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Dáil Éireann díospóireacht -
Wednesday, 6 Dec 2023

Vol. 1047 No. 2

Pre-European Council Meeting: Statements

I will participate in the December meeting of the European Council in Brussels next Thursday and Friday. The agenda will cover EU enlargement, Ukraine, the Middle East and the mid-term review of the multi-annual financial framework. There will also be discussions on security and defence, migration and certain items relating to external relations. European Council President Charles Michel will report back on consultative meetings he has been holding with leaders in EU capitals to develop the EU's strategic agenda for 2024 to 2029.

In my statement I will cover the situation in the Middle East, Ukraine, including Ukraine's EU accession ambitions, the review of the multi-annual financial framework, and work to prepare the EU strategic agenda. In his remarks, the Minister of State, Deputy Burke, will cover other aspects of enlargement, security, defence and migration.

It is extremely distressing that the truce between Israel and Hamas has been brought to an end. The seven-day truce saw over 100 hostages released from Gaza and the release of hundreds of Palestinian prisoners, many of them women and teenage boys detained without trial. We call for an end to the practice of administrative detention by Israel. I know all in this House were relieved to learn of the release of nine-year-old Irish citizen Emily Hand. The Government worked hard with our partners in the region to facilitate 56 Irish citizens to leave Gaza. We will continue to engage with international partners to ensure that Irish citizens and accompanying dependants wishing to leave the territory can do so safely. Our thoughts, of course, continue to be with those who are still being held hostage and those who have been subjected to indiscriminate attacks and unprovoked violence. I am thinking of the aid workers, the journalists and the citizens of Palestine and Israel, who are innocent in this appalling situation and whose lives have been needlessly destroyed. We condemn all those who seek to cause suffering of others. Ireland continues to reiterate our call for all hostages to be released immediately and unconditionally.

The truce also enabled the delivery of vital humanitarian assistance to the people of Gaza. Despite this, the UN reports that the volume of aid entering Gaza is not sufficient to meet the extensive needs of the people there. That is why we will continue to call for the establishment of a sustainable humanitarian ceasefire. The high number of civilian casualties, particularly children, in the Gaza Strip is deeply shocking. International humanitarian law, which includes an obligation to protect civilians, applies in all conflicts and all circumstances and to state and non-state actors alike.

The Government is deeply concerned about rising violence and deaths in the West Bank, including increased incidents of settler violence and displacement of Palestinian communities. This is unacceptable. We offer our heartfelt condolences to the families of two children killed in Jenin last week, during an operation by the Israeli security services. Ireland has stressed that the protection of civilians must be paramount and is obligated by international law. The settler violence against Palestinians in their homes and on their farms is provocative and risks escalation of the current phase of the conflict. I also offer my condolences to the families of the three people killed in the terror attack in Jerusalem. Terrorism is never the answer. Violence is never the answer. Ireland will continue to work with our EU partners and the UN to support efforts to combat terrorism wherever it exists.

The international community must work urgently to de-escalate the situation in Israel and Palestine. We call for a durable ceasefire and have engaged with multiple regional partners to that end. Most recently, on the sidelines of COP28, I discussed the situation with many leaders, including those from the region. Among them were King Abdullah of Jordan, the Emir of Qatar, the President and the foreign minister of Egypt, the President of the UAE, the Prime Minister of Lebanon and the Prime Minister of Iraq. The Tánaiste is in the region visiting Saudi Arabia as we speak. We also discussed the role of the international community as the conflict enters its third month, and I reiterated the need to focus on a pathway to peace.

Ireland has been very clear that continued and increased development and humanitarian aid for the Palestinian people is absolutely essential. We welcome the rapid conclusion of the Commission's review of EU aid to Palestine. As we had always expected, the review shows that there is no evidence that money has been diverted for unintended purposes, and that in turn shows that the Commission's existing controls and safeguards work well. I also welcome the quadrupling of the EU's humanitarian support to the Palestinian people to €100 million. Ireland has contributed an additional €13 million in humanitarian assistance in addition to our annual development and humanitarian budget of €29 million.

At the December European Council, leaders will discuss the latest developments in the Middle East, notably the humanitarian situation and the prospects for reviving a political process on the basis of a two-state solution. The situation will continue to evolve between now and the Council meeting, and leaders will respond accordingly. I believe Europe needs to unite around a new push for a two-state solution and an end to terrorism and occupation.

The situation in Ukraine continues to be a matter of grave concern. Ukrainian civilians are bearing the brunt of Russian aggression as Russia continues to target indiscriminately civilian infrastructure. We are heading into another difficult winter, with likely further attacks on energy infrastructure and civilian targets by Russia.

Ireland has committed over €210 million in assistance to the Ukrainian people since the war began in February 2022. We are also hosting over 100,000 Ukrainians in Ireland, 70,000 of whom are in State-provided accommodation.

The December European Council will seek to find agreement on the EU's future security commitments to Ukraine, which will be informed by a report from the high representative, Mr. Borrell. The package will assist Ukraine financially, including helping it to maintain essential public services, ensure macroeconomic stability and restore critical infrastructure destroyed by Russia.

An agreement will be sought under the mid-term review of the multi-annual financial framework or, potentially, separately, should other issues hold up agreement on the MFF. A decision is also proposed on increasing military assistance through the European Peace Facility and the EU military assistance mission, EUMAM. Ireland's security assistance to Ukraine is and will continue to be directed exclusively towards non-lethal aid.

Leaders will consider commitments to the Ukraine peace formula, proposals on extraordinary revenues stemming from immobilised Russian assets and, it is hoped, welcome agreement on the 12th package of sanctions. We firmly endorse President Zelenskyy's peace formula. There can be no doubt that it is up to Ukraine to determine the terms and conditions and timelines for any peace agreement or the timing of any ceasefire.

While providing assistance to Ukraine, Ireland has been to the fore in working to ensure there are consequences for Russia as a result of its illegal invasion of a neighbouring country, a democratic and sovereign state. This includes endorsement for strong sanctions and engagement on accountability mechanisms across the multilateral system. Discussions on the 12th package of sanctions against Russia are ongoing. Building on the measures introduced in the 11th package, there will be a continued focus on strengthening implementation and combatting circumvention.

A decision will also be taken, as part of the broader discussion at the Council on EU enlargement, on whether to open negotiations with Ukraine on its accession to the EU. The Commission’s enlargement report, published in November, has recommended opening negotiations and Ireland is strongly in favour of Ukraine's EU path. The same goes for Moldova. While Ukraine will need to progress a range of reforms that is likely to take some time, extending EU membership to Ukraine is also central to guaranteeing Ukraine’s broader economic and societal stability and security.

Leaders will revert next week to the proposed revision of the Multiannual Financial Framework 2021-2027. This is the EU's budget. Further to our discussion in October, it remains the case that the goal of reaching an agreement as soon as possible is one that is shared by most member states but this goal is not yet reflected to the same extent in the level of new moneys that should be committed to new priorities.

The political context for striking an overall agreement also is no less challenging than in October, including having regard to current budgetary difficulties in Germany, negotiations to form a new government in the Netherlands and indications from Hungary that it may block agreement on this and other agenda items. However, broad-based support on providing sustainable multi-annual funding to Ukraine continues to provide a strong foundation for our wider discussion. This €50 billion Ukraine package accounts for around half of the overall amount that formed the basis of the proposals made by the Commission in June. The multi-annual funding package proposed for the period to 2027 comprises €19 billion in grants, and a further €33 billion in guaranteed loans. Member states also agree on the need to ensure Ukraine’s ownership of its recovery and reconstruction, and appropriate alignment of this financial support to the reforms and investments that will be advanced as part of a future accession plan to be prepared by the Ukrainian Government.

