Ceist:
2 Mr. Hayes asked the Taoiseach if he will report on his meeting in Dublin on 4 December 2000 with the Leader of the SDLP, Mr. John Hume; and if he will make a statement on the matter. [29235/00]
Ceisteanna–Questions. - Northern Ireland Matters.
Ruairí Quinn
Ceist:3 Mr. Quinn asked the Taoiseach if he will make a statement on his meeting and discussions on 4 December 2000 with the Leader of the SDLP, Mr. John Hume. [29415/00]
John Bruton
Ceist:4 Mr. J. Bruton asked the Taoiseach if he will make a statement on his meeting in Dublin on 12 December 2000 with President Clinton. [29521/00]
John Bruton
Ceist:5 Mr. J. Bruton asked the Taoiseach the official engagements he attended with President Clinton on his visit here; and if he will make a statement on the matter. [29522/00]
Trevor Sargent
Ceist:6 Mr. Sargent asked the Taoiseach if he will report on President Clinton's visit to Ireland. [29800/00]
Ceist:
7 Mr. Hayes asked the Taoiseach if he will attend the next meeting of the British/Irish Council; and if he will make a statement on the matter. [1153/01]
John Bruton
Ceist:8 Mr. J. Bruton asked the Taoiseach the communications he has sent to President Bush of the United States; and if he will make a statement on the matter. [1154/01]
John Bruton
Ceist:9 Mr. J. Bruton asked the Taoiseach if he has raised the plight of those expelled from Northern Ireland by paramilitary groups in any of his recent discussions with Sinn Féin, the Ulster Democratic Party or the Progressive Unionist Party, in view of the fact that the Good Friday Agreement recognises the right of people who are subject to such bans to freely choose their place of residence. [1254/01]
John Bruton
Ceist:10 Mr. J. Bruton asked the Taoiseach if he will make a statement on his telephone conversation on 9 January 2001 with the British Prime Minister, Mr. Blair. [1300/01]
John Bruton
Ceist:11 Mr. J. Bruton asked the Taoiseach if he will report on his meetings in Spain with the Leader of the SDLP, Mr. John Hume and the Deputy First Minister of Northern Ireland, Mr. Seamus Mallon; and if he will make a statement on the matter. [1301/01]
John Bruton
Ceist:12 Mr. J. Bruton asked the Taoiseach the communications he has had with President Bush or Vice-President Cheney of the United States since their election; and if he will make a statement on the matter. [1303/01]
Austin Currie
Ceist:13 Mr. Currie asked the Taoiseach if he will report on his most recent discussions with the British Prime Minister and with the leaders of the political parties in Northern Ireland. [1380/01]
John Bruton
Ceist:14 Mr. J. Bruton asked the Taoiseach if he will report on his recent meetings, telephone conversations or other communications with the leadership of Sinn Féin; and if he will make a statement on the matter. [1465/01]
Ruairí Quinn
Ceist:15 Mr. Quinn asked the Taoiseach if he will outline the matters discussed and any conclusions reached in his telephone conversation on 8 January 2001 with the British Prime Minister, Mr. Tony Blair; and if he will make a statement on the matter. [1590/01]
Ruairí Quinn
Ceist:16 Mr. Quinn asked the Taoiseach if he will outline the matters discussed and any conclusions reached at his meeting on 8 January 2001 with representatives of Sinn Féin; and if he will make a statement on the matter. [1591/01]
Ruairí Quinn
Ceist:17 Mr. Quinn asked the Taoiseach if he will give his assessment of the prospects for the full implementation of the Belfast Agreement based on his contacts since 13 December 2000 with the British Government and the Northern Parties; and if he will make a statement on the matter. [1592/01]
Ruairí Quinn
Ceist:18 Mr. Quinn asked the Taoiseach if he will make a statement on his discussions with President Clinton during his visit here in December 2000. [1593/01]
Ruairí Quinn
Ceist:19 Mr. Quinn asked the Taoiseach the contacts or communications he has had with the new President of the United States, George W. Bush; if he plans to visit the United States around St. Patrick's Day; and if he will make a statement on the matter. [1594/01]
Ceist:
20 Mr. Hayes asked the Taoiseach if he will make a statement following his recent meeting with the President of Sinn Féin, Mr. Gerry Adams MP. [1755/01]
Ceist:
21 Mr. Hayes asked the Taoiseach if he will make a statement following his recent discussions with the British Prime Minister, Mr. Tony Blair; and the prospects for development of the peace process. [1756/01]
Ruairí Quinn
