colleague, Deputy Kirk, who was responsible for horticulture in the 25th Dáil. In the course of further developments in this area no doubt he and other colleagues will deal with that matter.

It is clear that Government policy places particular emphasis on farm efficency, product quality, environmental protection, rural development and improved support for disadvantaged areas. In doing so it highlights the principal areas where further progress needs to be made in the Government's endeavours for the agricultural sector. I am glad to be able to point out that each and every one of these problems is already being tackled. Obviously, they will not be cleared up from one day to the next, demanding, as they do, persistent and patient work as well as, in many cases, constructive co-operation from the EC Commission and Council, but once they are successfully solved, as solved they will be, we will have laid the basis for a world-class performance by Irish agriculture and food processing. We will have offered the opportunity to our farmers and processors to move ahead into a new dimension of efficiency and prosperity, to build an agriculture and rural society second to none and to face the future with pride and confidence.

As is customary on these occasions I have endeavoured to sketch out for the House the current state of our agriculture and food sector with special reference to recent developments. I must stress that the time constraint on us is a very serious one in view of the huge range of activities I could not possibly describe within 20 minutes.

I am determined to avail of every possible opportunity to build up the ability of our agriculture and food sectors to play a dynamic role in our economy and to achieve no less than a dominant position in the Single European Market of the future. Those are aims which this House, and the nation as a whole, can support. I am very confident that we can realise them.

May I begin by congratulating the Minister on his reappointment as Minister for Agriculture and Food. Without sounding begrudging, it is fair to comment that many involved in the industry would not have been totally upset had the Minister moved on to fresh fields and pastures new. However, I sincerely wish the Minister every success during his present term of office. Having said as much, may I say I am totally alarmed at the smug approach of the Minister, as evidenced in the course of his remarks——

Confident.

——which amounts to a self-eulogy. May I say very bluntly that there is no scope at all for such a self-congratulatory approach in circumstances in which two-thirds of our farmers have incomes of less than £100 per week? More importantly, the Minister has totally overlooked the fact that we are now entering one of the most critical periods since the foundation of this State so far as agriculture is concerned.

There is no hint of even an acknowledgement by the Minister of the storm clouds lying ahead or of any planning being undertaken to cope with the difficulties that certainly lie on the horizon. It would appear there is not even an understanding of the problem, without which there can be no steps taken to provide a solution. Here I am speaking about the two major items on the international landscape — the effect of the past-1922 free trade on Irish agriculture and of the GATT negotiation, neither of which was mentioned in the course of the Minister's remarks. The position in regard to 1992 is that——

The Deputy will appreciate the time constraint on me. I will deal with those matters when replying.

I appreciate that but I have read the Minister's prepared speech in full. I am gravely concerned at the lack of appreciation of the problems that will arise in relation to 1992. Being an island nation we do suffer disadvantages but one major advantage is our high health status. The Commission's proposals in this regard are of major concern to this country. As I understand the position, the onus will be placed on exporting countries and frontier controls will cease other than for spot checks.

I had thought there was virtual agreement in this House that we should aim to make Ireland the food capital of Europe — certainly that is my view — with consumers paying premium prices for our produce of the highest purity and quality. The problem there would be that, if our health status is affected, that approach will be subject to major threat. I am very concerned that not alone has the Minister not mentioned it but, as I understand the position, he has made no impact whatsoever in his approaches to the Commission——

Absolutely wrong.

I am not saying that he has not made any approaches but that he has made no impact by way of protecting our health status.

Absolutely wrong.

I shall be interested to hear the Minister reply to that aspect.

My second major concern is the position in regard to GATT. At this stage it is very clear that agriculture is at the centre of the Uruguay Round. There has been no reference to the effects of the mid-term agreement in Geneva last April which I had understood led to an agreement on a freeze on existing supports for two years with a further agreement on a progressive reduction thereafter. What will be the effect of that on this country? What will be the long-term effect on the export refund system? Its implications for Ireland are of major concern in circumstances in which we must export 75 per cent of our agricultural produce. I believe that agriculture in Europe will be exposed more and more to world trade and that as a consequence we will lose more, in proportionate terms, than any other EC country.

