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Dáil Éireann díospóireacht -
Friday, 29 Jun 1984

Vol. 352 No. 6

European Council Meeting: Statements.

I propose to make a statement on the European Council which I attended with Deputy Peter Barry, Minister for Foreign Affairs, at Fontainebleau on 25 and 26 June 1984.

The meeting discussed East-West relations; the recent Western Economic Summit in London; budgetary problems in the Community including the British problem and the provision of new own resources; the progress made in launching new Community policies; social policy; problems related to the dismantlement of positive MCAs in Germany; ways of making the Community more closely relevant to the European citizen, including environmental and health issues; and questions relating to the functioning of the institutions in the perspective of progress towards European Union.

The conclusion of most immediate significance was the agreement on the issues which had remained outstanding from the programme agreed at Stuttgart last summer. The most intractable of these was, of course, the problem arising from British dissatisfaction as to the balance between member states arising from the financing and disbursement of the Community budget. As Deputies are aware, this problem has been a distraction affecting the development and the vitality of the Community for many years past. While temporary settlements were patched up at various times, the problem returned again and again to overshadow everything else. In recent times, as Community expenditure was set to outrun the own resources available within the 1 per cent VAT limit, and with the maintenance by the UK of a linkage between satisfaction on its problem and agreement to raise the VAT limit, the prospect of bankruptcy for the Community was becoming very real.

At two successive meetings of the European Council, in Athens last December and in Brussels last March, it had not been possible to reach agreement on the issue. As a result, the conditional agreement of last March to raise the VAT limit remained blocked, at a time when it was estimated that the resources available to the Community this year would fall far short of the amount required to meet the payments to be made, by an amount at present estimated by the Commission at 2,300 million European Currency Units. In the absence of agreement, the Community would have run out of money by about October next, with the most serious consequences for Community policies, many of them of vital interest to Ireland. The task of the Irish Presidency in these conditions would have been daunting.

The agreement reached at Fontainebleau was a noteworthy success for the French Presidency, and a tribute to the sense of balance of the other member states. It has opened the way to an increase in own resources, thus providing the means for the enlargement and relaunch of the Community. By ending what the British Prime Minister herself described as a wearying and debilitating wrangle, it has created an atmosphere and spirit in which a relaunch becomes possible.

Under the agreed arrangement, the United Kingdom will be paid a lump sum of 1,000 MECUs for 1984 and for 1985 and some years thereafter, so long as the Community VAT limit is maintained at 1.4 per cent, will be paid 66 per cent of the gap between its share of VAT payments and its share of Community expenditure. This formula is part of the decision to increase the VAT ceiling of the Community to 1.4 per cent, which will come into effect on 1 January, 1986. The rate may be further increased to 1.6 per cent on 1 January, 1988 by unanimous decision of the Council and after agreement has been given in accordance with national procedures.

I am happy to say that the agreement reached does not strike at fundamental Community principles. It does not constitute juste retour. It does not incorporate features which would undermine the system of own resources. Indeed, in its definition of the basis for the correction it gives clear recognition to the fact that custom duties and agricultural levies are the property of the Community. I will not pretend that the agreement fully corresponds to Community financial orthodoxy but it is a pragmatic arrangement which has resolved a long-standing problem without doing violence to the foundations of the Community.

The decision on new own resources would not, in itself, meet the shortfall in resources foreseen in regard to the 1984 budget. It was therefore a matter of considerable importance for the Irish Presidency of the Council that on our proposal it was agreed and is recorded in the Presidency conclusions that, pending the ratification by national parliaments of the increase in own resources, steps will be taken at the next Budget Council meeting to cover the needs of the 1984 budget to ensure that the Community operates normally. The Irish Presidency will act along these lines.

The raising of the limit on own resources at Fontainebleau also paved the way for confirmation that the negotiations for the accession of Spain and Portugal should be completed by 30 September at the latest, as agreed in Brussels in March. I might comment here that this is a very tight deadline, having regard to the progress to date with the negotiations on some dossiers of major importance to both sides and the progress remaining to be made. The Irish Presidency is, of course, prepared to take all necessary steps to meet the timetable but will require the full co-operation of the Commission, of our partners in the Council and of the applicant countries, on whose part there has been some emphasis of late that pressure to meet deadlines should not prevent both sides working to obtain the best possible agreement, representing an equitable balance between the two sides. The European Council noted that between now and 30 September, the Community will have to make every effort to create the right conditions for the success of this enlargement — in the negotiations with Spain on fisheries which it is made clear must provide for conservation of fish stocks; in the reform of the common organisation of the wine market in such a way as to ensure that the quantities of wine produced in the Community are controlled; and by means of a fair balance between agricultural and industrial agreements.