Ceist:22 Mr. Quinn asked the Taoiseach if, in his discussions with the British Prime Minister, he has raised the plight of members of the minority in Larne, County Antrim who are under frequent attack and constant threat from loyalist paramilitary organisations; the response he has received; and if he will make a statement on the matter. [1764/01]
Ruairí Quinn
Ceist:23 Mr. Quinn asked the Taoiseach the matters discussed and any conclusions reached in his telephone discussions on 22 January 2001 with the British Prime Minister, Mr. Tony Blair; and if he will make a statement on the matter. [2080/01]
Ruairí Quinn
Ceist:24 Mr. Quinn asked the Taoiseach the reason the meeting of the British Irish Council scheduled for 23 January 2001 was postponed; when the meeting will now be held; and if he will make a statement on the matter. [2081/01]
Caoimhghín Ó Caoláin
Ceist:25 Caoimhghín Ó Caoláin asked the Taoiseach if he will report on his discussions with the Northern Ireland First Minister, Mr. David Trimble, since Dáil Éireann last met. [2087/01]
Caoimhghín Ó Caoláin
Ceist:26 Caoimhghín Ó Caoláin asked the Taoiseach if he will report on his discussions with the British Prime Minister, Mr. Tony Blair, since Dáil Éireann last met. [2088/01]
John Bruton
Ceist:27 Mr. J. Bruton asked the Taoiseach if a new date has been fixed for the British-Irish Council meeting postponed on 23 January 2001; and if he will make a statement on the matter. [2097/01]
Trevor Sargent
Ceist:28 Mr. Sargent asked the Taoiseach if he will report on the current status of the Northern Ireland peace process. [2130/01]
Trevor Sargent
Ceist:29 Mr. Sargent asked the Taoiseach if he will comment on the postponement of the British/Irish Council meeting. [2133/01]
Ruairí Quinn
Ceist:30 Mr. Quinn asked the Taoiseach if he has met, or plans to meet, the new Secretary of State for Northern Ireland, Dr. John Reid; and if he will make a statement on the matter. [2465/01]
I propose to take Questions Nos. 2 to 30, inclusive, together.
The visit of President Clinton and Mrs. Clinton to Ireland on 12 December was extremely successful. I was delighted that the President, the First Lady and Chelsea, their daughter, were able to pay a further visit here. Their visit helped to put the focus on all that had been achieved in relation to Northern Ireland during President Clinton's term of office and also, of course, on what remains to be done in order to overcome the present difficulties. It was at the same time an opportunity to celebrate the important economic relationship between Ireland and the US.
My discussions with President Clinton on the morning of his visit focused primarily on Northern Ireland and, in particular, on the further implementation of the Good Friday Agreement in all its aspects. I took the opportunity to thank the President for his invaluable contribution to the process.
Following our meeting, President Clinton and I attended a reception at the Guinness Storehouse celebrating Ireland-US Partnership in the Information Age, which was attended by a large number of guests including Members of the Oireachtas, a delegation of US Congressional representatives and persons, including from the local community, involved in the integrated area plan for the Liberties and its promotion as a digital district.
In the evening the President and I visited Dundalk, where I was very happy to introduce him to a large and very enthusiastic gathering at the Courthouse Square. The visit provided an excellent opportunity to highlight all the developments that have taken place in recent years in Dundalk and to bring out the difference that peace has made to the Border region. In a major address, the President made clear the importance of peace in regenerating the Border region and realising its full potential.
I sent letters of congratulations to President George Bush on his election and on his inauguration as President of the United States. In his response, President Bush conveyed his strong support for the Good Friday Agreement, as he had done already in a letter he sent to me some months ago. I very much welcome and value this expression of support and commitment at the highest level of the new Administration in the United States which continues to be shared fully in the United States Congress, as clearly signalled by the visit to Dublin on Monday last by a cross-party congressional delegation headed by Congressman Ben Gilman of the House Committee for International Affairs, the letter released to the press by the delegation and the statements by members thereof after the meeting, including Congressmen Gilman and Peter King. I intend to travel to Washington in March for the St. Patrick's Day celebrations. The specific arrangements for the trip have, understandably, not yet been finalised.
