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Dáil Éireann díospóireacht -
Thursday, 29 Jun 1995

Vol. 455 No. 3

European Summit: Statements.

I was accompanied at the European Council in Cannes by the Tánaiste and Minister for Foreign Affairs, Deputy Spring, the Minister for Finance, Deputy Quinn, and the Minister of State for European Affairs, Deputy Gay Mitchell.

The European Council in Cannes achieved its immediate objectives. First, the Council cleared the way for the establishment of Europol which will enable European police forces to cooperate using modern technology in the fight against increasingly sophisticated crime, especially the drugs trade.

Second, the Council cleared a substantial aid programme for the Third World, Central and Eastern Europe and the Mediterranean region. Before Cannes this had been blocked by disputes about share-outs.

Third, following the priority which I attached to the drugs issue at the dinner in Paris for Heads of State of Government earlier this month, the Cannes Council commissioned an expert study on the drugs issue to be presented to the December Madrid Council.

Finally, the summit confirmed that there will be annual reports to the European Council on the employment performance of each member state and of the Union as a whole with the first report to be submitted to the Madrid Council next December. This is very welcome because it will create a political and institutional focus on the jobs issue at the highest level every year and will help to ensure that all community policies serve the overall objective of job creation.

This European Council was the first Council of the enlarged Union including for the first time the Heads of State and Governments of Austria, Sweden and Finland. The 15 were joined on 27 June for a working lunch and a subsequent plenary session by the leaders of the states of Central and Eastern Europe, the Baltic states, Cyprus and Malta. As the Council conclusions state, copies of which I have arranged to have placed in the library, the presence of the leaders of these countries provides confirmation that they are destined one day to join the Union.

The Council considered the major strategic issues facing the Union at present, notably employment, economic and monetary union, the 1996 Intergovernmental Conference and the future enlargement of the Union and also other issues of prime concern to the citizens of Europe especially drugs and general co-operation on the prevention of crime.

Widespread concern was expressed at the Council that, despite recent benign economic conditions, the level of unemployment in Europe remains unacceptably high. The Council and the Commission have set out what needs to be done to tackle the problem of unemployment and this message was reinforced at Cannes. Accordingly, stress was laid on the implementation by member states of stability-oriented monetary and budgetary policies which will deliver a climate conducive to investment and employment growth. On this basis the Council approved the broad guidelines of the economic policies of the member states and of the Community and emphasised that the current economic upturn must be used to step up sustained efforts to put public finances in order. Compliance with these guidelines is also necessary to substantially reduce unemployment.

It is, however, recognised that proactive structural policies are also called for to deal with the scourge of unemployment. The Cannes Council, therefore, underlined the necessity for follow-up on the guidelines for action on structural reform set out in the conclusions of the Essen Council. It was agreed that a comprehensive report on member state performance in these areas would be submitted to the Madrid Council next December.

The onus on implementing the prescriptions on employment agreed at Union level rests with individual member states rather than the Union itself. Ireland has a good record on this score. The Government's commitment to stable macroeconomic policies and sound management of the public finances is delivering the necessary climate for employment growth. We are also making advances on the specific guidelines set out at Essen. For example, stress is laid in these guidelines on reducing non-wage labour costs. Consistent with this objective the 1995 budget increased the earnings threshold for the lower PRSI rate from £9,000 to £12,000. This measure, with the 1995 budget improvements in income tax primarily directed at the lower paid, form part of the Government's tax reform policy aimed at rewarding work and promoting enterprise. Clearly our policies are working as employment is expected to expand by approximately 31,000 this year.

Deputies may also wish to note the emphasis placed in the Cannes conclusions on the development of local employment initiatives. The Commission paper on this subject referred to the Irish experience in this regard. The Government is convinced of the importance of local initiatives in generating employment, and has given recognition to this by conferring special responsibility for local development on the Minister of State, Deputy Gay Mitchell. I outlined our success in this area to my European Council colleagues and indicated that we intend to convene a special conference on local employment initiatives during our Presidency next year.

The Council also noted the vital role played by small and medium sized enterprises in the creation of employment and asked the Commission to submit a report to it on the policies currently being conducted in this field and on ways of improving their effectiveness in aid of small and medium sized enterprises.

I wish to refer to economic and monetary union. The Cannes conclusions reiterate firmly the Union's resolve to prepare for the changeover to the single currency by 1 January 1999 at the latest in strict accordance with the convergence criteria, timetable and procedures laid down in the Treaty. In essence, the preparations for the final stage of European Monetary Union were given significant momentum in Cannes. The central importance of convergence for the European Monetary Union project and for sustainable progress in growth and employment was emphasised by all the participants. The European Council endorsed the work already done under the aegis of the Finance Ministers and mandated them to report to the Madrid Council on the various issues, technical and otherwise, so that the European Council can decide at Madrid on the scenario for introducing the single currency. The message from Cannes is clear: the single currency is on track for introduction by 1 January 1999 at the latest. I reiterate that the Government intends that Ireland will be among those countries which qualify for inclusion in the single currency bloc whenever it commences.

The Council also focused on the important issue of the relationship between those member states in the single currency zone and those member states in the single market but not in the single currency zone. Clearly this scenario contains the potential for distortion in the operation of the single market. It is an issue which requires further study. The European Council, therefore, directed that a special examination of it should be undertaken by the Commission, which is required to report on its conclusions in the autumn so that they can be considered at Madrid.

I am glad to be able to report to the House that agreement was reached on the convention establishing Europol. I have to admit that this agreement was exceptionally difficult to achieve and was only arrived at by deferring until June 1996 a decision on the role of the European Court of Justice under the convention. Nonetheless, the agreement on Europol is a significant step in institutionalising co-operation between member states in internal security matters.