The second major agreement reached in the Council enables VAT relief for German agriculture to be increased from 3 per cent to 5 per cent with effect from 1 July 1984 to 31 December 1988. This decision arises, in part, from difficulties which had been experienced in the dismantling of the monetary compensatory amounts, in so far as German farmers were concerned. The costs will be borne on the German national budget — and in the sense that they are a national aid they are contrary to the spirit of the CAP. However, in contrast to the 3 per cent VAT refund agreed at Brussels the arrangements are now limited to the period of just over four years, which is an important safeguard.

What I have said so far might perhaps give the impression that this meeting was completely taken up with discussion of the budgetary or agricultural problems of individual member states, as happened on recent occasions. In fact, most of the work on these matters was done in the back rooms. As a result, we were able, as envisaged by President Mitterand in planning the conduct of the meeting, to raise our eyes from these problems and to consider the larger issues: the Community's place in the world; how to make the Community a reality to its citizens in their daily lives and to promote its identity and its image both for its citizens and for the rest of the world; and how to step up progress towards European union. A number of concrete proposals to this end are summarised in the Presidency conclusions. Work will be pushed ahead on them during the Irish Presidency, following the establishment of an ad hoc committee, representative of the Heads of State or Government, to prepare and co-ordinate action on this front.

The Council also decided to set up an ad hoc committee on Institutional Affairs, consisting of personal representatives of the Heads of State and of Government, on the lines of the “Spaak Committee”, the function of which will be to make suggestions for the improvement of the operation of European co-operation in both the Community field and that of political or any other co-operation. It falls on me as President of the European Council from 1 July to take the necessary steps to implement that decision.

In a contribution to the work of the Council, on the first day, I drew attention to the menancing economic problems facing the Community. In the United States, total employment has increased in the ten years between 1973 and 1983 by more than 15 million. In the Community with a rough equivalence of population, employment fell in the same period by two million. I indicated our acceptance of the fact that, as had been suggested, there is need to improve flexibility in the labour market in Europe and to control excessive Government spending, especially where this imposes severe problems on taxpayers. But I added that we could not be happy with the failure to use the collective strength of the Communities and with their lack of joint action to improve economic growth. There is, in particular, the need for the Community to be ready to face the consequences of a possible halving of US growth rates next year, which, if we take no corrective European action, would eventually, if not in 1985, then in 1986, reduce the much lower growth rates so far achieved in Europe.

This must be a major theme in our Presidency. What is clear is that market forces, left to themselves, will not resolve the unemployment crisis. Additional measures may be needed, both to provide an economic stimulus and to alleviate unemployment, for example, as I suggested at the Council, by applying the Social Fund to the task of substituting work for unemployment, rather than just training people for work which in some cases may not be available.

As Deputies know the term of office of the present members of the European Commission expires at the end of this year. As the incoming President of the European Council, I was asked to consult with member states and to secure agreement on a new President of the Commission. I hope to do this over the weeks ahead. It may be recalled that there was agreement on the part of nine member states in the context of the Genscher-Colombo Solemn Declaration on European Union that before the President of the Commission is appointed, the Presidency in office would seek the opinion of the enlarged bureau of the Parliament.

Our discussion of world political problems focussed on the subject of East-West relations. President Mitterand gave us an account of his recent meetings with President Chernenko and other Soviet leaders in Moscow, during which he laid particular stress on the need for greater respect for individual rights in the Soviet Union, and instanced the situation of Mr. Andrei Sakharov as a case in point. The ten Heads of State and Government agreed that, in this period of uncertainty, when relations between the superpowers are more than usually tense, and important talks on the control and reduction of nuclear armaments are suspended, it is more than ever necessary to seek means to keep open all possible avenues of contact between East and West. The Ten will do all that is in their power to contribute to this end.

In the margins of the Council, I had a meeting with the British Prime Minister, Mrs. Thatcher, which was extremely useful and constructive. We discussed Anglo-Irish relations generally, following the publication of the Report of the New Ireland Forum, and we agreed to hold a bilateral meeting later in the year.

In London on 27 June, on my way back from the Council, I had meetings with Mr. Neil Kinnock, the Leader of the Labour Party in the UK; Dr. David Owen, Leader of the Social Democratic Party and two of his colleagues, Mrs. Shirley Williams and Mr. Robert McLennan; and with Mr. David Steel, Leader of the Liberal Party. I also availed of the opportunity of having very full and informative discussions on the situation in Central America with Mr. Monge, President of Costa Rica, who was in London at the same time. He was accompanied by his Minister for Foreign Affairs, Minister for Planning and Economic Policy and Minister for Communications. This meeting provided an opportunity for a valuable exchange of information and views which was helpful to our understanding of the situation in Central America, and to the preparations for the September meeting in Costa Rica between the Community and its applicant states, Spain and Portugal, on the one hand, and the five Central American Governments on the other.

