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Dáil Éireann díospóireacht -
Thursday, 5 May 1994

Vol. 442 No. 4

Economic and Social Research Institute Review: Statements.

By and large, the ESRI Medium-Term Review 1994-2000 paints the brightest and most inspiring prospects for the Irish economy since the 1960s. We will have to work hard to realise some of the forecasts, and even harder to improve on the key one, that for unemployment. There are no grounds for complacency.

The ESRI's principal positive projections are: an annual average growth rate of around 5 per cent from 1995 to 2000; a net rise in employment of 130,000 from 1,146,000 to reach the highest level in more than 40 years; steady low inflation at slightly over 2 per cent; a continuing balance of payments surplus, even after a period of high growth; a reduction of the debt-GDP ratio to less than 60 per cent by the year 2000, making our debt burden more sustainable; a substantial improvement in living standards and elimination of our current budget deficit by 1996 after 23 years.

The only real downside in the review is its projection that, despite high economic growth and high employment growth, unemployment by the year 2000 will still be around 266,000 on a live register basis or 18 per cent of the workforce, even though we are already experiencing the first significant drop in unemployment since 1990. That figure is equivalent to about 200,000 or 13.4 per cent of the workforce on the internationally standard labour force basis of calculation.

The ESRI expresses its bottom line in the following terms: "The central forecast suggests a period of substantial progress in improving living standards over the next decade. Ireland will have the capacity, if it has the will, to address its most basic problem, that of unemployment."

Before discussing these projections, I would like to pay a warm tribute to the ESRI, to its director, Dr. Kieran Kennedy, to John FitzGerald, Sara Cantillon and John Curtis, who worked on the medium-term review, and their predecessors, for their remarkable contribution over many years to a better understanding of our economy. Economics is not always viewed as a humane science. It can be, and has sometimes been, the precise opposite. The ESRI's reviews, however, always seem to be inspired by humane values, and by a real concern for the human consequences of economic policy. They are remarkably free of any obvious ideological bias, either to the left or the right.

As the ESRI would be the first to point out, it does not claim to be an infallible prophet. There are far too many complex factors, some of them almost impossible to foresee, which may affect our economy over the next six years, to allow their projections to be regarded as offering any certainties. This does not diminish the usefulness of the exercise, which is to project, on the basis of a reasonable assessment of present and forseeable trends, the most likely outcome. It gives policy-makers the opportunity, where they are dissatisfied with projected results, to try to improve on them in reality. We have done so in the recent past.

Thus, it would be quite wrong to believe the ESRI is being generally overoptimistic. For instance, in the 1986-90 outlook, a public sector borrowing requirement of about £1.6 billion was foreseen in 1990. As the result of more rapid correction in the public finances from 1987 onwards, the 1990 PSBR was less than half that. In the December 1987 review, employment was projected to stagnate for five years, because of the assumed deflationary effects of correcting the public finances. Net employment grew by more than 50,000, leading to the discovery of a new economic paradox, called expansionary fiscal contraction.

More recently, not foreseeing the depth of the international recession, the ESRI was more optimistic about unemployment post-1991 than events have justified. Perhaps, it is over-compensating in the other direction now. In most respects, its recent mid-term reviews have given a reliable guide to economic development. Its projections on employment growth have been remarkably accurate. Its view on inflation and the balance of payments has been vindicated. It has been broadly right on the healthy condition of the public finances, if somewhat over-optimistic about when we would move into budget surplus.

While the ESRI has a good track record, its real service is to help us to understand where we are, and where we are likely to be going, on present trends. By pointing up factors that need attention, its projections can act as a spur for an improved performance, which, if brought about, would invalidate its own projections.

Keen observers will have noted that these latest ESRI medium-term projections, particularly on growth, employment, and the debt-GDP ratio, are more optimistic than those published in our National Development Plan last autumn. Employment would, depending on assumptions, be between 14,000 and 44,000 higher over the priod, and average annual growth would be more than 1 per cent higher.