As well as the €50 billion package, the Commission’s proposals in June also proposed a further €49 billion in new spending on priorities such as migration and external action, and mobilising new investments in strategically important technologies, as well as some technical adjustments to take account of higher interest costs. As the Spanish Presidency has highlighted, member state views on these other elements of the proposed package continue to diverge quite significantly. Differing views include the extent to which there may be further potential to redeploy unallocated funds to new priorities, as well as the extent to which proposed new spending is fully warranted.

Work in the Council is ongoing at both the technical and political levels ahead of next week’s meeting. Ireland is deeply and constructively engaged. We hope to be part of efforts to strike an overall agreement, including through our commitment to ensuring that the EU budget is always funded and managed in the most cost-effective way.

The European Council President, Charles Michel, will provide an update to leaders on the work to prepare the EU Strategic Agenda 2024-2029. This is a keynote reference document, agreed by the European Council that sets out the priority areas of the Union’s policy. It guides the work of the European Council and provides guidance for the work programmes of other EU institutions for the forthcoming legislative term after next June’s European elections. President Michel wrote letters to leaders in June 2023, setting out proposed priorities for the years ahead in the areas of EU external relations, security and defence, energy challenges, our economic and social base, migration and the protection and promotion of EU values.

Work on the future agenda was launched at the informal meeting of members of the European Council in Granada in October, and continued via a series of smaller meetings in Berlin, Copenhagen, Zagreb and Paris in November. I attended the round of talks hosted by President Michel and the Danish Prime Minister, Mette Frederiksen, in Copenhagen, with the Prime Ministers of Finland, Sweden, Bulgaria and Latvia. During the meetings, we discussed the future direction of policy, budget, and decision-making, including preparations for a greatly enlarged European Union. These conversations are necessary and welcome, as much has changed since we developed the last strategic agenda in 2018 and 2019. We have faced unexpected and unprecedented challenges, which tested us as a Union and we rose to them. We need to absorb the lessons we have learned from these crises, as we consider the upcoming legislative period.

Following the December European Council meeting, President Michel will begin to formulate proposals to be considered at a further round of consultations in the new year, before the work is concluded by the European Council in June. Ireland will continue to reflect on our priorities as a fully engaged and enthusiastic member of the European Union and we will feed into the development of the strategic agenda in the months and years ahead. In his remarks, the Minister of State, Deputy Burke, will consider enlargement, security and defence and migration policy. Immediately prior to the European Council meeting, I will join fellow EU leaders for a summit with the leaders of countries in the western Balkans to discuss their future EU perspective. I will update the House again in the new year following the meeting of the European Council next week.

I want to touch briefly on the fact that in advance of the full European Council, the Agriculture and Fisheries Council will discuss the first year implementation of the CAP strategic plans based on reports from the Commission and the Presidency. I imagine the Minister for agriculture is grateful that it will be based on information to be received from his Department. If it were based on information coming from Irish farmers, stakeholders or the agriculture media, the picture painted would be quite different and would outline flaws representative of some abject failures.

The new suckler carbon efficiency programme, SCEP, in particular, is need of urgent review and overhaul. Only 20,837 farmers applied, which is notably below the 22,500 who participated in the beef data genomics programme in 2018 and well below the almost 25,000, which was the target for that year. The Minister's inability to make the scheme enticing to farmers has been compounded by an overly burdensome administration of the scheme, which has meant that 2,352 farmers have been deemed ineligible and another 858 have withdrawn their applications. That means there will be only 17,600 participating in the scheme. The Minister's failure to bring a greater cohort of our suckler farmers into the scheme undermines the sector as a whole. We know that recent developments on the revaluation of star ratings has also caused upset. It must be ensured that diligent farmers who have always done as they are told receive the support they need.

It is also important that we speak about the forestry sector at this time. While it is outside of the CAP, it is crucial to farmers and our emission reduction obligations. It continues to represent an abysmal failure by the Government under the direction of the Minister of State from the Green Party. It is likely that this year fewer than 1,700 ha will be afforested. This is against the target of 8,000 ha. It will be the lowest of any year under the Government which, in itself, has overseen the lowest rate of afforestation since the Second World War. I do not see a corner being turned despite the protestations of the Minister. We are in a situation where the Government has gone through an entire term in office and has left the forestry sector in a worse condition than when it arrived. I would appreciate it if, on his return from Brussels, the Taoiseach would speak to how our European partners view these failures while, at the same time, often lecture farmers.

Depending on discussions at the Justice and Home Affairs Council, I hope to welcome the accession of the European Union to the European Convention on Human Rights. We in Ireland know the importance of the convention as well as anybody, as it underpins the Good Friday Agreement. With that in mind, I invite the Taoiseach, ahead of the Council meeting, to reflect not only on the importance of the convention itself but on our responsibilities to hold ourselves and others to it.

As members of the Taoiseach's Cabinet go to Brussels to progress the accession of the European Union to the convention, I remind us all that Ireland has obligations to our citizens as co-guarantor of the Good Friday Agreement and subsequent agreements. We know our citizens are seeing their rights eroded by the Tory Government's callous and cruel so-called legacy Bill. Before strengthening, welcoming and celebrating the strengthening of human rights at a European level, we have to ensure that we are seen to take action when those rights are being undermined. I urge the Government again to take an interstate case against the British Government in defence of the rights of citizens.

The engagement with the Ukrainian Minister of Foreign Affairs will be an important opportunity ahead of the winter to take stock of the situation in that country and the assistance it continues to require. Ukrainian civilians face a very real threat of freezing to death, we are told, this winter as a result of Russian attacks on civilian infrastructure. The Ukrainian Ambassador set out very starkly that this will very much turn on the availability of an adequate supply of the required components to repair infrastructure. I appeal to the Taoiseach to engage with the Ukrainian Minister of Foreign Affairs and his European counterparts at this meeting to ensure that Ireland and all member states do all in their power to ensure that Ukraine is adequately supplied to the best of our abilities.

Equally, it will be crucial that we begin to see real progress being made towards the establishment of the European fund that will contribute to the rebuilding of Ukraine post war. We all know who the aggressor is in this war. We support the territorial integrity of Ukraine and we again utterly condemn the Russian invasion and that country's ongoing aggression. President Zelenskyy's own ten-point peace plan highlights the crucial place that Ukraine holds in the European family, but particularly so in terms of its security being our security, and with regard to energy and food security. This will, therefore, be a crucial investment on the part of European nations, that will not just stand as an aid to a neighbour in need, but will, if done right, pay dividends to each and every partner of Ukraine for years to come.

I have to note with concern that yet another set of Foreign Affairs Council and General Council meetings are passing without any consideration, it appears, being given to the conflicts or humanitarian crises in Africa. The ongoing conflicts and forced displacements in Sudan and the Democratic Republic of the Congo, in particular, cannot be ignored because of other competing challenges. I appeal to the Taoiseach to request that these issues be put on the agenda of the first Council meeting in the new year to, at the very least, facilitate an exchange of views as to how the EU and member states may be able to play a constructive role in resolving these conflicts or, again at the very least, alleviating the humanitarian crises in these countries.