I should add that I expressed at the conclusion of the European Council meeting — and would like to reiterate here — our warm appreciation of the work of the French Presidency. During his period as President of the European Council, President Mitterand went to great lengths to use his great personal ability in furthering the interests of the Community. He took office at a difficult time at the beginning of 1984 and has spared neither himself nor his Ministers in obtaining important and relevant decisions both in Community matters and in European political co-operation. He and his Ministers were exceptionally helpful to us earlier this year in relation to our special problem about the milk super-levy.

Many Community problems remain to be tackled, in particular, the difficult social and economic situation in the Community, the completion of negotiations in the new Lomé Convention, which are, however, far advanced, and enlargement to include Spain and Portugal. And we have to establish and lead towards a successful outcome of the working groups on problems relating to the creation of what has been called a Europe of the citizens and the high level group on institutional affairs.

In the Irish Presidency, we shall take inspiration from the effort and success of the French Presidency and will do our duty with enthusiasm and with diligence.

Once again we have the spectacle of the Taoiseach having to give us a report on a European Council which is far from optimistic and, indeed, largely negative in most of its aspects. If we look for a moment at the background in Europe against which the European Council took place and in relation to which this report is framed, the picture is a very depressing one. Europe has a very sluggish economy with no evidence of recovery and mass unemployment. Europe as a whole is falling behind in the world of high technology and modern industry. The economic well-being of the Community seems to be entirely dominated by a factor outside its control, namely, US interest rates. There is a general feeling that Europe may be entering into a period of long-term decline and we can only hope that this is not so. Certainly just now there is no indication that Europe is developing anything in the nature of the spirit it needs to get itself out if its present difficulties and resume its leading place in the world in economic and many other areas. Most people are very depressed about the situation of Europe in the technological field. Leadership in this area has certainly passed to other parts of the world and Europe does not seem to be able to make the concentrated effort necessary to catch up, never mind resume any position of leadership. It is symptomatic of the whole situation that the one achievement of this Council — I suppose we have to recognise it as an achievement, for what it is worth — was the settlement of the budgetary difficulties. It is symptomatic that we hail this as an achievement because, looked at objectively and calmly, it is something which should have been dealt with at Ministerial Council level and the fact that it took the full ritual of a European Council with all the heads of Governments assembled in a splendid setting to resolve that relatively minor technical problem is indicative of the situation in which the Community finds itself today. The fact that it has been solved is a cause of relief all round and enables some progress to be made, but there is no indication from this Council that there is going to be a major revival in our economic planning as a Community.

Even the new mechanism for Community financing is hardly satisfactory. It is very much a temporary expedient. While we have to be grateful for such temporary expedient, let us recognise that it is very limited and has inherent dangers. The Community will now increase the VAT resources to 1.4 per cent and later to 1.6 per cent and these changes have to be approved by the national parliaments. The worry is that it will not be long before these increases turn out to be inadequate. Certainly if there is not an improvement in the overall level of economic activity and output it will not be too long before the Community will be back in the same position where the resources are inadequate to meet even basic purposes, never mind any possibility of major new developments. It is a pity that when the problem was being tackled a broader view was not taken and that, when we have to go through all the agony of getting the national parliaments to approve the change, it is not sufficient to carry us long into the future without having to go through these procedures all over again.

The major failure of the Community as a whole, its institutions and this Council is the political inability to face up to the major challenge of our time, that is, mass unemployment. The Taoiseach in his statement indicated the very stark reality that whereas in the United States employment has increased, in the Community it has fallen by two million. We in Ireland have to see unemployment as the major social and economic problem confronting us. The same is true of the Community, but because of its vast accumulated reserves the Community can cushion itself against mass unemployment more satisfactorily than we can. Nevertheless it is a situation which must be faced up to.

I have often indicated in this House that at any Council meeting I ever attended I sought to gain acceptance for the fact — which I would regard as a self-evident one — that this problem is of such magnitude that it has to be tackled and can only be tackled on a Community basis. In fact if each individual member state of the Community is left to deal with the problem of mass unemployment by itself then, far from solving the problem, the likelihood is that the different policies being pursued in the different countries will be counter-productive. I am glad that the Taoiseach, in my view, finally has come around to what I have always regarded as the only way forward, namely, that the problem of unemployment in the Community must be seen as a Community problem, tackled on a Community basis, with all the resources of the Community combined in an effort to make some progress in regard to it.