Since I reported to the House on matters relating to Northern Ireland on 13 December last, Deputies will be aware of the intensive discussions and negotiations that have been, and are, taking place between the two Governments and the pro-Agreement parties, and these will continue over the coming days. I will be meeting the British Prime Minister this evening in London to review all aspects of the current discussions and to decide how best to take them to a successful conclusion. Given the sensitive state of the talks, I ask for the House's understanding if I do not go into detail at this time. All my meetings and discussions with the Prime Minister and with the parties have been focused on overcoming the remaining difficulties in the full implementation of the Agreement. These difficulties centre around the issues of demilitarisation, decommissioning, policing and participation in meetings of the North/South Ministerial Council.
The plenary meeting of the British-Irish Council, which had been scheduled to take place on 23 January, was postponed to allow both Governments and the Northern parties to maintain their full focus on resolving these issues. The meeting is being rescheduled, subject to the availability of participants from all of the Administrations involved.
I have not raised the matter of exilings by paramilitary groups with the parties in the current discussions. I have, however, made my position on this, and on the issue of punishment attacks by all paramilitary groups, clear on many occasions and I will continue to do so. I am very concerned about sectarian attacks in Larne. The local Catholic community is living in fear, and this is unacceptable. Gun and pipe bomb attacks must not be allowed to continue. We have made the strongest representations on this matter through the British-Irish Secretariat in Belfast and called for immediate and effective action by the security forces. Officials of the Department of Foreign Affairs have also travelled to Larne to speak directly to community leaders.
I would like to take this opportunity to express my appreciation for the work of the former Secretary of State for Northern Ireland, Mr. Peter Mandelson. During his period of office he worked tirelessly to advance the political process, and this is widely appreciated and valued. I wish him well for the future. I would also like to welcome his successor Dr. John Reid to his new portfolio. I spoke with Dr. Reid on the day after his appointment and, with the Minister for Foreign Affairs and Minister O'Donnell, I look forward to meeting him in Downing Street this evening.
Mr. Hayes
I am sure I speak on behalf of everyone when I say to the Taoiseach that he carries with him at his meeting tonight with the British Prime Minister our best wishes for a successful discussion on a number of outstanding issues which have yet to be resolved.
Given the ongoing commitment to the cease-fire by the IRA and its supporters in Sinn Féin, will the Taoiseach comment on the incident earlier this week in Mitchelstown involving an IRA outfit which was armed to the teeth with baseball bats and other paramilitary weapons? Will he agree that the interception by the Garda Síochána was most necessary to stop this sinister development? Will he outline how it is possible for an organisation which claims to have called a ceasefire to engage in this kind of paramilitarism and roam the country and seemingly be a law unto themselves? How is this compatible with its commitment to a ceasefire?
Needless to say I join Deputy Hayes in condemning whatever this group was about. It was armed with revolvers, pistols and baseball bats and I suppose we could all conclude that whatever it was about it was up to no good. I am aware of this incident and it is a matter of great concern. The four men concerned were arrested following the discovery of arms in the car in which they were travelling. I understand that all four men remain in Garda custody. The investigation is ongoing and it is not for me to comment on it while the Garda is dealing with it. However, I understand that it is likely to come to an assessment some time today. I assume it will take whatever action is necessary at that stage. The position of the Government on these subversive activities is very clear and unambiguous and there is no harm at the start of the Dáil year in me saying that. It could not be otherwise and I have consistently and trenchantly condemned all subversive activity. I have also continually called on all concerned to enter fully into the democratic process and I do so again today. Until the Garda or the courts move on this matter, if that is what it takes, we cannot be certain. However, we can be certain that subversive activity in some form or another seems to be part of their mission.
Today and for some time to come we will continue to try to move people from the belief that they can act in this fashion, to move away from subversive activity and we will try to deal with the issues at the centre of it. However, in the meantime, we will allow the Garda and, if necessary, the courts to deal with these individuals.
Mr. Hayes
Does the Taoiseach agree the act of paramilitarism in Mitchelstown earlier this week puts a question mark over the commitment of the republican movement to exclusively peaceful methods, undermines the Mitchell Principles and repudiates the Good Friday Agreement? Will he commit himself to a much stronger statement of rejection of these people? Does he feel he has a responsibility to tell the political leadership of that movement that such a methodology and such a clear objection on the part of this paramilitary organisation to the democratic mandate in this State and to our security forces cannot and will not be tolerated?