The Taoiseach will attend the European Council meeting at a pivotal, dangerous and worrying time in Palestine. Having absolutely destroyed northern Gaza, and massacred thousands of Palestinians, including thousands of children, Israel has followed a week's respite with an unjustified and unjustifiable intensification of its assault on southern Gaza. Palestinians have been pushed into an area that is one-third of the entire Gaza Strip. Those who are being forced to evacuate have, literally, no safe place to go. They have no food, no water and no safety. Their fear just cannot be comprehended. We are witnessing a humanitarian disaster. It is happening in front of our eyes, and it is happening because Israel, which is acting as if international law does not exist, does not feel sufficient pressure from the international community. It acts with impunity because it is allowed to do so and it is the innocent people of Palestine who pay a horrendous price.

The Taoiseach has used the words "disproportionate" and "counterproductive" to describe the bombardment of Gaza and the slaughter of civilians and children. He has condemned the actions of Israel, and I welcome this. Ireland has been clear in articulating the need for a full and permanent ceasefire. This is, it must be said, in stark contrast to many EU governments, which have been ambivalent, at best, and, at worst, have given cover to Israeli war crimes. The actions of the President of the European Commission have been rightly criticised in Ireland. I suggest the Taoiseach should tell European leaders who refuse to stand up for the rights of Palestine that they are undermining the credibility of the European Union to act as a voice for peace, human rights and conflict resolution in other parts of the world. He should tell them that Europe needs to take action. He should also tell them that if they will not take action, Ireland will.

We cannot have preferential trading, economic and diplomatic relationships with a state that shows blatant disregard for innocent civilian lives. By doing so, we could become complicit in Israel's aggression. The Taoiseach's defeatist response, as I would describe it, is that there is not one thing we can do to secure a ceasefire. By this logic, no Government would ever respond to any breach of international law. The purpose of trade, economic, political and diplomatic responses is to, first, send a message, but, second, to lead the way for others to follow. This is how we stand up to bullies and this is how it must stand up to Israel.

In terms of this European Council meeting, Ireland must be clear. We have seen reports that have indicated that France, for example, has suggested that sanctions be imposed on Israeli settlers who have targeted Palestinians in the West Bank. Since 7 October, at least 256 Palestinians have been killed in the West Bank, with the total amounting to 464 since the beginning of this year. Some 822 people, including 313 children, have been forcibly displaced. I urge the Taoiseach to support sanctions being introduced. I also urge him to go further and advocate that sanctions be introduced against anyone found to be arming those settlers or supporting them as they destroy water infrastructure, evict civilians from their homes or, indeed, in some instances, facilitate their murder. This is an area where the European Union is obliged to take action, with the Israeli Parliament having only recently approved funding for more illegal settlements.

We must also challenge the position of the Commission in respect of aid going to Palestinian organisations. A review of this aid concluded that safeguards are working well, yet the European Commission has chosen to burden Palestinian NGOs with administrative red tape for no other purpose, as I would see it, but to circumvent the will of member states, including Ireland. This must be vigorously challenged by our Government.

The European Council meeting next week will discuss several important items. In my judgment, though, and I think probably in the view of this House, none of these is more urgent than the situation in Gaza. The ongoing carnage in Gaza is unconscionable and illegal. We have watched with horror the complete destruction of northern Gaza. What was to be a response to a cruel and vicious attack by an illegal organisation, Hamas, has morphed into a campaign of destruction of the Palestinian people. There is no other way of saying it.

This has moved now from an attack on northern Gaza to an attack on southern Gaza. This is where people have been asked to move for shelter. The Israel Defense Forces dropped leaflets telling people to go to a safe zone in the southern half of the Gaza Strip. Now, that so-called safe zone - and it never was truly safe, because there was an onslaught there too - is now under the same sort of bombardment as we witnessed in northern Gaza. The world is truly horrified at the wanton destruction of the entire infrastructure of the Palestinian people. The policy of Israel seems now to make it impossible for people to live in what was once a densely populated, living and vibrant community.

The Taoiseach has rightly called out the brutality of the Israeli response to the brutality of Hamas. That organisation murdered and kidnapped, but these crimes were perpetrated by Hamas and not by innocent Palestinians, the ones who are now dying in their thousands. In truth, we do not know the true number. Thousands of people are still buried under the rubble. Ireland is horrified by this and we must do more. Every man, woman and child in Gaza is under attack. Palestinians living in the occupied West Bank, as has been said, are also under attack, with a new licence, basically, having been given to Israeli settlers to simply drive from their lands people who have lived there for generations, and we are watching. What more can Ireland do? The Taoiseach must use the platform of next week's Council meeting to publicly manifest the horror and dismay of the Irish people and to give a rallying call to those member states willing to come together to discuss sanctions and to seek to build a coalition of the willing to make it clear to Israel that the way it is prosecuting this campaign is absolutely unacceptable.

It will ultimately make Israel a pariah state.

The conflict in Ukraine will be discussed. Ukraine is fast running out of money. Money for Ukraine from the United States is stuck in Congress. In October, President Biden proposed that Congress approve a national security package of $105 billion, including support for Ukraine. Right-wing Republicans are currently holding up that package, including $61 billion in funding. Within the EU, the Prime Minister of Hungary, Viktor Orbán, has blocked a plan and is basically using the urgent need for funding for Ukraine to seek to unblock money frozen because of the rule of law issues in his country. It is entirely unacceptable for the EU to be a blackmailed in that way. The €50 billion instrument proposed to keep Ukraine solvent is urgently required and I hope it can happen.

Meanwhile, Russia continues to target civilian infrastructure in Ukraine and carry out indiscriminate bomb and drone attacks. The people of Ukraine face a dire winter, in particular if their capacity to provide heat, water and electricity is destroyed. We must do all we can to support them through this most difficult period. President Putin hopes that democratic nations will grow tired of supporting Ukraine. If we do, and abandon a nation and people who are trying to defend the values and democracy we hold dear, it will be a terrible betrayal. I hope these two vital issues will bring about conclusions when they are discussed at the Council next week.

Migration is now one of the major global issues of our time. It is firmly on the political agenda in many countries. We all remember the electoral promise of Donald Trump to build that famous wall to prevent Mexicans from entering the USA. Migration was also central to the Brexit campaign in the UK in 2016. Recent elections in the Netherlands, Italy, Slovakia and Finland are evidence of increasing concerns about the issue. It is clear that anti-immigrant parties and candidates are on the rise in France and Germany. We are not immune from these developments here, as we have seen from the events in Dublin on 23 November. The appalling riots have sparked a debate here on these matters.

The EU continues to grapple with the issue. Reaching a final agreement on the EU migration and asylum pact has been a long and protracted process. The pact aims to create a fair, efficient and more sustainable migration and asylum process in the EU and to deal with the surge of irregular migration.

For my own part, I want to state clearly that I believe in diversity, inclusivity and tolerance and I am opposed to racism, anti-Semitism and prejudice of any kind. In addition, migration, in principle, is good for our society and economy. I also believe that a public debate on migration should not be stifled. We now need an informed and respectful debate on these matters. If problems arise, they need to be addressed and resolved in a sensible and practical manner.

It is clear, for example, that issues have arisen as regards one aspect of migration, namely the provision of accommodation for international protection applicants, in particular in hotels in tourist areas and remote rural locations. It has now been announced that we have run out of accommodation for international protection applicants. The pull factors, including disparity in social welfare benefits across the EU states, are also a factor. Why are there so many applications for international protection from Algeria and Georgia? We cannot be blind to all of this. Like with any other issue, people need to be listened to and consulted and, following that, pragmatic solutions arrived at.