There are many other aspects of the European Community at present about which one would like to talk in some detail but, unfortunately, our time is limited. I will just try and mention points which seem to me to be of more importance than others at this point. The Taoiseach mentioned the question of the Presidency of the Commission. That is a very important matter and it is fortuitous that Ireland will have the Presidency of the Council of Ministers in the run-up to the appointment of a new President of the Commission. I would hope that the Taoiseach and the Government here will address this matter as something of fundamental importance. Quite frankly, I must confess to disappointment at the performance of the present President of the Commission. I supported his appointment when it fell to me to have responsibility of taking a view on the matter. I did so because he was a representative of a small country and it was hoped that he would have particular regard to the interests of the smaller members of the Community. It is my view that that did not happen. On this occasion I hope that the Taoiseach and the Government here will direct their attention to ensuring that we have appointed a President who will be very consicous of the special needs and requirements of the smaller members of the Community and particularly a country like ours which does not have the resources at its disposal the larger countries have.

I am not going to advise the Taoiseach in regard to individuals but I would hope that, when it comes to the question of appointing the Irish Commissioner, some of the names being thrown into the hat at present will be very definitely rejected by the Taoiseach and the Government because I do not think it would be of help to our position in the Community, or enhance our reputation or status out there, if we were to put forward some persons who have been clearly rejected by the electorate here on a number of occasions. It is no part of my brief to go into the individual merits of prospective candidates for the position of Irish Commissioner. But I do hope that the Taoiseach will adopt a very mature approach to this appointment and endeavour to ensure that the Irish Commissioner, and indeed the President, will be people who will be in a position to advance the overall interests of the Community and, of course, ensure that in so far as Ireland is concerned our interests are looked after in the Community to the best of his or her ability, at the same time maintaining always that very definite Communautaire attitude which we, more than any other member of the Community, have always displayed in that area.

The Taoiseach mentioned political co-operation and developments in regard to the improvement of political co-operation. There is no need for me to reiterate——

Deputy Haughey has five minutes remaining.

——our worries in that regard, the need for us, as a small country, to be vigilant about the mood there is in Europe at present to turn the Community into something more or other than an economic and social Community. With our increased membership of the European Parliament I hope we will be effective in defending Ireland's special position in the Community. I believe that we can be a valuable and important member of the Community in its relations with the outside world because of our particular position and especially our policy of military neutrality. I would hope that, in the developments the Taoiseach mentions, that particular aspect of political co-operation will be very carefully watched.

It is very encouraging to know that the Community sets the date of 30 September next for the achievement of the enlargement of the Community. I hope it will not be another date, timescale, which the Community imposes on itself and which subsequently cannot be met. It seems to me to be a very limited period of time in which to achieve what has to be achieved in that regard but I hope it can be achieved. It is very encouraging indeed that the Council has awarded such urgency to the question of enlargement. Hopefully, before too long, we will be able to welcome Spain and Portugal into membership of the Community.

In the few moments remaining to me I should like to say that there have been increasing doubts about the efficiency of the institutions of the Community, their effectiveness, indeed the very ability of the Community to tackle its fundamental problems. Now we in Ireland are assuming the Presidency of the Council of Ministers. I hope, during the period of that Presidency, we will be able to make a significant contribution towards improving the mechanisms of the Community, the effectiveness of its institutions and its general approach to its economic problems, particularly that of mass unemployment.

I wish the Taoiseach and all the other Ministers who will be involved well in their efforts during our Presidency, and all the many officials on whom a great responsibility will fall during the next six months. It is a difficult, ardous, complex business to run the Presidency of the Community. I hope that all will go well during the course of our Presidency and that we will be able to make a significant contribution to the Community's affairs. As far as we on this side of the House are concerned we will do what we can to assist and support the Government and the entire official apparatus in ensuring that we have a successful Presidency and that when our Presidency ends at the end of this year we will be able to say that Ireland once again, motivated by the highest Community ideals, has made a significant and important contribution to the wellbeing of the people of Europe and to the future development of the EEC.

I want to endorse Deputy Haughey's final remarks in regard to the wish of everybody to ensure that our Presidency of the EEC will get the fullest support and be of the best benefit to the country and to the Community, and we will do what we can to achieve that. Therefore, it is somewhat disappointing that the Taoiseach did not take the opportunity in his statement to give us some idea of his strategies, ideas or priorities for the Presidency. I would like to touch on two matters which also have been dealt with by Deputy Haughey.