The intervening six months since September last have shown that the economy is performing better than anticipated. The 1993 budget outturn exceeded target. Net growth in employment was projected in this year's budget at 21,000 rather than the increase in non-agricultural employment of between 12 and 18,000 projected in the plan. GDP growth in the budget was set at 4 per cent rather than 3.5 per cent. This too is now likely to be exceeded.

Recent statistics suggest that we are entering a period of buoyant growth. In January and February of this year, the value of retail sales rose in terms of annual change by 12.9 per cent and 8.9 per cent respectively. New car sales were up 70 per cent this January. For the first time since 1980, growth over the next few years will be driven strongly by domestic consumer demand as well as by exports. In other words, we will have our economy firing on all cylinders. This is bound to be good for jobs, especially in the domestic sector of the economy. The trade figures for the first eight months of last year showed a surplus of £2.9 billion, which means that we were well on the way to a £4 billion plus trade surplus last year.

In short, the ESRI is starting from a much stronger base than the plan last autumn. Better results should assist us in finding the resources to implement the National Development Plan as fully as possible, with increased revenue buoyancy in parallel with continued progress on tax reductions, not net increases in tax rates as Opposition parties claim, helping to offset any shortfall in EU funding.

The very positive outlook for the rest of the 1990s did not happen just by chance or some undeserved stroke of good fortune. It is in my opinion attributable to three factors: first, the national consensus between the social partners maintained for over six years, and now into the third programme, the Programme for Competitiveness and Work, with its particular impact on competitveness in the broadest sense; second, the Government's prudent and effective management of our economy through the recent international recession and the currency crisis; and, third, the dramatic improvement in our economic health, achieved by decisive Government action in the late 1980s.

The ERSI repeats several times that the Irish economy has become more competitive. From 1960 to 1980, Ireland lost competitiveness vis-à-vis the UK, and in the 1970s and early 1980s vis-à-vis EU countries as well. It states that between 1986 and 1989 the competitive position of Irish firms vis-à-vis the UK improved significantly, and that this gain has been broadly retained. It envisages a small but steady improvement in competitiveness over the rest of the decade. They say that the underlying competitiveness of the economy has been masked by the fall-out from German unification and the related downturn in the EU economy. The ESRI states:

In our Central Forecast we have made quite a conservative assessment of the ability of the Irish manufacturing sector to take advantage of the position. It may well prove possible to expand output and employment more rapidly than we have suggested.

The ESRI states that if wages can be kept in line with the Programme for Competitiveness and Work, employment growth could be greater than projected. It positively assumes that wage bargaining behaviour will proceed much as it has in the last five or ten years, and not as it did before then, when all productivity gains were soaked up by wage increases.

I know that some Deputies opposite, influenced by some right-wing commentators, are highly critical of our social partnership approach, but in my opinion, it is demonstrably one of the main factors which has totally transformed our economic prospects.

The second factor underlying our improved prospects has been our prudent management of the economy during the recent recession. Ireland is the only EU country to have maintained significant economic growth, despite Britain experiencing the deepest recession since the war. We succeeded in maintaining previous employment gains. The positive point made by the ESRI is that employment gains made in the 1990s should be sustainable, unlike those of the late 1970s. Also, we did not allow our public finances to deteriorate outside the 3 per cent Maastricht limit, in contrast to many other EU countries.

The achievement of a dramatic fall in interest rates last year shows that the currency crisis and its aftermath were well handled. The cautious budgetary policies of 1993 were amply vindicated. The benefits of the fall in interest rates far outweighed the 1 per cent levy. Inflation, which was one obvious danger following devaluation, was successfully held down. Since last September, the Irish pound has been consistently the strongest currency in the ERM grid. The Financial Times described our performance at the beginning of 1994 as “one of the most attractive stories around”.

It is a tribute to the success of this partnership Government that, taking over in a difficult situation at the height of the currency crisis and with unemployment over 300,000, we stabilized the threat, we resumed economic progress and set Ireland en route for the most positive economic prospects in decades. As the ESRI points out the transformation of the public finances, and the steady reduction in the relative size of our debt will reduce our vulnerability to economic upsets in future years.