There is also the United States proposal floating around in relation to import levies, to freeze them at a certain figure rather than have a variable rate. All of these proposals may be of major significance to this country, a country that now, as the Minister says, has over £3,000 million in exports of food, drink and animals. This clearly shows there must be an understanding of all of those implications on the part of the Minister. Likewise there must be a teasing out of all of the implications of these proposals. I seriously urge the Minister now to produce a White Paper setting out the implications of these major changes for this country, particularly those in regard to 1992 and the changes proposed within the GATT.

The situation on the home front also gives cause for concern. In the Fianna Fáil election manifesto there was reference to the fact that the first priority, inter alia, must be to maintain a low inflation, low interest rate economic environment. Of course, that is of major consequence for our farmers. Already there is evidence that the Government are failing to hold the line on both those fronts, in relation to inflation and interest rates. There are worrying trends developing in relation to both. I see no steps being undertaken to counter these trends.

If those trends continue they will have a very serious impact on both farmers and the food industry. Without getting into any political argument, the 1982-87 Coalition Government made remarkable progress in relation to interest rates and inflation. They made enormous progress in regard to inflation, bringing it down from over 20 per cent to 3 per cent. I admit that that substantial progress was continued by the last Government but the hard won gains of the last six or seven years, on both the inflation and interest rate fronts, must be protected. I see no evidence of any action being taken by this Government to counter these present worrying trends which were highlighted again this morning by the Davy report.

There is nothing in the joint programme for Government to inspire any confidence on the part of the farmers or of the food industry. In particular, there is no reference in that programme to the crisis facing our cereal producers and neither is there any reference in the Minister's speech to this crisis. When the new cereal regime was being negotiated I favoured a national quota, that was not to be, it was there for milk and for sugar though perhaps we would have been as well off without it, but in the sector where we really needed it the Minister was unable to negotiate it. We now have a European wide stabiliser regime with the 116 million tonne threshold. We are very small in European terms competing with the huge producers in the Po Valley, in East Anglia and in the Paris Basin. They, of course, are able to sustain a low price policy until the small producers are squeezed out. We are first in the firing line. Obviously there is need for a new policy. We have about 15,000 cereal producers in this country of which about 3,000 are full time specialists. If the present policy continues they will be pauperised. We need a new system of supply management with reasonable quotas and, of course, head on will have to be tackled the question of imported cereal substitutes. It is ridiculous that there should be pressure on EC and Irish producers in a situation where cereal substitutes can be produced ad lib on American farms and imported into the Community.

There has been no serious attempt to tackle the major problem in the beef industry. In fairness, the Minister referred to it in his speech but, apparently, he has failed to convince the EC of the need for change, merely saying that the matter is being looked at and that a report will be produced that will not solve the problem for the winter fattener. Where is the report? When will we get it? What action will follow? It is clear that the profitability in that area has been reduced to zero. Let us not just talk about a report at this stage. We need to know what urgent action will be taken to deal with the problem of seasonality. That is not only a problem for the farmers, it is also a problem in the meat plants. If you want a food industry you need continuity of supply. The scale of seasonality is such that it is clear that this question must be addressed much more forcibly at this stage.

Talking about the meat plants raises another issue to which I would like to refer briefly. I want to know what steps are being taken to deal with the various complaints of irregularities in relation to beef intervention, to APS and export refunds. We have made it very clear that not alone must justice be done but it must be seen to be done. We have made a proposal for the establishment of an independent agency under the Department of Agriculture to take responsibility for the enforcement of law. The establishment of an executive office might be the way to do it but clearly, there is an onus on the Government to ensure that there is equality before the law.

The Minister referred to the dairy industry. There was, of course, great interest in his announcement concerning the 1 per cent increase in quota to cater for special categories. There was no emphasis in the announcement of the fact that the 1 per cent came from a permanent reduction in part of the quota which is temporarily suspended. As I see it that is a case of robbing Peter to pay Paul. Has the Minister done anything to reactivate the protocol achieved by his predecessor, Deputy Deasy, to ensure that Ireland would get preferential treatment in the allocation of any additional Community quota.