The Dublin riots highlighted the significance of the EU Digital Services Act. It is clear that following the awful stabbings in Parnell Square social media platforms were utilised to spread far-right hatred, disinformation and intolerance. I welcome that Coimisiún na Meán, the broadcast and online media regulator, and the European Commission engaged immediately on the unfolding situation at the time. The coimisiún subsequently met with the major social media platforms to ascertain their response to the spread of online, illegal and harmful content. Ireland was the first EU member state to activate the EU Digital Services Act protocol. The Act comes into force fully in February of next year. The Government now needs to enact the necessary legislation to make Coimisiún na Meán the official enforcement body in Ireland. The coimisiún will also publish a draft of the safety codes, with binding rules for consultation. We are told that gardaí have identified 14 individuals who incited the violence in Dublin. All in all, these policy developments are most welcome.

As we have heard, the European Council will give its response to the Commission's recent recommendations in respect of Ukraine, Moldova and Georgia regarding their applications for EU membership. It is proposed to open negotiations with Ukraine and Moldova. We need to have a serious debate about the implications of enlargement. It goes without saying that Ireland, as a general principle, favours enlargement, but there is now an increased focus on the need to improve decision-making within the EU to facilitate this enlargement. The implications for the multiannual financial framework and, in particular, CAP will also have to be examined.

Last week the Committee on EU Affairs met the constitutional committee of the European Parliament, AFCO, to discuss its proposals for institutional reform and treaty change. Other expert groups and think tanks have come up with their own ideas. There is an increasing talk of a switch from unanimity to qualified majority voting in the Council. It may be the case that a switch to qualified majority voting could be considered on a case-by-case basis. My view, however, is that we need to maximise the provisions of the existing treaties first before going down the road of treaty change.

In November, the EU General Affairs Council considered current relations between the EU and UK, as the Minister of State will be aware. The Windsor framework has been agreed and the first phase of it is now being implemented. New UK rules relevant to all Irish traders who export to Great Britain or utilise a land bridge will commence on 31 January next year. The trade and co-operation agreement is a comprehensive document with many complex provisions and there will need to be ongoing monitoring and engagement to ensure that its provisions are implemented in full.

Like many other speakers, I want to raise the appalling situation unfolding and developing in Gaza. The bombardment of Gaza by Israeli defence forces has started again, following the truce. It is relentless. Southern Gaza is now the target and civilians simply have nowhere to go. Many thousands of innocent civilians have been killed, including 6,000 children. The EU, for various reasons, finds it difficult to reach a consensus on these matters. The EU foreign policy chief, Josep Borrell, speaks a lot of sense when it comes to this issue and many others. At the European Council meeting next week, Ireland must continue to press for a permanent and sustainable humanitarian ceasefire and advocate for increased humanitarian assistance to get into Gaza in whatever way possible.

We must argue the case for a just and lasting process, based on the two-state solution principle, to be commenced as soon as possible.

A lot of issues are on the agenda of the European Council meeting next week. I did not have time to mention the situation in Ukraine but other speakers have dealt with that, as has the Taoiseach, and it is very much on the agenda of the Council meeting. Again, we must continue to show solidarity with and support for Ukraine. As Deputy Howlin said, a democracy is under threat and we cannot abandon Ukraine as the war continues to become more protracted than ever. I wish the Taoiseach well in his deliberations next week.

We need to be absolutely clear about what is happening in Palestine, which is nothing less than ethnic cleansing and genocidal slaughter. None of us could disagree with what Jan Egeland of the Norwegian Refugee Council said when he stated, "The pulverising of Gaza now ranks amongst the worst assaults on any civilian population in our time and age." That is fairly straightforward. We have to realise what this is, namely, an outlier event caused by a right-wing regime in Israel that does not care about men, women or children and will present white as being black. This is what we are dealing with, and the European Council meeting cannot but deal with this as one of the biggest issues that face the world at this time.

We did have a truce but, unfortunately, it was not extended as we had hoped it would be. It could, possibly, have led to something more enduring and to the roadmap to Palestinian statehood that is required. That is the only solution both for Palestinian people and to provide security to Israel. Let us be clear, however, as Benjamin Netanyahu was when he stated, "We will continue this war until we achieve the three goals: Freeing all of our hostages, completely eliminating Hamas and ensuring that no threat like this will ever come from Gaza again." The only way I can see that happening is by the removal of the Palestinian people from Gaza.

While this is happening, there have been budgetary increases in respect of new moneys for new illegal settlements. That is the regime that is in operation and that is what it is doing. We in Ireland have been clear in calling this out for what it is, but none of it is enough. I accept there is no magic wand to deliver what we want from Benjamin Netanyahu, but if nobody is going to call him out properly and if there are absolutely no sanctions against this regime, I assume it is business as usual as far as it is concerned. I have not been entirely impressed with an awful lot of the statements of the European Union but even Josep Borrell understood the idea that there has been an insufficient level of empathy for the Palestinian lives that have been lost. He spoke about the global south, where countries were criticising the position of the European Union as absolutely one-sided. We were talking earlier about Ukraine and the need for solidarity, but that argument is lost because there is such one-sided action from the European Union.

There are a number of things we would like to see. The Taoiseach has spoken previously about a group of eight states. If a group of eight states are able and willing to make real moves, that needs to happen within a reasonable timeframe. We know what we can do here, including with the occupied territories Bill. Sometimes governments will get the legal advice they want, but if there is a difficulty with that Bill and if that is what the Government is saying, could we not look at introducing the Illegal Israeli Settlement Divestment Bill or some alternative means of doing that in order that this State will not in any way, shape or form support illegal settlements? France has spoken about sanctions, and I would like to think we will follow it up in that conversation because we need to see real action. There has been an abject failure in holding Israel to account and we require that Ireland take a step. It is the Mary Manning moment and we cannot fail to act.

This European Council meeting has the potential to be very significant but I fear it will just go as exactly as the one five weeks ago did. There will be words, expressions of concern, equivocation, and justification of the slaughter and genocide that is happening. The frustration I have, which the Social Democrats would like to express first and foremost, is that it has been three and a half weeks since we had a substantial debate in the Chamber about the types of sanctions that should be placed on the State of Israel for the horrific crusade of genocide it is waging in Gaza and now also in the West Bank.

We have suggested a number of different sanctions. Some were worthy of debate, whereas others were not. The one that stands out for me more than most, given it is one around which we should clearly be able to unify, relates to the EU-Israel Trade Agreement. That is exactly where a human rights position should be advanced because the human rights clauses within the agreement are very clear. We pushed and pushed for the Taoiseach to commit to even exploring the idea of raising the areas where Israel is in direct contravention of those human rights clauses. I thought I saw a flicker of light a couple of weeks ago when the Taoiseach said he would seek legal advice as to how those breaches of human rights clauses could be acted on, but it has been three weeks and that legal advice has not been forthcoming.

Yesterday, in the Dáil, the Taoiseach said in responses to several parliamentarians that he felt as though Opposition parties were somehow blaming the Government or suggesting it could do more, and wrung his hands at that very suggestion. I appreciate that the Irish State has taken a stronger line of rhetoric than most other states - I do not step away from that at all, although the bar has been low - but we could act with greater urgency when we make a commitment to seeking legal advice as to how human rights clauses within trade agreements could be invoked. Three weeks is an incredibly long time for such advice to be forthcoming, and the Taoiseach seems to commit once again to offering words at the European Council meeting and calling for a ceasefire but, clearly, that is no longer where the State of Israel is. It is hell-bent on the destruction of the entirety of Gaza. How else could it justify telling 2.2 million people to move from one area of Gaza to move to the southern part and then just bombing them too, or implementing a grid system and telling people they will receive a text message to tell them which part of the grid system to go to next in order that they will not be slaughtered with their children in tow? It is cruel, it is unjust and the fact it is happening without consequence leaves a blight on all of us.