It is interesting that President Mitterand in his list of things which need to be done mentions the need to make the Community a reality to its citizens and how to do that. The recent election showed that for the vast majority it is not a reality to the citizens. Here in Ireland it is not a reality to the urban workers and consumers, as they showed during the election by not having an interest in it, not voting and even on the doorsteps in some cases believing genuinely that it was not for them, that it was set up for farmers only. Therefore, it is not relevant to urban workers here and I am quite sure the same applies all over the Community. It is important to put one's finger on that and to deal with it. When one considers that the unemployment figure in the Community is nearly 14 million and, easier to understand in Irish terms, 230,000 here, and the main discussion in the EEC throughout all of last year was in regard to dairy farmers only, a minority of the total farming community, while job losses were increasing and factories closing down, how could workers see any relevance to themselves in the EEC? Therefore, in order to make it relevant one must discuss the question of jobs and something in the area of a common jobs policy, and give priority to unemployment and job creation in Europe and to expansion and development.

It is interesting that the Taoiseach has made the point in his speech that market forces left to themselves will not resolve the unemployment crisis. That is a very fundamental statement by our Taoiseach——

Scarcely a new one.

——and one would hope that he would ensure that that also was true in Ireland as well as in Europe and that market forces will not be allowed to be left to themselves while public expenditure etc., are cut in order to leave market forces to sort themselves out. Therefore, to make the Community relevant to its citizens — which the Taoiseach did not say was one of his priorities but listed it as one of the outgoing priorities of the Fench Presidency and I hope he means that he is taking it to heart as one of his priorities — the jobs policy must be the major issue so that citizens will see that the EEC has a relevance to them.

The Taoiseach made no reference to the second issue that I want to address myself to. He referred to East-West tensions and in this period of uncertainty when relations between super-powers are unusually tense with talks suspended etc., it is more than ever necessary to keep open all possible avenues and contacts between East and West. One would have hoped that he would also have given some indication of his priority in this regard and how Ireland as a neutral country could play a special part during its Presidency of the EEC in order to do this. He does not seem to have grasped that. He must now take steps to halt the EEC drift towards involvement in military and security matters. Over the past year and a half a number of events have occurred which indicate this drift. Over a year ago a report was adopted advocating closer co-operation between the EEC and NATO on defence and other security matters. There was some token opposition to this from a few Irish MEPs but there was no party or Government united opposition to it. In November last the Parliament adopted a resolution supporting the installation of Cruise and Pershing missiles in Western Europe. Not alone was this not opposed, it was supported by some members I think of both Fianna Fáil and the Coalition when it came up. Then on 11 April of this year the Parliament adopted a resolution urging the EEC countries to adopt a common security policy and effectively suggesting military involvement with NATO or some other Western European defence system. Finally, speeches were made at the closing session of the Parliament on 24 May by both President Mitterand and Gaston Thorn suggesting closer military and security co-operation among EEC members. These all in the past year and a half have indicated a very strong drift towards EEC involvement in military alliance, as Deputy Haughey said, in matters of greater content than economic and social policy etc. with which they have been involved over a long number of years, and that there is a certain momentum towards involvement in security matters. Therefore it would seem appropriate and one would hope that it would be a priority for the Irish Presidency of the EEC to steer the Community away from such developments and also to indicate that in its job of keeping open all possible avenues of contact between East and West Ireland in its Presidency could play a special role through its neutrality. One would hope that that would be one of the main roles that the Taoiseach would play. A recent opinion poll showed clearly how the Irish people feel on this matter. Over 80 per cent supported our neutrality. During the recent election Deputy Haughey obviously took this very seriously and made two major speeches on neutrality. He indicated towards the end of his speech that he would — and one would hope that he will — have a tighter control over his MEPs in Europe this time than he had in the last period in order to ensure that they vote in accordance with the terms of the policy and the speeches outlined by him. The Taoiseach should also take note of that poll and should use it in Europe to indicate the true, genuine nature of our neutrality and to indicate also to the other European countries the benefit that can be to them in reducing East-West tensions and doing generally what the Community was set up for.

Adenauer and Schuman got together with two aims in mind. One was to ensure that never again would Europe be embroiled in disastrous world wars. That was their prime purpose, and the other was to ensure that the former enemies could get together and co-operate in providing work for all. We have reached the stage in 1984 when Europe is not only on the verge of being embroiled in a world conflict but is in danger of being wiped out by a nuclear holocaust. In addition unemployment in Europe is at its highest level in 50 years. While the Community worked for a good number of years, it is not working now in the sense for which it was designed.

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