We must never forget the lessons of the past 20 years. We are still coping with the legacy of the mistakes made between 1973 and 1986. We did not maintain a tight grip following EC entry in 1973, and the short-lived agriculture-led bonanza. There was a naïve belief in a crude version of Keynesian economics, with the new phenomenon of current budget deficits and foreign borrowing being greeted as if they were the discovery of Eldorado. A large increase in public sector employment was never going to stimulate the private sector. Subsequent efforts to maintain employment by counter-cyclical measures only exacerbated the problem.

Unfortunately, for a long time after we had identified our mistakes, we were totally ineffective in correcting them. The policy of large tax increases, especially in indirect tax, in several budgets from July 1981 on, in a vain attempt to avoid the hard choices of public expenditure cuts, destroyed confidence. The country wasted four or five previous years floundering and without any clear direction, while other countries forged ahead.

What Peter Bacon in the 1986 ESRI Medium-Term Outlook called "a period of appalling economic performance in Ireland", was an aberration which must never be repeated. Since we bit the bullet and cut public expenditure by over ten percentage points of GNP, we have never looked back. Encouragingly, the ESRI foresee public expenditure as a percentage of GNP falling steadily to the year 2005, despite some modest growth in its volume. Tax revenue is also a lesser proportion of GNP than some years ago.

Better economic prospects do not entitle us to relax financial discipline in any major way. There will be no public spending spree. Tax cuts in the right places are just as effective a method of promoting economic justice among many of the lower income groups as increased State spending. If we can reduce unproductive State spending, on servicing the national debt or unemployment payments, through more unemployed people getting jobs, then it is legitimate to switch part of those proceeds into improved public services. That is what we have being doing over the recent past. We also have a duty to see that pensioners and the less well off share in the benefits of growth and prosperity. I am all in favour of doing more to help the most disadvantaged groups in our society, but not by a general rise in spending.

Extreme prudence is required, so that we do not repeat the mistakes of the past. One of those mistakes is to assume, even on as good authority as the ESRI, steady high growth into the indefinite future. Economic cycles, external shocks are capable of disrupting progress for several years without notice, and we have to build that possibility into our policies.

With 290,000 unemployed, we must do everything possible and sensible to reduce that number. The clear definite downward trend this year is encouraging and we have already been able to lower our forecast average number of unemployed this year by 4,000 since the budget. What we need are well-targeted policy measures, not a general relaxation of spending controls and still less expansionary measures that would stoke an unsustainable boom. The best way to prolong good economic conditions is for Governments to be prudent and restrained.

In assessing any policy adjustments to be made all these realities must be taken into account. I am determined that we will not blow it in the 1990s the way we did in the 1970s and for much of the 1980s as well. This is the chance for Ireland to make a real economic breakthrough, if we play our cards right.

Some critics of the National Development Plan, including the leader of the Progressive Democrats, have suggested we should use EU funding to pay off the national debt, something that we are not allowed to do directly.

When did I say that?

Interestingly, the ESRI conclude that is what we have been doing. The rapid increase in the balance of payments surplus means that "as a nation we have effectively saved the transfers and used them to pay off debts in order to increase the long term competitiveness of the economy".

In relation to two of the projections in the ESRI review we can do significantly better. These are the anticipated degree of EU convergence, and the level of unemployment.

According to the latest EU figures, Ireland's GDP per head has risen from 65 per cent of the EU average in 1985 to 71 per cent in 1990 and 77.4 per cent in 1993. This is the EU's principal yardstick of economic performance which shows that we have clearly outperformed all other member states. We have now overtaken Spain. We have succeeded in maintaining progress not only in the good times of the late 1980s but through the international recession as well. As the 1994 annual report of the EU Commission points out: "Of the four poorest Community countries only Ireland was able to achieve a positive growth rate of economic activity in 1993 and this improves its relative position". Assuming an EU of 16 countries, the ESRI forecast that we will achieve a level of 82 per cent by the year 2000. Given rapid progress to date the figure of 82 per cent is much too low. I accept that GNP rather than GDP represents a more accurate measure of Irish living standards but GNP, too, shows the trend going in the same direction, starting from a lower base.