Those human rights clauses in the EU trade agreements are typically enforced through a mechanism called the suspension of preferences, as outlined within the clauses themselves. It holds that if either party fails to comply with human rights commitments, the EU can make measures such as suspending those preferences, benefits or even the entire agreement. Enforcements may involve consultations, investigations and, ultimately, the imposition of measures if these violations persist. I do not think the Government needs much legal advice beyond that. The Taoiseach will hold, once more, that the State cannot act alone, but I disagree. I am not saying we alone can act on the clauses - I fully appreciate that - but we can be a maverick voice within those positions. If the Taoiseach were to go there and simply argue for them, holding them up as a suggestion and bringing together a coalition of other willing nations in the EU, that would be much more meaningful.

I almost choked when the Taoiseach, when speaking about Ukraine, rightly said:

While providing assistance to Ukraine, Ireland has been to the fore in working to ensure there are consequences for Russia as a result of its illegal invasion of a neighbouring country. This includes endorsement of strong sanctions and engagement on accountability mechanisms across the multilateral system.

I like that Ireland is to the fore in this regard, but saying we have to take a step back when it comes to Palestine is hypocritical at best.

We now have a Government slot but as no Government Member is here, we will move to Sinn Féin.

It is a momentous occasion that Deputy Ó Murchú can sit in the same chair for longer than three minutes. It is impressive. I have never seen it happen before.

Archbishop Desmond Tutu said after his visit to Palestine that he was deeply distressed by what he witnessed. The main pillars that upheld apartheid South Africa are being replicated today in Israel, especially in the West Bank, the demarcation of the population into racial groups, the forcing of the different designated groups to reside in different geographic areas, the restriction of movement between those areas and the repressive security matrix, which includes detention, torture, censorship, banning and extrajudicial assassinations. However, one South African journalist wrote: "We never experienced, even in the worst days of apartheid, helicopter gunships and fighter jets flying over, or tanks patrolling".

Israel is committing a textbook case of apartheid and genocide, yet people still remain divided on this issue. Are the lives of one population worth more than another? Israel continues to act contrary to international law. It is in effect rendering international law worthless and meaningless. It must be held accountable by the ICC, the EU and the international community. The Irish people clearly stand with Palestine and I urge all leaders and countries to follow suit. The actions we take today will be remembered through the annals of history. We must work together to impose sanctions and put economic and cultural pressure on the State of Israel. We must not be complicit as a modern-day genocide unfolds before our eyes. We must choose what side of history we want to be on. As Archbishop Tutu once said, "If you are neutral in situations of injustice, you have chosen the side of the oppressor."

Tomorrow will mark exactly two months since most of the world's attention became focused on Israel and Palestine, but the conflict has been going on for much longer than that. Today, we saw that the visa of the UN humanitarian co-ordinator was revoked simply because she made the following statement:

Nowhere is safe in Gaza and there is nowhere left to go. The conditions required to deliver aid to the people of Gaza do not exist. If possible, an even more hellish scenario is about to unfold, one in which humanitarian operations may not be able to respond.

We have been witnessing apartheid in Palestine for many years. We are now witnessing genocide in Gaza and I am concerned that the eyes of the world will begin to look away, that some kind of war fatigue will set in and governments and people will not be as strong in their condemnation. I am horrified to hear that visa was revoked for drawing attention to something that is obvious. There is nowhere safe to go in Gaza at this moment. We cannot allow any kind of fatigue to set in. We need to be as strong as possible because what the Netanyahu government wants is for people to turn away so that his government can force and continue to force Palestinians from north Gaza to south Gaza and continue to bomb then. We know what the intentions of the Israeli Government are. We have seen the genocide unfold. We need the Government and the Oireachtas to be strong and to see people internationally continue to come out in force.

People Before Profit has a five-minute slot. Will Deputy Boyd Barrett take it all?

If Deputy Barry does not arrive I will; if he does, I will share time.

How many thousand more Palestinians will be dead by the time the European Council meets next week? Some 16,000 have already died, 70% of whom were women and children. Children, including babies, accounted for 40%. How many more will be dead before the Taoiseach goes to the European Council next week? He told us that nothing can be done because other members of the European Union do not want to do anything about it.

If the Minister of State cares for the European Union, he should know that the moral credibility of the European Union is gone. It has been trashed. Everyone can see it. The European Union rushed to impose sanctions on Russia for an illegal invasion and murderous assault and stands by and either supports Israel in its actions, continues to arm it and trade with it or, at best, utters words of criticism but says there is nothing we can do while the slaughter continues. That is shameful.

Yes, the Irish Government is a bit better, although it took a while for it to drop the narrative of so-called Israeli self-defence. Even yesterday, the Taoiseach spoke about Israel's reaction being "disproportionate". We hear media and politicians describe Hamas's actions as barbaric and savage, but never hear them use those adjectives to describe what Israel is doing, although it has killed multiples of the numbers of people in Gaza - men, women and children - in recent weeks that Hamas did. They also continue to talk about Israel's so-called right to self-defence.

The whole thing hinges on this. Is the slaughter we are seeing in Gaza Israel's reaction to 7 October or is it an intensification of a brutal, murderous occupation that has continued for decades? You only have to ask the question to know the answer. It did not start on 7 October. It goes on in the West Bank all the time - the killing of Palestinians, illegal occupation, ethnic cleansing - and it has been going on for decades. There have been multiple reports condemning Israel for apartheid, war crimes and crimes against humanity and the world ignored them, gave Israel impunity and continued to arm and support it. This narrative of self-defence or overreaction by Israel is a lie and everyone knows it is a lie. This is a genocidal war in continuation of a policy of apartheid, dehumanisation and illegal occupation that Israel has been conducting for decades and which has intensified in recent years.

Look at the history of the struggle against South African apartheid. Who held out against the campaign to dismantle that regime? It was the United States, Britain and a number of other European countries. It was countries demanding sanctions that led to the fall of apartheid South Africa. I urge the Government to please act by doing the same.

We do not bring arsonists to a firefighting convention, unless it is COP28. How many fossil fuel lobbyists have access to these climate negotiations? The answer is 2,456. That is four times the number of oil and gas industry representatives who were at COP27, which itself was a record. How many fossil fuel lobbyists are attending in comparison with representatives of indigenous communities and communities who are on the front line of the climate battle? The answer is that there are seven for every one. Who is the president of COP28? It is Sultan Al-Jaber, the chair of the Abu Dhabi national oil company, which pumped 2.7 million barrels of oil in 2021 and plans to double that by 2027. The BBC reported that he plans to use the COP presidency to strike oil and gas deals with 15 nations. It is blindingly clear that the people who run the world, including the COP, are part of the problem, not part of the solution.

Revolutionary change will be needed if climate disaster is to be averted.

Regulations are being imposed on rural Ireland. Farmers and rural dwellers are becoming exasperated with the amount of regulation that is coming down from the EU. It is leaving a sour taste. The latest one is the ban on burning green waste. I am most certainly not a climate change denier, but we are being told by environmentalists that it is very good for the environment to leave growth on our ditches for three or four years before trimming and cutting it as that creates a greater carbon sink. However, making farmers mulch the green waste will mean ditches will be cut every year because that is the only way they will be able to manage the waste. Common sense is not prevailing. Trying to achieve emissions reduction and a greater carbon sink will be thwarted by the regulation being imposed from Brussels.