A few short words are necessary also in relation to the extension of the disadvantaged areas. I do not have time to go into it in detail. After two-and-a-half years surely some positive statement could be made at this stage. We have had promises and, admittedly, we have a survey underway but at this stage patience is running out. The question is whether there is any real commitment to taking the necessary steps to extend the disadvantaged areas and to pay the headage in those areas. I believe there is major scope for a very substantial increase in the severly handicapped areas without putting any extra burden on the Exchequer. This is because of the 75 per cent recoupment which may now be obtained. There is also a case to be made for classifying the balance of the country as less severly handicapped.

Pollution is another area which needs to be touched on even in the short time available to us. I think that the Minister, at this stage, is contributing to pollution because he has handled the question of increased grants in a hamfisted way. There is a proposal announced by the Minister to seek approval for increased grants outside the disadvantaged areas but this has not yet been negotiated. We are now in the position where anybody outside the disadvantaged areas would be mad to go ahead with anti-pollution measures pending the finalisation of the increased grants. There is a very simple solution. The Minister should clearly state that any increased grants that will be obtained will be available as and from now and let the work proceed. We can proceed with the work in this fine weather whereas it might not be easy to do so in winter.

In relation to animal disease I gather that a number of problems have arisen in relation to the scientific basis for measuring disease. I would have liked if the Minister had told us something about the new sampling system and where the problems have arisen in connection with that. The Minister should also refer to the continuing conflict between his own Department and the Forest and Wildlife Service in regard to badgers. I know this is an emotive and thorny issue and that it is a difficult one but that is no reason to evade it. In the UK they had the Dunnet report and they came up with a clear policy on this problem. Here the Minister and the Government will have to face this issue and lay down and establish a clear policy.

In regard to brucellosis the Minister might also have told us about the present problems. I understand that 90 herds are now infected with brucellosis. What is the Minister's policy in that regard? Is he considering a change over to a vaccination policy? They are the issues he should have referred to. In regard to the new regulations, I take it from the Minister that they would have been fully approved by the farm organisations and on that basis there is certainly a case, in the light of the urgency, to allow the new regulation through. May I mention a few other points, a Leas-Cheann Comhairle, in the few minutes remaining.

One minute remains.

I am not happy with the references to Teagasc referred to in the Fianna Fáil manifesto which merely say that this body was set up. It is very clear that morale is low in Teagasc and also that there is a deficit looming for 1989. It is clear, too, that the problems there have not been sorted out. I would have thought that the Minister would have given us an indication of a serious commitment to the development of Teagasc now that it has been cut down to its present size.

The Minister talked about the progress made by Bord Glas. That is a total charade. We are two-and-a-half years down the road since the initial announcement was made and after all the trumpeting nothing has been achieved. Legislation has not been produced, the board's effectiveness has been minimal. Therefore, the Minister should review the position in regard to Borad Glas and come up with a more coherent policy.

The final point I should like to raise relates to CBF. In referring to the figures in the Estimate I have not, as you will appreciate a Leas-Cheann Comhairle, been pressing for additional expenditure, but within the Estimate surely it would have been possible to maintain the grant to CBF. If our future is in marketing, in selling our goods abroad surely it is a very shortsighted policy to cut by half the grant to CBF. Obviously, there is a major gap between the rhetoric and the real commitment to marketing. I urge the Minister to reconsider that approach the amount involved is not great but the returns to the country could be very great. Taking all those circumstances into account I find it impossible to agree this Estimate and so must oppose it.

I would like to join with others in welcoming the Minister back. I wish him well for his new term in office.

In the Estimate the Minister has presented to the House, I regret that he has not indicated any change of heart from the policies he was implementing in the previous administration. That augurs badly for the future of agriculture. It is common practice for Opposition spokespersons to oppose. That is easy to understand when the Minister brings in this kind of Estimate but the sum total of socialism cannot be expressed in persistent opposition to conservative Government Ministers.

We accept the new Government's aspiration to last the full term of four years. I wish to state at the outset that it is not my intention to spend this term opposing what the Minister does or does not do. Socialists cannot expect much of a hearing if they simply use Parliament as a forum for mere opposition. Admittedly, our parliamentary institutions force Opposition parties, especially socialist parties, into this mould. It is not a forum where conflicting proposals are brought forward and debated. Instead, the Government propose and the Opposition oppose. Socialists in Parliament must find a way out of this particular trap. This will be a challenge for socialists in this House over the next four years. Not alone must we oppose conservative and right wing proposals and legislation, but we must avail of this forum to put forward a positive socialist alternative.