We should also note the ESRI's view that "if EU transfers are gradually phased out after the year 2000, this will not have a significant effect on current living standards, nor will it put at risk the increase in output that is taking place". While that is not a proposition I could easily subscribe to, it would be a remarkable tribute to the strength of our economy.

The major policy issue arising from the ESRI review, undoubtedly, is how to further improve our performance in job creation and to tackle effectively the problem of long term unemployment.

Significant progress has been made on tax reform in recent years with long term beneficial effects. From my time as Minister for Finance we have successfully overseen the implementation of self-assessment and a large reduction of rates both of income tax and VAT as well as securing a much higher contribution from corporation tax, four times higher than in 1986. We are phasing in a number of important reforms to broaden the revenue base: the reduction of mortgage interest and VHI relief to the standard rate on grounds of equity and the elimination already of relief on life assurance; the taxation of short term benefits, which will have a positive effect on employment and the extension of full PRSI to future public servants.

All of this helps us to broaden the standard rate tax band, take more low earners out of the tax net altogether, reduce the tax burden generally and PRSI on low-paid employments. All of that is vital for pay moderation. High economic growth will increase the scope both for tax reform and tax reduction. The ESRI envisage that direct tax revenue will fall by over 3 per cent as a percentage of GNP by the end of the century. I want to see Ireland revert to being the low tax economy that it was up until the end of the 1960s. Among the tasks that lie ahead are to integrate more closely the tax and social welfare systems and to further reduce the tax wedge.

Tax reform has an important role to play in employment creation but it is not a panacea, as the ESRI points out. Public debate has shown all too clearly that with regard to tax reform, the Opposition parties will the end but not the means. Disgraceful levels of political opportunism have been displayed by parties that want the Government to incur the political odium for controversial reforms that they themselves have advocated in their more intellectually honest moments in the past. As of now, their tax reform credentials are non-existent.

A second essential, not sufficiently emphasised in the ESRI review and one to which I am particularly attached is the creation of a positive enterprise-friendly environment for the formation and sustenance of small businesses whether in manufacturing or the services sector. We went some distance in this year's budget to create a better business environment in line with many of the recommendations of the task force on services. We need to think through the implications of promoting growth in services which are much less favourably treated in the tax code than manufacturing, despite their often greater job-creating potential. Within the service sector we will particularly encourage tourism and international services.

However, unemployment is far too high for us to contemplate scaling down our efforts to attract inward investment which can still make a bigger and more immediate impact than any other development in many parts of the country. The ESRI foresee a rise of nearly 28,000 in manufacturing over the next four years, half of it in the traditional sectors and half in high-tech industry. At last, there will be balanced growth between them.

We must improve the efficiency of our basic services. We have taken tough but necessary decisions to rebalance telecommunications charges, about which little is heard today despite last year's political furore and An Post is back in profit without increasing charges. We took decisions to secure the future of Aer Lingus and the transatlantic service, including the future of Shannon.

We must take account of changes in the international competitive environment and we should do what is necessary to enable our State companies to thrive including entry into partnerships or strategic alliances. Pragmatic consideration of the national interest and of the interest of companies and those who work in them must take precedence over other considerations. While all proposals must be thoroughly examined, I have seen too often in the past, in the case of Irish Steel, for example, potentially valuable partnerships disappear into thin air because of dithering and a lack of understanding of business the essence of which is a willingness to undertake risk.

We must make a huge effort to reintegrate the long term unemployed into the workforce and to end marginalisation of particular areas, both urban and rural, and disadvantaged groups. The area partnerships developed under the Programme for Economic and Social Progress and now being expanded are a concentrated effort to tackle disadvantage. The concept is a distinctive contribution by the social partners strongly endorsed by the Government. The Community Employment Programme which will provide participation for 40,000 this year is designed to gain the unemployed a chance to do worthwhile work and to give valuable work experience. Better education and training are necessary to ensure that we have a more fully qualified workforce and this is stressed by the ESRI. We also need continuous retraining to renew and develop the skills of workers. The objective under the Programme for Competitiveness and Work is to have 100,000 participants in the full range of work experience, education and training programmes who will be working to improve their prospect of access to sustainable employment and enterprise and, in the process, participating in the development of their own areas.