The restoration of land is the latest issue that is coming across the table at us. We had the National Parks and Wildlife Service in the agriculture committee in private session. It told us that land restoration would be voluntary and would not be imposed on any private landowner but when the witnesses were quizzed on that, we found that while it would be voluntary, those of us who do not comply would not get the single farm payment. They will not force us into it but they will break us financially.

Has there been any assessment done on the impact of rewetting on adjacent lands? Bord na Móna has rewetted some of its bogs and landowners in the vicinity find that their land is incapable of the same productivity it had before the rewetting. We are told to carry out environmental impact assessments in various areas. In my view, before any land is rewetted, an environmental impact assessment needs to be done on the impact the rewetting will have on people who are trying to farm in the locality. That is essential.

Some years ago, we designated a fair sceilp of land in this country. When those farms were designated farmers were promised there would be schemes to compensate them and make designation financially worthwhile for them. The schemes were in place for two or three years. A typical scheme in my county is the hen harrier scheme. For a couple of years, people got a reasonable payment under that scheme but the payment has now evaporated and people are left with their designated land. The capital value of that land is 20% of what it was before it was designated. The principal reason for that is that it cannot be afforested. By designating land with the stroke of a pen, Brussels took away 80% of its capital value and got away with it. The same thing is now being proposed in regard to the restoration of land. This will destroy the capital value of land. The landowners will get a scheme for a couple of years but in the long run the capital value of their land will be totally destroyed.

Afforestation has a huge part to play in our battle against climate change. It took us a year and a half to get a forestry strategy for the forestry industry finally approved by Brussels. That strategy will not work because the land we should be planting on is being barred from planting. We cannot plant now on peat land, designated land or unenclosed land. I was at a conference on climate change and agriculture in the Aviva Stadium a couple of weeks ago. The common theme among all the experts who spoke that day was that afforestation must increase if we are to achieve a reduction in emissions by 2030, yet here we have a strategy coming back from Brussels that will ensure we do not achieve our targets and afforestation will not happen. Some people like to tell us there will be more afforestation on arable land and better quality land but that is bunkum. It will not happen. The competition for land will ensure it will not happen. We must go back to the drawing board with Brussels on afforestation.

As Chair of the agriculture committee, I recently met my Finnish equivalent in Leinster House. Some 75% of Finland is planted and the vast majority of the country is under peat. I asked her how they cope with the forestry policy coming from Brussels. While her English was not super, the message she gave was very clear. The Finns do not impose the forestry strategy coming from Brussels on their forestry owners. They completely ignore it, whereas we will ensure it is brought in here. We will not meet our afforestation targets and thus we will have a far greater battle to meet our emissions targets. In the programme for Government we promised we would plant 8,000 ha per year but we will not plant 8,000 ha in the lifetime of this Government. That will be a sad indictment on us, one which will come back to haunt us in years to come.

On the nitrates derogation, we have gone from 250 kg N/ha to 220 kg N/ha. We are not going to go back over that and fight that battle again but we have two years to convince Brussels that we are entitled to a derogation. If one travels around mainland Europe one will see none of the green fields that we have in this country. The dykes in Holland and the countries in central Europe do not compare with the water courses in this country. Even with all the talk about our water quality, we still have the third best water quality in Europe. There has been huge investment in our dairy industry for many years. It is the driving economic force in rural Ireland. If we allow the Commission to dictate by reducing the limit towards 170 kg N/ha, we will cripple the dairy industry and rural Ireland.

I spoke in this House when we were trying to get planning permission for Tirlán to build the new plant in Waterford. It was intended to diversify our cheese products so that we would not be so dependent on the UK market post Brexit. The plant has been built and is ready to rock and roll but we will not have the milk to fill it. There is another new powder plant beside it and the stainless steel we put in place for the processing industry will be lying idle. The main thing that will happen is young people will walk away from the industry. The dairy industry, which saved this country in many times of financial stress, will be economically ruined.

As the Minister of State and the Taoiseach go to the European Council next week, I want them to make it very clear to those who profess to defend European values that they cannot be selective in their condemnation of war crimes. I want them to take a clear message to the European Council that the attitude of official Europe to the Palestinian people bears no resemblance or relation to the attitude of Europeans on the street who the Council claims to represent.

Depriving the Ukrainian people of food, water and energy and bombing hospitals, civilians, schools and children are war crimes and crimes against humanity but when it comes to those same crimes in Gaza, the EU's response has been very different. Entire Palestinian families have been wiped out and entire neighbourhoods and communities wiped from the face of the earth. Not only did President von der Leyen not condemn Israel but she also gave its grotesque actions Europe's "full support". Nowhere in Gaza is safe. Homes, hospitals and schools have been obliterated. Places of worship have been bombed and destroyed. Even refugee camps have been bombed. This systematic annihilation of the Palestinian people is happening before the eyes of the world, yet Europe's leaders dither in their condemnation of Israel's crimes.

There must be a full and unequivocal condemnation of Israel's actions arising from this Council meeting and I expect the Government to press the case for this. Peace must be the objective, and what is needed is a ceasefire that is permanent and lasting, as well as a lasting peace process thereafter. War rages in too many places around the world; in Gaza, Sudan and in Ukraine, to mention but a few. We must press for resolution to conflict wherever it occurs. That means oppressors and occupiers must cease their murderous actions and abide by international law.

Comments I made at the Oireachtas Joint Committee on Foreign Affairs yesterday in this regard have attracted some attention, and I want to address them here. The Ukrainian delegation yesterday was outstanding. The report of the Ukrainian ambassador on Russia’s war against them was comprehensive. I spoke with her during the committee meeting expressing my support for Ukraine.

I asked the ambassador. H.E. Larysa Gerasko, about her family in Ukraine and we discussed the abduction of Ukrainian children to Russia. I extended my solidarity to Ukraine and in particular noted how difficult this must be for older people. It is worth remembering some elderly people in Ukraine may have survived the Second World War and indeed the Ukrainian famine of 1932 and 1933 and now they are suffering this brutal Russian invasion and are facing into another savage winter of war.

Sinn Féin’s position on the war in Ukraine is clear. We support the territorial integrity of Ukraine and utterly condemn the Russian invasion of Ukraine. What I said at the committee yesterday was an attempt to set out that peace is the way forward, but I made that point in a hurried way that was somehow misinterpreted. To Ukrainian people who thought I was suggesting that they accept an unjust peace, that was certainly not the case and I apologise to Ukrainians if that is what they heard. It was not what I intended, nor indeed what I think.

As we approach Christmas, our hearts go out to all those who suffer the scourge of war, wherever they are, and it reminds us all, of the need to work for peace and to resolve conflict worldwide because "peace" is not a dirty word. We must continue that work at home, and we must bring that message to the world, especially around this time, coming towards Christmas.

I welcome the release of 100 Israeli hostages and hundreds of Palestinian prisoners, many of whom were women and teenagers detained without trial. I also support the Government's position in calling for an end to the Israeli practice of administrative detention. This is only adding further to the resentment of moderate Palestinians, and is further adding to a justification narrative of Israeli apartheid.

Like every other Irish person, my colleagues and I in the Regional Group were delighted to see the release of Emily Hand, who represents the continuing plight of the other hostages who have yet to be released. The hopes that the seven-day truce could be extended with further possible movements to an extensive ceasefire now appear dashed. My colleagues and I continue to support the position of the Government to work with our European partners in trying to apply pressure for a sustainable humanitarian ceasefire. In addition, diplomatic efforts must be made to build pressure for intermediary-supported peace talks that put the two-state solution firmly back on the international agenda. The death toll visited by Hamas jihadists on the Israeli kibbutz and concert area was merciless, inhumane and horrific and can never be forgotten. However, the resulting collective punishment of the Palestinian people in an effort to destroy Hamas and its war machine is also inhumane and horrific. The end certainly does not justify the means.