The Estimates the Minister brought forward have a certain logic. After the emasculation of the badly needed and essential research services, after excluding thousands of smallholders and poor farmers from the advisory services, after abandoning any form of land policy despite the previous sound Fianna Fáil policy in that regard, after encouraging monopoly interests to gobble up our food processing industries and ignoring the overwhelming demand of farmers and PAYE workers for a fair system of farm taxation and after refusing to face up to the deterioration in the quality of our food products, these Estimates have a certain twisted obscene logic. They represent two and a half years of ignoring the massive structural defects in our food production and processing industries.

I am not experienced in Cabinet infighting over departmental funding, but by any comparison the Minister for Agriculture and Food has lost our very heavily. The following will clearly demonstrate the point I make. The Department of Agriculture and Food's Estimate has been slashed by over 18 per cent in real terms over the past two years, whereas overall Government expenditure has been reduced by 8.8 per cent in real terms. Agriculture has been cut by twice as much as overall Government expenditure. Education and advisory services have been hit hardest; Teagasc, AFT and ACOTs budgets have been cut by 23.9 per cent in real terms over two years and this was overseen by the Minister. Family and working farmers have been the main victims of these policies while ranchers and the agri-combines flourish. How far have we come from the old Fianna Fáil policy of breaking up or stripping the ranches, or from their 1981 White Paper on land policy? Of course, the Minister will point out the financial situation in which we find ourselves and will point to the so-called rationalisation that has taken place, the spending increases in production aids, etc. He may also point to the calf twinning experiment or to anything he wants, but the fact remains that under this Government, and during his period in office, agriculture has suffered more than any other Department. The fact remains that for a sector which is in desperate need of investment and restructuring at both the farm gate and in the processing sector, this Government have seen agriculture as a prime area for cutbacks.

The Labour Party will be opposing these Estimates not only because of the expenditure reduction but because the Estimates represent the logical conclusion of the Government policy to which I have referred. I would like our opposition to be clear. Our opposition represents an alternative programme for agriculture for working family farmers, for the food processing industry and industrial workers and for the consumer, but most of all, our opposition is part of the alternative politics that are now emerging and which people got a taste of in the last election. Where the left ran candidates more than 20 per cent of the people voted for the socialist option. This figure will continue to grow as the left grows as a national force. The agricultural and farming sector will become a key part of that socialist option. Socialism is an open conspiracy which invites everyone to join and does not hide its intentions from its enemies.

I am a practical and pragmatic politician. I am not suggesting that a socialist society, for which I strive, is on the current political agenda. I find that regrettable, but what is on the agenda is a popular alliance of working men and women from all sectors of society—from factories, offices, homes, towns and country and essentially the farms throughout the land.

I believe that an alliance led by socialists and with a progressive programme of work, democracy and equality, is on the agenda. Within this alliance working and family farmers have an important, indeed, a vital role to play. Their demands are moderate: land, an opportunity to produce wealth, a decent standard of living and security for themselves and their families which are the same as those of workers in any other sector. The day is soon coming that to be a farmer and a socialist will be a natural part of rural Ireland.

The Government have shown in these Estimates and by their actions over the past two years that they have nothing to offer working farmers but poverty. emigration and under development. That working farmers have a vital role to play in this new progressive alliance makes it incumbent on socialists to bury for ever their anti-farmer reactions. These attitudes play into the hands of the most reactionary elements of society who do not want to see working men and women unite behind progressive politics. It is for this reason, to create a united socialist approach to the issue of agriculture, that I invite spokespersons and representatives of The Workers' Party and other socialist parliamentary representatives to discuss these issues so that we can construct a common approach and together create a new progressive movement which will give a proper role to working farmers. Of course, there are other politicians in this House who will pose as the alternative to the policies of this Government. We have already heard Fine Gael talk about the just society, social democracy, in an attempt to win back their lost working class vote. For this base electoral advantage, I believe they will say anything to anybody. They will attempt to be all things to all people. They will turn left and turn right and will look straight down the middle from their full colour posters. They are the most reactionary political party in Ireland today. I say that without any doubt or fear of contradiction. They are firmly rooted in the most anti-democratic movement this country has ever known. They are hypocrites and are very dangerous. No matter which way they turn they will not fool anybody.