In general I can say all those things but the Deputy will understand that in relation to the four individuals the Garda investigation will be completed later today and then the decision on how their cases will be processed will become known. If the Garda believe they have sufficient evidence – and it sounds as if they do – it is an operational matter for them and it will then be a matter for the DPP. I cannot comment on the case but in general anybody going around with guns and baseball bats in a threatening matter, or engaging in paramilitary activity of any kind has to be totally condemned. We are all involved in trying to make sure these activities cease and that the people who have been involved in them move, as most of them have, into the democratic process or away from these activities. We must continue to do our utmost to deal with that. I hope that is the way in which most of these individuals are moving.
Did the Taoiseach in his discussions with former President Clinton take the opportunity not just to thank him for his work on Northern Ireland, which I was happy to be able to do, but to raise with him America's poor record in terms of providing aid to developing countries, its status as a primary contributor of greenhouse gases and its lukewarm backing for UN peacekeeping? Given that the former President took the opportunity in Warwick University after he left Ireland to refer to these issues, can the Taoiseach take any credit for reminding him about them? What else did he discuss with him, apart from Northern Ireland, if he did not discuss some of those more global issues?
In a number of our discussions over recent years we discussed some of those issues, perhaps not all of them. I do not claim to have had any influence on a speech that was probably written well before he met me. Both the Minister for Foreign Affairs and I have continually raised the reform of the UN. Both of us, together with the Minister of State at the Department of Foreign Affairs, Deputy O'Donnell, played a role at the UN Millennium Summit in the autumn. Everybody in this country is committed to Kofi Annan's UN reforms and the necessity for resources.
The US has a significant role to play as it is a major contributor. There were some developments before President Clinton left office. He made sure that was the case and we have pushed this issue not on that occasion but on other occasions. There have also been discussions on what the US has been trying to do in terms of environmental policy and the Deputy will acknowledge that the previous US Administration – and I hope, the new one will as well – tried to change and address some of the criticisms which it received. Mr. Clinton tried to move on many environmental issues. I recall him arguing with me on one occasion about the economic effects and difficulties of doing so in a large country of 250 million people but he put in a considerable effort and made many speeches, not only last year but over the years, on this issue.
On recent occasions when we met the former President, particularly in New York in early September at the Millennium Summit, we pressed strongly for support for Kofi Annan's reforms and the necessity to have them implemented as soon as possible.
I wish the Taoiseach well in the sensitive work in which he will be engaged this evening on behalf of all of us. I wish him and the Minister for Foreign Affairs success in that task with their British counterparts.
In regard to the three significant outstanding issues, decommissioning, demilitarisation and policing, I will focus briefly on the policing issue so that Members can understand where the discussions are at. Will the Taoiseach indicate whether the Government has urged the British authorities to meet what most of us in the House regard as the very reasonable requests made by the SDLP on the policing issue? What are the issues of contention between the Irish and British Governments in relation to policing? Will the Taoiseach indicate, since it is now the policy of the Northern Ireland Police Service to recruit members of the Garda, whether a similar gesture would enable the Garda to recruit from within the Northern Ireland Police Service? Demonstrating that level of interchangeability would be a welcome signal.
The SDLP has indicated the areas in which it wants to make progress. It has been involved with the chief constable and the change management team to try to resolve the key outstanding issues for the party such as the special branch, the police reserve and the closure of Gough Barracks. Sinn Féin has a similar position although the SDLP and Sinn Féin positions are not precisely the same.
There are seven key issues on which the SDLP has focused in the discussions since the first week of January. One flag with which everyone is familiar should fly over police buildings. The flag and emblem should be in accordance with the Patten report. There should be clarity on the name so that it is not a double barrelled name and it will be known as the Police Service of Northern Ireland. The special branch and crime branch should come under the same assistant constable and police officers should move in and out of the special branch so that they do not stay there for an inordinate time or for their entire careers, as happened in the past. The full-time reserve should be phased out before the current time scale of 2005 and the part-time reserve should be built up more quickly. Gough Barracks should be closed forthwith.