We should be delighted that we have now given ourselves a clear run at making a major economic breakthrough by the end of the century. It is already happening. We are now well placed to gather the fruits of economic restraint and sound economic management. We are ready to start the large scale investment under the national plan, the biggest investment programme in the history of the State. Confidence and consumer spending is rapidly improving. We must make the most of our opportunity. Opportunity comes to pass and not to pause.

We are now entering a period of reducing unemployment; reducing taxation; rising standards of living and better care for the disabled and the less well off.

We will see out the remainder of the decade with a much stronger and more prosperous economy than anyone ever dreamt about in the past two years.

I am disappointed at the Taoiseach's response to the ESRI report. His speech was self-congratulatory in tone and did not face up to the difficult strategic issues set out in Chapter V of the "Medium Term Review." If one was giving marks out of ten for the efforts being taken to deal with the issues raised in the ESRI report, the Taoiseach would get very low marks. This report raises many issues which need to be seriously addressed. Although the ESRI points to a very good economic background against which policy decisions can be made in the coming years, it clearly points out that very serious policy decisions have to be addressed. There is no indication that the Taoiseach has faced up to these issues.

The Taoiseach referred briefly to what needed to be done in the area of tax reform and gave no indication of what was envisaged. The ESRI points out that conditions during the next five years will provide a marvellous opportunity to address tax reform issues, a point which seems to have been missed by the Taoiseach. The ESRI has set challenging targets on how to improve our debt-GNP ratio and achieve a zero borrowing requirement within five years. The Taoiseach has given no indication as to whether the Government intends to take these targets on board or whether it believes this is the correct way to proceed.

The ESRI challenges the Government to adopt a much more aggressive competition policy. There has been a distinct unwillingness by the Government to address the area of competition. We were promised in the Moriarty report that the Department of Enterprise and Employment would put forward proposals on competition in the non-traded sector of our economy by October 1993, but they have not yet emerged. The Government is very strong on producing reports but very weak in addressing policy issues.

It must be very disturbing for anyone reading the ESRI report to see how the Government has mistaken institutional change for policy change, particularly in the area of employment and enterprise. Since the Government's so-called programme of reform began approximately 12 months ago we have seen the spawning of new industrial agencies and county enteprise boards while the local enterprise and Leader programmes have remained intact. The Taoiseach should have adverted to the section in the ESRI report which states: "It looks like there has been a wasteful and destructive proliferation of grant giving bodies in the local development area". This is a very important point.

If we had three or four industrial bodies I believe the first cry by the Government would be that they should be consolidated into one body. Instead of addressing the policy defects which have been manifest in the IDA's failure to help indigenous industry, the Government has decided to split the IDA into three new bodies. The crucial point is that no indication has been given of the policies to be pursued which will support indigenous industry. The Government promised in the Moriarty report that it would bring forward proposals to create seed capital for Irish industry. Yet there has been a deafening silence from the Government on this issue — there are no new policies. On the question of the grants available to industry to take on technical graduates, the money for this purpose will have run out by June this year and companies looking for aid under those schemes are being told by the Department that no money is available. The Government seems to be unable to progress from the setting up of bodies to setting out the policy which must be pursued. This could prove to be a major problem in the future. The ESRI warnings in this regard must be taken very seriously.

The ESRI points out that while the Government appears to have taken on board the warning by Culliton that we must move away from grant giving dependency it has failed to do so in the National Plan; instead of providing venture capital, which is much more cost effective, and reducing the need to provide direct grant aid, the National Plan gives no indication that the Culliton recommendations in this crucial area have been taken on board by the Government. The report gives a clear warning that the Government's pronouncements about policy are not reflected in what it is doing on the ground. The Government seems to be bereft of ideas on how to achieve what Culliton said we must do, to move from dependence on foreign industry and provide more support for indigenous industry. The Government appears to have decided not to pursue the strategy of developing our indigenous industry while squeezing the budgets available for foreign industry. The decision has nothing to do with the fact that this is a high risk strategy — one must be willing to take risks and wait for returns — but with the fact that the Government has no policies with which to back up this shift in direction.