It is not so long since the Deputy wore our party stickers.

They are now without a political reason for their existence since their place has been taken by others. Their place is now occupied by what was previously populist Fianna Fáil with their new alliance with the right wing Progressive Democrats. Time and time again working men and women in the cities, towns and rural areas have rejected their reactionary policies and they will continue to do so. Their real constituency is the powerful, the privileged and the reactionary interests. Their pseudosocial democracy and false high moral tones are a sham, and nothing more or less than a sham. The more the Fine Gael Party continue to attack us, the more we will grow until we overthrow the entrenched, the privileged and the reactionary interests they represent.

In conclusion. the Labour Party are opposing these Estimates. But this opposition is already preparing the ground for new politics, politics that will include all wrokers, wherever they work or wherever they create wealth for their country or their fellow workers. The new politics is socialist politics and they will eventually win the day with farmers as with others.

Since the foundation of the State agricultural policy has been preoccupied with maximising the incomes received by farmers. This is understandable but it also reflects a tendency to see agriculture as an industry in its own right rather than simply the first stage of an integrated sequence combined with processing and marketing. The primary objective of Government policy should be to establish the productive practices among farmers which are most conducive to effective processing and marketing. For example, the Irish dairy industry is currently characterised by a massive glut of milk during the summer months and this requires a high level of processing capacity with the result that much of the plant is lying idle for the rest of the year. This imposes heavy costs on the processing sector. Lack of continuity of supply during the year also means that the processing sector cannot diversify into any other consumer products with short shelf life, such as soft cheeses. Similarly, Irish farmers seem unable to grasp the importance of properly graded and presented produce which is essential if reliable and dependable long-term market outlets are to be secured. People may ask what is the point of expanding agricultural output when the EC Common Agricultural Policy is being dismantled, quotas are being imposed and agricultural prices are dropping. This, of course, is a defeatist attitude which should be rejected as Ireland has the natural advantage to produce competitively priced agricultural products provided the industry is properly managed. The required transformation of Irish agriculture would involve direct State intervention of a kind not seen before and more selective use of public money. Over the years hundreds of millions of pounds in grants have been given to farmers without ever asking them to justify these grants. In other words, targets do not have to be reached before the money is paid out, unlike the position with regard to the manufacturing industry where the IDA pay out grants on a phased basis according as agreed targets are reached.

What is required is an integrated and comprehensive development plan for agricultural production, processing and marketing, whose central objective would be to maximise the overall contribution of the sector to the Irish economy in terms of income generated and employment created. The immediate aim should be a policy designed to maximise usable output from our natural land resource in order to provide the materials for an expanded processing sector. In the case of small farms, this requires a programme of consolidation of holdings in order to create new farm units capable of providing a family with a reasonable standard of living by working these units alone. It should be noted that research has shown that medium sized units of this kind tend to be the most efficient farms in Ireland.

What we believe is needed is the establishment of a farm and food development authority to formulate and implement a comprehensive and integrated development plan covering agricultural production, marketing and processing. The authority would achieve this by including all relevant organisations, agencies and groups within its planning ambit. It should be a statutory agency on the lines of the IDA, located outside the central Civil Service structure. The authority would be an executive agency answerable to a board comprising the main agricultural interest groups, such as the IFA, the ICMSA, the co-ops, the Irish Congress of Trade Unions' representatives and the relevant Government Departments as well as representatives of consumer groups and environmental interests.

As was pointed out by the Telesis consultancy group's review of Irish industrial policy, Ireland has significant natural advantages in terms of certain forms of agricultrual production. However, poor links between production, processing and marketing have prevented us from exploiting these advantages to anything like the full extent. These deficiencies are not likely to come right of their own accord and hence the need for an energetic State intervention in the overall national interest. The agricultural sector has accounted for a large share of State expenditure in the form of grants and subsidies over many decades. This gives the State a strong lever with which to influence investment in the sector. In addition, of course, there are a number of State companies which are directly involved in agriculture.