Confidence building measures, including the public inquiries into the Nelson, Finucane and Hamill cases, have to be put in place to convince people that policing has fundamentally changed for the better. Arrangements for lateral entry from the Garda Síochána should be made quickly. There are also issues concerning the number of board members and voting mechanisms to be employed, which are important issues of a technical nature. Other issues include the district partnership boards and the numerical composition of the board itself. Those are the key issues and some of them can be undertaken without legislation or arguments about amending legislation. The SDLP believes that these issues can be undertaken without legislative changes.
Concerning the role of the Garda Síochána, as the Deputy knows, RUC personnel who took part in UN missions were partly trained in Templemore. There is a close working relationship on security matters, as never before, between the Garda Commissioner, Mr. Pat Byrne, and the RUC Chief Constable, Mr. Ronnie Flanagan. We have to approach any areas of police co-operation, in which we can help, with an open mind. While the matter has not been finalised, there is a view that if members of the Garda Síochána were to come in at certain levels it would provide a confidence boost for the new police service of Northern Ireland. We can learn much from the enormous amount of good policing expertise that has been built up by the excellent men and women who serve in those aspects of the RUC that have never been involved in any controversy. There are areas in which we can co-operate and I am sure they have been discussed by the Garda authorities. These matters have not been finalised but the Government is determined to have an open mind on co-operation between both police forces.
I thank the Taoiseach for outlining the SDLP's position on policing issues that have yet to be resolved. Has the Government embraced these issues? The SDLP's line has always been against violence and its views on policing should have a strong resonance with all of us in the House. How are those views embraced in the discussions and how will they be advanced by the Government? As regards allowing a greater integration of different groups within the Garda Síochána, is the Taoiseach willing to examine the Irish language requirement with an open mind, to ensure that not only serving officers of the Northern Ireland police service but also minority groups within the Republic should not face any barriers to full involvement in policing in this jurisdiction?
Whatever changes we succeed in making, our overriding aim is to keep as close as we can to the Patten Commission's report. We have adhered to its proposals since they were published in September 1999. Through all the discussions when the Bill was published last May, and in the first and second implementation plans, our mission was to make sure that we will have a fair, balanced and acceptable police service for everybody in Northern Ireland, regardless of what category, if any, they want to call themselves a part.
Some other issues have been resolved in the course of discussions with the Deputy First Minister, Séamus Mallon. For as long as I have been in the political arena he has been talking about policing issues and has proposed many documents and made many presentations over the years.
From 1973.
I knew he had been doing that since before I became a Member of this House. I am privileged to have spent hours on end listening to and sharing views with Mr. Mallon, long before I held this position, and no more so than in the six months leading up to the Good Friday Agreement. It is perhaps forgotten now that we could not fully resolve some issues in the agreement. Mr. Mallon had an enormous input to the chapters in the agreement, on pages 25 to 27, which set out the structures upon which we were to build. They moved on to form the Patten Commission, including a number of international figures, which formed the blueprint for where we are now. That was followed by legislation and the implementation plan which the Government supports. We have been endeavouring to do no more than what was in the Patten Commission report. As I have said here on a hundred occasions at Question Time, I never saw Patten as anything other than a balanced document bringing about – as the SDLP saw from the work it did – what it was possible to do. Now we are trying to ensure we can make that work on the ground.
No amount of legislation or implementation plans can detract from the experience people have. There are many personal views, based on much personal experience and knowledge, as to how this can work. Perhaps the devil is always in the detail but from that detail one has to make a balanced police service for Northern Ireland for the future that is fair to everybody, workable and that people can trust and join. Those are the important things and I have been endeavouring to do them in my work with the SDLP, Sinn Féin and any views we have picked up from any of the other parties. I have heard many views from the Ulster Unionist Party, which we have also tried to take account of. In the end, nobody will win or lose in this matter unless we have an acceptable police service in Northern Ireland with which everyone can feel happy. That has been the aim from day one and it continues to be so.
Yesterday, in the High Court in Belfast, it was found that the First Minister, Mr. David Trimble, is acting unlawfully in refusing to nominate Sinn Féin Ministers to the All-Ireland Ministerial Council. Did the Taoiseach raise this matter in meetings with Mr. Trimble and Mr. Blair? Will he do so again in his meeting this evening with the British Prime Minister? Recognising that this is one of the pillars of the Good Friday Agreement dealing with issues of vital concern to people throughout this island, will the Taoiseach and the British Prime Minister ensure that the All-Ireland Ministerial Council meetings that were cancelled will now go ahead with the full participation of all the relevant Ministers?