For too long, the sands of the Middle East have soaked up the blood of innocents because of political and religious ideologies that choose to see people not of one tribe as having no right to exist in another. Ireland must do everything in its power to continue to influence and mobilise the international community, including the leaders of Middle Eastern neighbours, to persevere and apply pressure for an immediate path to peace. I welcome the additional EU humanitarian aid approved to the Palestinian people and Ireland's growing contribution to it. The suffering of little children must and should spur each one of us and every civilised nation to do more in order that it can to bring an end to the ongoing military campaign of the Israel Defense Forces and pressure for a political agreement to open new discussion a long-term two state solution to bring enduring peace.

We have a second war going on in Europe, in Ukraine. This war also has the potential to destabilise Europe in the future. Early optimism that this war would be short-lived has now completely evaporated and it appears both sides are entrenched and dug in. Ireland has stepped up to the mark completely with over 100,000 Ukrainians taking refuge here. The discussion at European level of continuing to provide assistance to Ukraine recognises the rights of a country to exist and remain sovereign within its borders. The aggressive actions of Russia on the pretext of national security risk or the risk of plantation exercises in western Ukraine can never be condoned and they must be resisted.

For those who believe Europe should reduce support to Ukraine in the hope that it would appease the Russian President, I suggest they would be well minded to review the history of Europe from 1938 to 1941. The Ukrainian people have a right to their democracy, which is the target of the Russian invasion. We in Ireland, who hold our own Republic and democracy dear, know that you have to confront invaders or else be ground into the dust. It is important that the European Union takes steps to solidify its cybersecurity and its communications and energy infrastructure and that it supports Ukraine to do the same. Russia is engaged in asymmetric warfare in Ukraine. Europe must continue to push back against the Russian aggression and continue to impose further sanctions as necessary, in order to see Russia and its leadership come to their senses regarding their policy to enslave a neighbouring population which has repeatedly utterly rejected their paternalistic overtures.

Regarding the EU strategic agenda, there appears to be discussions developing regarding a process of enlargement. Such discussions cannot completely ignore the direction of climate change, the migration of peoples and the ability of the Continent to continue to feed itself but at the same time protect the environment. I raise concerns about our agricultural community into the future and Ireland's ability to feed itself. I refer specifically to the European action on the computation of carbon emissions and greenhouse gases. The science on carbon emissions and sequestration is still only in its infancy. The methodology being used for carbon counting is establishing two tiers. Some apply to countries in Europe and some apply to Ireland. We are in the second tier which sees bovines as being a significant emitter of greenhouse gases. They do not take account of our mineral soils and the ability of soils to sequester greenhouse gases. We are in the middle of a climate emergency but we need to take on board new, cutting edge, scientific explanations. I ask that Government look at this seriously. There is evidence, including from Teagasc, that the soils on certain farms and farm practices cause specific and very individual reactions in terms of greenhouse gas sequestration. This morning, the Taoiseach spoke about the opportunities to sequester greenhouse gases and our ability to diversify and accelerate our renewable energy sector. Wind and solar power present the greatest opportunities to Ireland to become a European leader in the production of clean energy. We need to support vulnerable populations and the best way to do that is to bring our energy aspirations forcefully to the European agenda.

I am delighted to speak on these issues today. The Minister of State heard me state my belief the last time that we are not standing up for our people in Europe. We run over to Europe to these pre-Councils and post Councils. At the pre-Council it is, "Yes, sir. How many bags full? Three bags full, sir. That's okay, sir". Like nodding donkeys, that is what we are doing. We accept anything they pass over in the EU. We heard from Deputy Cahill earlier, about what is happening in other countries regarding farming and the ignoring of some of the crazy rules we have here. We come back with all the rules in the world and our geniuses in the Departments then add three or four statutory instruments onto them.

It is time the Irish people were represented properly. Why can we not act like the premiers in some countries, like Viktor Orbán, the Prime Minister of Hungary? He said the journey ahead is fraught with challenges, particularly in the financial realm. Prime Minister Orbán has vehemently expressed his opposition to providing additional funds to Ukraine and he seeks unanimous approval from the 27 EU members for this decision. That is no small feat. Fair dues to him. We are blindly supporting Ukraine and now we have a horrific, horrible war in Gaza and Lebanon. The attack by Hamas was despicable but the response from Israel is worse. It is shocking.

The Tánaiste, Deputy Martin, wants to change our neutrality and get rid of the triple lock. He held his little roadshow and he got his answer and will get his answer. We should be using our voices as an independent people, as a proud neutral country, always helping but not involved in wars and not sending money for helmets, coats, training and the removal of land mines. We might as well be there, shooting with guns. Let us keep our noses out of it. As a neutral country, we will get more respect and the people of those countries will respect us.

We have the same issue with migration. We heard the contribution from Poland yesterday on the so-called COP-ed out summit over there, with hundreds of NGO hangers-on and planeloads of people from every country. There is no talk about carbon emissions and the carbon footprint of that roadshow, with thousands of NGOs, or hangers-on as I like to call them, because that is what many of them are. They are costing a fortune but they are running in front of the Government, telling it what to do, what to legislate, which people to neglect, who to let into our country and who to keep out. They have too much power. The NGOs are costing this country €6 billion a year. They are making policy, writing policy and dictating policy. The sooner they are disbanded - at least half of them - the better.

To get back to the other countries like Poland and Hungary, how come they can close their borders, take a certain number of people, have restrictions and not have a free-for-all like we have here? How come they are talking about the cost of the Ukraine war and they have now forced a situation where there has to be unanimity of the 27 countries to give more funding to Ukraine? We have to call a halt somewhere. We are now huge net contributors to the EU budget. As I said, it is imperative that we try to get value for money.

There is the issue of the blackguarding that our farmers are getting, as well as emissions rates being lowered without taking account of the sequestration that farmers in this country are already doing because we have no capability to do it. We then have the EPA, a legal eagle junta - a quango. It is quasi-legal but it is going around, demonising farmers and ignoring the county councils with regard to septic tanks, industry and, especially, Irish Water. We are polluting our rivers so it is easy to blame the farmers, and everyone blames the farmers and says they are not clean. That is a scandal. It is time the EPA was brought to book. It is a State organisation. It should be honest and transparent. In my own place, it was to come to inspect a river but it will not. It is phoney and irresponsible. It published a map recently which showed there are no polluting plants in Tipperary. I could bring the EPA to 90 septic tanks in south Tipperary. It is getting paid and it is responsible. I am demanding to meet the EPA. I am demanding that it be held to account and that it be fair and not demonise farmers and rural people. Those people have invested hugely in trying to mitigate against pollution and other issues. No farmer wants to cause pollution but the State is doing it here and a State organisation is wrongly blaming the farmers and country people. That is totally wrong.

It is time that we settled ourselves in Europe as a neutral country that represents our people, not “Yes, sir. Right, sir. Two bags full, sir. Maybe three bags for Christmas.” Nodding donkeys would do better than the Government. It should stand up and represent our people. Our MEPs are the same to allow this. They are going around with their roadshows for the elections, telling us what they did. They did nothing for us over there in the last five years with regard to the blackguarding we are getting about emissions and everything else. We are the best boys in the class. The bata should be taken out to give a few little slaps to an lámh. Then the lads might wake up and they would not be saying “Yes, sir. Right, sir. Three bags full, sir.”