Over the years many State schemes and agencies have been established to promote agriculture in one form or other. These have developed in a largely uncoordinated fashion and in some instances have been mutually contradictory. Now is the time for a complete overhaul and reappraisal of our national approach to agricultural development. Rationalisation and co-ordination of existing agencies and schemes in the context of the formulation of an overall long term plan involving the establishment of a farm and food development authority is an urgent necessity if the country's greatest natural resource is to begin to make a contribution to tackling the problems of poverty and unemployment, of which it is capable.

Change is coming whether we like it or not. The days of the Common Agricultural Policy are numbered. The Common Agricultural Policy benefits only a few anyway, as was pointed out in the Combat Poverty Agency report last year. That report highlighted the widespread poverty still being experienced by many farming families. In addition, the Common Agricultural Policy adds hugely to consumer bills, by as much as £16 to £18 per week. That amount of money is being added to the consumer bill of a family of three or four, the same people who pay the taxes which subsidise the Common Agricultural Policy. A small percentage of the cash is going to farmers but the wealthiest people, 25 per cent, receive 75 per cent of the benefits from the Common Agricultural Policy. That is a scandal in a country where the standard of living is so low for so many people.

Reference was made to the disadvantaged areas scheme, and I support that coming from an area which fits the criteria of a disadvantaged area. If that area was included it would mean that many people could hold on to their family farms. There is no alternative employment for people who are forced to leave the land. Consequently no effort should be spared to include, as quickly as possible, those areas which qualify as disadvantaged.

Quite recently I heard an announcement that the bacon industry in my area was to receive substantial grant aid but underlying that was the fact that no extra jobs would be created. We are concentrating too much on technology and making bigger profits. It is about time we provided for job creation in the agricultural area rather than rationalisation as is the case at present. Irish agriculture is at a crossroads. Crucial decisions must be made as to whether Irish agriculture will remain under-developed or if it can make a real contribution to the development of our economy.

I rise to make a few points on the Estimate for the Department of Agriculture and Food. First, I congratulate the Minister on his reappointment. All sides of the House recognise the effort he has made during the last two years not alone here but in the Council Chambers in Brussels and we welcome that greatly. I pay tribute to the work he and his Ministers of State have done.

After 16 years in politics I can say that anyone keeping a close eye on the agricultural scene over the last two years will have seen the many demands from the farming organisations to discuss a wide variety of problems, as they saw them, which beset the agricultural community. Never was there less need to discuss this than since the last election. We had payment for off-farm workers, the beef cow scheme, grants for anti-pollution measures brought forward under the western package and increase in payment for ERAD which the Minister achieved so quickly and efficiently when he saw the need was there. In practically all those areas the response was there and the inclination was to meet the problems and solve them. Irrespective of what other speakers say, that was a very positive approach to one of our most important areas to which we will be looking in the years ahead for job creation and to secure additional revenue through exports.

None of the areas mentioned by the Minister is more important than the diary industry which has been beset by problems, takeovers and so on. We have been talking here for years about the need to move from butter production into other product areas and this year alone we have seen a 19 per cent reduction in butter production but there was an increase in other areas. For example, cheese manufacture increased by 30 per cent. At a by-election about ten years ago in one of the prime dairy areas of Europe in Country Cork, a number of times I asked for cheese when we were taking our tea. We could not produce cheese there, yet we were trying to sell it abroad. That product change is to be welcomed.

Welcome too is the movement away from intervention. We have to agree with hindsight that intervention did serious damage in many areas. While it was necessary, it was over-played. I worked in a co-operative for a number of years. The co-operative were inclined to churn the milk, make butter and move it into intervention. They got a quick return from An Bord Bainne for their product and did not have to take a chance in going out to the market. The reduction in intervention of milk and meat gave an incentive to the manufacturers to go out and sell in the market place and they have done it very effectively in the milk area.

One matter which gives cause for concern is the quota system which has had such a serious effect in small farming areas. In the eighties, people who were only moving into milk production were caught with very small quotas. I know the Minister is very anxious to ensure that our young farmers who have hopelessly small quotas, and some who have none at all, will have a future in dairying.

Debate adjourned.
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