Will the Taoiseach raise with the British Prime Minister the activities of the British Army's force research unit? The latest revelations by a British soldier, carried on a television documentary last night, provide further evidence of the covert activities of the FRU and implicate that unit in six killings, including that of the human rights lawyer, Mr. Patrick Finucane, in which the RUC special branch is also implicated. Does the Taoiseach agree that truth and justice in these and many other cases involving British State killings and cover-ups, is absolutely essential, particularly in the context of the search for a new beginning in policing?
The Government has noted yesterday's High Court decision by Mr. Justice Kerr which declared unlawful the First Minister's ban on Sinn Féin Ministers attending North-South Ministerial Council meetings. I can assure the Deputy that the judgment of the court will be studied carefully both by myself and the Minister for Foreign Affairs. It clearly has implications for the operation of the North-South Ministerial Council and the wider political context. I understand that Mr. Trimble is likely to appeal the judgment and I do not want to make any detailed comment on the matter until we see how that goes. The Government's view is that the present difficulties in the peace process are essentially political in nature and are best solved through political agreement and accommodation involving the pro-agreement parties. The Government will continue to work hard to try to bring that about.
The second question raised by the Deputy related to the force research unit and the allegations about it and the "Insight" programme last evening. I am only too well aware of the serious allegations which have been reported over the past number of months regarding the collusion between loyalist paramilitaries and the security forces. This has been raised with us in many meetings by the CAJ and many other groups over the last number of years. These allegations emanate from the investigation of the murder of Pat Finucane in 1989, which deals with the role of the force research unit at that time. His murder is currently being investigated by the Stevens inquiry. That investigation is also dealing with the allegations of collusion. At a meeting this time last year with the Finucane family, I said it was our clear view that the case for a public inquiry into the murder of Pat Finucane was compelling and that a public inquiry needed to be established into all the circumstances surrounding the appalling murder. That remains the Government's position and I assure the Deputy and the House that we will continue to press the need for such an inquiry into the Finucane case and all the surrounding events. Of course, I have made similar cases regarding a number of other investigations over the last few years.
I very much agree with the Taoiseach's condemnation of the armed activities in County Cork and his request, or appeal, to other people to condemn such activities. Will he tell me what significance he reads into the fact that the Sinn Féin Member who has just spoken, Deputy Ó Caoláin, who represents the political wing of the republican movement, did not take that opportunity to condemn these armed activities even though they were not, or may not be, the responsibility of the Provisional IRA, although most people think they are? What significance is there in the fact he did not take up the offer to condemn such activities?
In relation to policing, the Taoiseach is aware that I have always described that as the possible Achilles heel of a Northern settlement and that there will be no lasting solution to the Northern Ireland problem unless we have acceptable policing which young nationalists and young republicans can join. In those circumstances, does the Taoiseach agree that the SDLP, in particular, is being painted as being obdurate and intransigent? Does he agree it is worthwhile taking that risk in view of the importance of finding an acceptable solution to the policing problem and in the recognition that if that is not found, the Good Friday Agreement could fall?
In relation to Larne and Carrickfergus, does the Taoiseach agree it is absolutely appalling in 2001 that, not only are these sectarian activities going on in the area, but that they are allowed to go on? Will he explain what excuse has been made to him by the Northern authorities for the fact that in such a small area as Larne – we are not talking about remote isolated houses – where the RUC has the support of the majority of the community, these activities have not been brought to an end? What excuse have the security authorities in the North for that? If this is allowed to continue, extremist groups – there are, as we know, people on the republican side in that category – will say nothing has changed. What assurances has the Taoiseach received and what excuses have been made?
In relation to any Deputy in the House, I am sure all Deputies in this House support our efforts to make sure that those who are still engaged in any type of paramilitary or armed activities comply with the Mitchell principles, the terms of the Good Friday Agreement and legislation. It is for everybody to state their position—
It is for everybody to state their position on the record.
—on those issues.
I challenge the Deputy to do so.