The incessant bombardment of civilians in Gaza continues, yet the Taoiseach tells us that he cannot go out on a limb and he has to wait for a European decision - a Europe that has lost its moral compass. The slaughter of the Palestinian people continues with the full collusion and active support of the US and Britain.

This week, we all received a letter from Doctors Without Borders. It tells us the situation in Gaza is deteriorating even further. Intensive aerial and ground attacks by Israeli forces are continuing at a relentless pace. Some 16,250 people have died in two months. Women and children make up 70% of the death toll, yet the Taoiseach tells us that he will not or cannot go out on a limb. That is exactly what he needs to do. He needs to lead, and he needs to lead in our name. Seventy per cent of the 16,250 people slaughtered are women and children.

Doctors Without Borders states:

Medical staff, including our own, are utterly exhausted and in despair. They have had to amputate limbs from children suffering from severe burns without anaesthesia or sterilised surgical tools. Due to forcible evacuations by Israeli soldiers, some doctors have had to leave patients behind after facing the unimaginable choice between their lives or those of their patients.

Doctors without Borders tell us that Israel is continuing its offensive with the political cover provided by many countries, and this needs to stop, but the Taoiseach tells us that he cannot go out on a limb.

The UN emergency relief co-ordinator, Martin Griffiths, said yesterday that nowhere is safe in Gaza, not hospitals, not shelters, not refugee camps, and no one is safe, not children, not health workers, not humanitarians, while we are looking forward to Christmas in this country. Such blatant disregard for basic humanity must stop. Mr. Griffiths continued by stating “This is an apocalyptic situation now, because these are the remnants of a [proud] nation being driven into a pocket in the south.”

Yesterday, the World Food Programme said: “The resumption of hostilities in Gaza will only intensify the catastrophic hunger crisis that already threatens to overwhelm the civilian population.” Yet we stand idly by.

Some 1.7 million people have been internally displaced. As of 5 December, 63 journalists and media workers have been killed, 130 UNRWA staff have been killed, 11 journalists were reported injured, three reported missing and 19 reported arrested. I could go on with those statistics but I think the point has been made. We just need to look at our screens.

We look at what the Taoiseach is saying and the condemnation of the attack on 7 October, which I joined without hesitation. However, that is not when the history of what is happening in Gaza started. That was not ground zero. That was the culmination of a whole history where Gaza or Palestine has been subjected to a siege for at least 17 years and it was utterly reliant on up to 500 trucks per day coming in. In parallel with that, we have the attacks on people in the West Bank. Some 249 Palestinians, including 65 children, have been killed in the West Bank, including East Jerusalem, since 7 October, and still we stand idly by. Already, 2023 is the deadliest year for Palestinians in the West Bank since casualties began to be counted in 2005.

What can we do? We can use our voice to call for an immediate, permanent and sustainable ceasefire. Europe is backing war, not peace, and we are waiting for it to come to its senses. The "disproportionate" response by Israel does not capture the slaughter that it is carrying out in Gaza – “disproportionate” does not come anywhere near it. The Government could recognise what it promised in the programme for Government, which was to recognise the state of Palestine. Of course, the two Bills that are languishing somewhere, namely, the occupied territories Bill and the Illegal Israeli Settlements Divestment Bill, could be enacted and put into law.

I am almost finished but, with regard to Shannon, the least we could do is stop the warplanes going through Shannon or, at the very least, inspect them.

I thank the Deputies for their statements in the House this afternoon. I will focus my remarks on enlargement, security and defence, and migration.

On the situation in the Middle East, Ireland has consistently been clear that the protection of civilians must be paramount. It is an obligation under international humanitarian law. There must be accountability for civilian deaths. We are very disappointed that the truce between Israel and Palestine has been ended. The seven-day truce was seen to work, with the release of hostages and the flow of much-needed aid into Gaza. The efforts of the US, Qatar and Egypt in securing the truce agreement should be commended. Their work highlights the value of effective diplomacy. Ireland reiterates its call for the establishment of a durable humanitarian ceasefire. Gaza's civilian population cannot be allowed to suffer any further. They urgently need fuel, food, water and medical supplies on a sustained basis and at scale. Humanitarian access to all parts of Gaza must be facilitated. All hostages held by Hamas and other groups in Gaza should be immediately and unconditionally released. We are also deeply concerned about the rising tensions, violence and deaths in the West Bank. We have seen a sharp rise in settler violence and the displacement of Palestinian communities. This is unacceptable and must end.

On 8 November, the European Commission published its annual enlargement package, which serves as a necessary and valuable assessment of the current state of play in the EU enlargement process. The report shows that Montenegro, Serbia and North Macedonia continue to be the candidate countries best prepared for EU membership but that progress over the last 12 months was greatest in Moldova, Ukraine and Albania. We welcome the Commission's recommendations to open accession negotiations with Ukraine and Moldova, to grant candidate standing to Georgia on the understanding that additional steps are to be taken and to open accession negotiations with Bosnia and Herzegovina once the necessary degree of compliance with the membership criteria is achieved. As these decisions will have to be taken by leaders at the December meeting of the European Council, I cannot prejudge the final outcomes. However, we will engage in the period ahead to secure forward-looking Council conclusions that maintain the current momentum on enlargement policy while also ensuring a merit-based accession process.

The enlargement package also included a proposal for a new growth plan for the western Balkans. This envisages a €6 billion investment to bring the western Balkans closer to the EU, advance accession-related reforms and boost the regional economy by opening aspects of the EU Single Market to those states. We have expressed our support for the growth plan on the strict condition that rewards must be closely linked to substantial and irreversible reforms. The magnitude of potential benefits offered by the new growth plan should not be underestimated. As such, we encourage our western Balkan partners to accelerate reforms accordingly to fully seize this transformative opportunity.

As a strong supporter of enlargement, we recognise that we need to begin reflecting seriously and without delay on what internal changes may be necessary to accommodate an enlarged Union. Our priority is to ensure the discussion is focused on how to facilitate and accelerate enlargement rather than a means to distract from it. Just as we expect candidate countries to prepare for the rigours of EU membership, we also need to ensure we are prepared to welcome new members. Those two processes should run in parallel and must be mutually supporting.

Leaders will return to a discussion on security and defence which last featured on the June agenda of the European Council. Discussions will consider the need for the EU to take more responsibility for its own security and defence needs and will propose that leaders take stock of work in this area and discuss the next steps in a range of areas. These areas including facilitating joint procurement and support for Ukraine, replenishing member states' stocks and accelerating work on the European defence industrial strategy and the European defence investment programme. Leaders will also discuss ways to speed up work on the strategic compass ahead of the annual review in March 2024 and ways to enhance access to public and private finance for the defence sector, including finance from the European Investment Bank. There are also likely to be discussions on efforts to counter cyber and hybrid threats. All of this work will continue to be in line with Ireland's traditional policy of military neutrality and our specific position on security and defence matters.

The European Council will return to the matter of migration, which has become a regular point for discussion. Leaders will review the current position on external actions, returns, readmissions and the protection of borders. This will also include the development of mutually beneficial partnerships with third countries. The situation continues to be very difficult for member states with many seeing increased numbers of migrants arriving at a time when we are also continuing to host a large number fleeing from the war in Ukraine. Work is continuing on the pact for migration and asylum and it is anticipated that agreement may be reached on all elements during the current legislative term.

I again thank Members for their active participation in this debate. The Taoiseach will report to the House following next week's European Council meeting on Thursday and Friday.

Cuireadh an Dáil ar fionraí ar 3.36 p.m. agus cuireadh tús leis arís ar 4.37 p.m.
Sitting suspended at 3.36 p.m. and resumed at 4.37 p.m.
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