The ESRI report points out areas of opportunities. In facing into an era of high economic growth we must reflect on what happened during the last period of high economic growth. During the 1980s our level of economic growth was high compared to other EU countries. For example, our level of GDP grew by 36 per cent between 1983-91, one and a half times the level of growth in the European Union. However, during the same period the increase in employment here was only one-eighth of that achieved in the rest of the European Union. We have a deplorable record in turning high economic growth into employment. Our failure to address this issue is a fatal flaw. The ESRI has issued a clear warning that if there is no change in policy the benefits of the next economic boom will accrue to those in safe and secure employment and will not trickle down to the unemployed. The Taoiseach has not yet addressed this point.

The ESRI points out that even after this period of exceptional growth up to the end of the decade, the number on the live register will have been reduced only by 36,000 while the level of unemployment will be approximately 260,000. Even worse, it indicates that, on present policies, there will be no change in the number of long term unemployed; in other words, the number of people unemployed for a year or longer will remain static until the end of the decade. If we do not formulate policies which will get to grips with the crucial problem of long term unemployment we will have failed 21 per cent of the workforce. We must implement new policies in this area.

The ESRI makes other points in this regard. It is highly critical in its "Medium Term Review" of our strategies to date in dealing with unemployment. It points out specifically that the most important missing element in the human resources programme is a focus on targeted action in initial education to prevent early failure and drop out. This is the critical issue facing many young people today. Last year 5,000 of our young people left school with no qualification and another 11,000 with qualifications plainly defective in the modern economy to which we aspire. That is 16,000 young people out of a cohort of 60,000. Virtually a quarter of our young people are leaving school not equipped for the challenges facing a modern economy. We are building up a problem for ourselves in this respect.

The ESRI in its report has plainly pointed out that the National Plan failed to address this. I should have expected the Taoiseach to have alerted us to the changes the Government perceive as necessary in the National Plan to deal with this critical problem. If one takes an annual figure of 16,000 school leavers, over five years that amounts to almost 100,000 young people clearly at risk of becoming long term unemployed. That is the challenge the Taoiseach failed to address in his response to this report. We need proper strategies in place to head-off early school leavers with low qualfications. As the ESRI pointed out we need proper strategies to deal with people who become redundant so that they do not slide into periods of unemployment leading to long term unemployment. We do not have those stategies in place.

The ESRI is critical of the overall way we have handled the human resources programme in so far as the community employment and FÁS programmes are concerned. The Taoiseach spoke glowingly of the community employment programme. It appears he did not read the section of the ESRI report that states quite plainly there is insufficient improvement over the old social employment scheme in this new approach. I predict that comment will be endorsed by the National Economic and Social Forum when they report on this issue. The ESRI clearly recognises that what we are doing by way of these community employment programmes, though they are welcome, is locking people into a very low grade and intermittent employment. If we want to address the issues facing the long term unemployed we must implement programmes that adequately raise their skill levels, which produce opportunities for the long term unemployed to avail of conventional employment, not the intermittent, roll-over of various types of community employment schemes.

The ESRI report also challenges us to face the changing demographics in our community. They say quite plainly that we face into a period when we will have a growing, ageing population, with a rapidly declining child population. They predict a decline of 23 per cent in the number of children under 15, which will be counter-balanced by a growing age dependency, and point out that we need to build up assets to deal with the pension requirements of that growing aged community. I should have expected some thinking from Government on how we could handle this issue. It means we must set aside resources — particularly in the public sector where we do not fund our pensions — and think about how we shall fund those pensions in ensuing years,

Equally, the report points to changes in the pattern of work generally. We must embrace the overall concept of work sharing and flexible working hours, in a much more open way than we have done to date if we are to allow people to combine working and child rearing.

I should be grateful if Deputy Bruton would give way momentarily to permit me to make an announcement.

Debate adjourned.
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