I agree with Deputy Currie about policing. It is vitally important and that was made very clear in the Good Friday Agreement. All I have said previously feeds into that. It is a key issue – to make sure we have an acceptable police service for the future which everyone can respect, look up to, support and join. It is not easy to achieve but that is a goal. Perhaps we will not change everything overnight but it is important, moving on from the Good Friday Agreement, Patten, the legislation and the implementation plan, to try to get everyone to help to develop this into the future. It is a key aspect and I think everyone in the House agrees with that.
In relation to Larne, Carrickfergus and other areas – although the focus recently has been on Larne and Carrickfergus – the Minister for Foreign Affairs has had meetings with the people involved. He had a meeting with Danny O'Connor and we have prepared, in conjunction with him, a detailed account, assessment and report on what has been happening on the ground. That has been, or is being, submitted to the authorities. Our staff have been on the ground and they have been to the homes of people who were attacked over the Christmas period. They have shown solidarity and have had meetings with the parish priest and the clergy involved. The Minister for Foreign Affairs has secured a commitment that additional resources in terms of policing will be put into the area and that more attention will be paid to it. I am aware that the residents in the area are sceptical enough about that but we have to monitor that over a period of time and we will continue to do that.
I add my voice of support to the issues raised in relation to Larne. We all regard it as quite outrageous that citizens of any western democracy should live in the fear the people of Larne currently endure. They go to bed at night and do not know whether they will face fire bombs or pipe bombs. The net question asked by Deputy Currie was, what response has the Taosieach or the Minister for Foreign Affairs received in relation to the very direct net question, that is, how can that be tolerated or allowed to continue?
In such a small area.
Why is it beyond the ability of the security forces in Northern Ireland to give adequate protection to those citizens, which strikes all of us as bizarre and unacceptable?
Earlier, in his comprehensive reply, the Taoiseach indicated that the next meeting of the British-Irish Council has been postponed. Has a date been fixed for the next meeting? How many meetings of the British-Irish Council have taken place to date? Why can the non-contentious political issues, originally envisaged in the Good Friday Agreement to be encompassed by the British-Irish Council such as issues of common concern at EU level like BSE and a range of other issues, not go ahead? Why is it necessary to postpone meetings of the British-Irish Council simply because there are political difficulties which can be addressed informally in the way they will be addressed tonight?
I have already replied to the question on Larne but I would add that following the efforts by the Minister for Foreign Affairs, the Secretary of State attended a meeting in Larne. To his credit, he met the local people and representatives in Larne and it was there he gave assurances of additional security for the area. I am sure he and the new Secretary of State, no more than ourselves, would be very concerned about what has happened there and in other places. We had a lot of this last summer in numerous places. There have been pipe bomb attacks, sectarian attacks and intimidation. I cannot recall the figure over the Christmas period but there was a high number of attacks on Nationalist and republican homes in these areas. That is a matter of grave concern. I think the Deputy heard the report himself.
A recent RTE programme showed the difficulties these people have had and that they are living in fear. It is good it is being focused here because the people in those areas did believe that if similar attacks were taking place elsewhere on the island, there would be an enormous outcry. It will continue to be monitored and the Minister for Foreign Affairs is in close touch with the local people to continue to monitor that issue. The second question related to the British-Irish Council. A meeting was to take place on 23 January. We have few meetings though we have done quite an amount of work on the issues agreed early last year and the previous year. Both in the British-Irish Parliamentary Body and in these bodies there was some reluctance about people having meetings until we moved forward. We accepted that position but we are anxious to host these meetings. The next meeting here was to be on drugs which is not an unrelated issue for everybody in Northern Ireland or here.
Mr. Hayes
Or in Mitchelstown for that matter.
Exactly. The reason we are taking this topic is that we felt we had some expertise here which we could usefully convey. In recent months we have put a lot of work into exchanging, co-operating and co-ordinating what our experience has been for a number of years, with a view to assisting in this issue. That was to be the first issue but we have also looked at other items down the road. Hopefully, that meeting will be scheduled as soon as possible.
Has no date been fixed?
A tentative date of next Monday had been set but that is unlikely at this stage. In fairness, it was just between the two Governments. As the Deputy will be aware there are other groupings involved and we want to ensure they are given time but the meeting will be scheduled as soon as possible.
The time is just up. A number of Deputies are offering. I will take brief questions from Deputies Brian Hayes, Sargent, Joe Higgins and Currie and the Taoiseach will reply to them all together.
Mr. Hayes
In relation to the North-South Ministerial Council there are six Implementation Bodies which have been established under the Council. Will the Taoiseach confirm that only two of the chief executive officers of the six Implementation Bodies have been appointed and, if so, does that not undermine the commitment of the Government and the Assembly to these bodies which are such an essential part of the Good Friday Agreement?
I reiterate the comments made by my colleagues in relation to Michelstown and Larne. Apart from wishing the Taoiseach well and thanking the former Secretary of State for Northern Ireland I hope good wishes can be conveyed to the new Secretary of State. Given that the new Secretary of State, Dr. Reid, is of a Scottish background and we hope to see the North-South Ministerial Council up and running again soon and given that the Taoiseach has voiced his support for the operation of strand three of the Agreement, using the acronym of IONA, islands of the North Atlantic, can he say whether he expects progress at an early stage on the Council of Isles idea? Could it be brought forward soon to deal with the non-contentious issues that have already been mentioned?
(Dublin West): I wish to express my extreme concern at the sectarian attacks directed, quite calculatedly at Catholic homes in Larne. Apart from the fear and terror it is only a matter of time, if this continues, when a pipe bomb will result in an atrocity of the scale of the Quinn children tragedy in previous times or something of that character? Will the Taoiseach acknowledge there have been some isolated attacks on Protestants as well and that all are to be equally condemned? Will the Taoiseach agree that these attacks would be deplored by the majority of ordinary people in both communities within Northern Ireland and have probably been carried out by isolated sectarian paramilitary groups or sections of certain paramilitaries? Will he agree they must be isolated? Like the Socialist Party will the Taoiseach urge the mobilisation on a cross-community basis of the two communities at ground level? Just as many trade unions have kept sectarianism out of the workplace, proactively so in the case of civil service unions, where thousands of workers mobilised against sectarian threats at the workplace and stopped them, will the Taoiseach agree that the trade unions, community organisations, youth clubs and so on, if mobilised, could isolate that small minority who are obviously attempting to stir up a sectarian conflagration?
In relation to Larne, will the Taoiseach and the Minister for Foreign Affairs get an explanation from the British Government as to why in such a small area, irrespective of whether the attacks are on Catholics or Protestants – though a majority have been on Catholics – this situation is not containable? It is obvious the RUC have men whose commanders do not know how to use them. Why is that force not used to stop what is happening in Larne? What was the result of the Taoiseach's representations to the Republican movement in relation to the return to Northern Ireland of those who have been banished and how is that excusable in present circumstances?
On the Implementation Bodies, whatever about the full-time contracts all the Implementation Bodies are up and running. As Deputy Hayes will be aware, early last year there was a stop-start process which delayed some of the work. This should have moved on from Armagh in December 1999. In regard to the full-time positions there might be some delay. As far as the staffing and activities of the Bodies are concerned they are up and running full time. Perhaps they have not been formalised but they were adequately staffed last year—
Mr. Hayes
The chief executive officers have not been appointed.
—but the posts will have to be made full-time. To respond to Deputy Sargent's question, there was a successful meeting of the British-Irish Parliamentary Tier, attended by some Members, to move on the recommendations to bring in the Isle of Man, Jersey and Guernsey. That will help. The co-ordinating group has already moved on those recommendations. Deputy Higgins raised the matter of sectarianism. We are talking about Larne but, as we found last year and every other year, sectarian attacks happened in both Catholic and Protestant areas. There were horrendous attacks on Protestants last year as well and we condemn all of them. As we move into springtime, summertime and the marching season, unfortunately it is clear from the statistics that these activities increase. All the work we can continue to do to help build cross-community co-operation is strongly supported by the Government. The Minister for Foreign Affairs has done that in terms of grant-aiding bodies on the Unionist and loyalist side. What we have done on some of the commemoration sites, including the site of the Battle of the Boyne, has helped build up co-operation. On Larne, to reiterate, we have received commitments from the Secretary of State and the previous Secretary of State. We will raise again tonight with the new Secretary of State the efforts to put more police in place. It is not for us to spell out here what they might do to stop this activity in some of these areas. It can apply in Nationalist areas at other times but in this case in Larne they would probably have some information on who is involved and why it has intensified. The RUC should be able to deal with these operational issues and that is what we have been pressing it to do.
That concludes questions to the Taoiseach for today.