The convention provides for the setting up of a European police office to be called Europol. The objectives of this office will be to combat drug trafficking, nuclear or radioactive material smuggling, illegal immigrant smuggling and motor vehicle-related crime. The tasks of Europol will be to facilitate the exchange of information between member states: to obtain, collate and analyse information and intelligence about crime; to pass information rapidly to national units or police forces and to maintain a computerised information system.

What is important now is that the convention be adopted by all member states as a matter of urgency so that Europol is operational as soon as possible to enhance the fight against crime, especially drug trafficking. It is important for all member states to put this convention through their parliaments. I accept the view expressed by some member states that there are difficulties about the lack of dispute settlement mechanism and disagreements about whether it should be run by the European Court of Justice or some other body. It is very important to recognise that most of the work of Europol will be done without any dispute or disagreement. It should be let proceed with the work which can be done without dispute or disagreement and the issue of the disputes mechanism can be solved in a year's time. We cannot afford another year of lack of adequate co-operation between police forces just because of what are essentially ideological arguments about the appropriate disputes mechanism. I make that appeal in particular to those member states and parliaments within which there may be arguments about this issue. These arguments should be put in their proper context relative to the wider importance of dealing on a European-wide basis with crime which is a threat to society. The threat of crime is of similar magnitude to the threat which led to the creation of the European Union in the first place, namely the threat from behind the Iron Curtain, and it requires a similar degree of commitment and sacrifice on the part of member states. I hope the arguments about the dispute mechanism which is a relatively minor issue in comparison to the overall concern are not allowed to delay the implementation of the convention by all member states.

On the specific issue of drugs, the Council urged on member states the practical implementation of a strategy involving the reduction of supply, combating of trafficking and better international co-operation. It was also decided to establish an expert group to report to the Madrid Council with proposals on how to implement this strategy. I am particularly pleased about this as it was one of the issues I raised in Paris. I am glad action was taken so quickly to establish this expert group.

I accept that more than generalised aspirations are needed in regard to drugs and while the establishment of Europol is clearly a significant advance, concrete action must be taken and we must ensure that the expert group comes up with solutions in this regard for Madrid. Deputies will be conscious of the priority which the Government attaches to dealing with the drugs issue at domestic and European levels. We are determined to put forward realistic and tenable proposals in regard to combating drug trafficking in Europe. An inter-departmental group chaired by the Department of Justice has been established for this purpose and will advise the Irish representative of the new EU expert group in relation to specific Irish proposals in this area.

The European Council confirmed the mandate of the reflection group which has the general task of preparing the way for the work of the Intergovernmental Conference. As Deputies are aware, Ireland is represented on this group by the Minister of State with responsibility for European Affairs, Deputy Gay Mitchell. The Council went on to emphasise the importance of focusing on the needs and expectations of its citizens, with particular reference to the following: analysis of the principles, objectives and instruments of the Union in the context of challenges facing Europe; strengthening of the common foreign and security policy so that it can cope with new international challenges; provision of a better response to modern demands as regards internal security and the fields of justice and home affairs more generally; making the institutions more efficient, democratic and open so that they are able to adjust to the demands of an enlarged Union; increasing public support for the process of European integration by meeting the need for a form of democracy which is closer to the citizens of Europe who are concerned with employment and environment questions; and putting the principle of subsidiarity into practice more effectively.

Some of these priorities accord very closely with views enunciated by me, the Tánaiste and the Minister of State with responsibility for European Affairs in relation to the work of Intergovernmental Conference. In particular I have at every opportunity stressed the need for the Intergovernmental Conference to respond to the real needs of European citizens and to address the issues of transparency and democracy in the institutions. I have commissioned a study by the Politics Department of Trinity College Dublin on the issue of the democratic accountability of the European Union in the context of the preparation of the Irish position on these issues for the Intergovernmental Conference.

It would be useful if I outlined the general approach which Ireland will take to the negotiations on the Intergovernmental Conference, bearing in mind that we will, of course, have to react to the agenda as it emerges and to the priorities of other member states. Ireland's general approach to the Intergovernmental Conference negotiations will be to equip the European Union institutionally and otherwise to meet the challenges of the 21st century, including further enlargement, and in the process to ensure that our vital national interests are fully protected. I would make the following specific points in this regard. The balance between large and small member states and between the institutions of the Union in the Community under the present Treaty provisions has served both Ireland and the Union well and should not be significantly altered. Ireland will oppose proposals which suggest that the smaller member states should forego their Commissioner or should share Commissioner posts on a rotating basis. A single speed approach to further European integration should be maintained as far as possible; there may however continue to be instances, such as with Economic and Monetary Union, which would permit a differentiated approach in terms of timing, to a common objective. In general we are opposed to the concept of allowing options. The question of the democratic legitimacy of the Union will have to be addressed at the Intergovernmental Conference in a way that would not adversely affect the positions of small states or dilute the power of the Commission. The outcome of any negotiations that would involve Ireland's participation in a common defence policy will be put to the people in a referendum. This will ensure that Ireland's policy of military neutrality remains unchanged, unless the people decide otherwise.

One thing is clear — and this was recognised at the Cannes Council — there must be no repetition of the experience of the Maastricht Treaty. The citizens of Europe must be kept informed of the deliberations of the Intergovernmental Conference and the outcome must be crystal clear, intelligible and above all relevant to the ordinary citizen.

A key task of the Intergovernmental Conference will be to prepare the way for future enlargement of the Union. As I indicated earlier, the Heads of State and Governments of those countries who have Association Agreements with the Union and who aspire to eventual membership of the Union were in attendance at Cannes. Our exchange of views with the leaders of these countries enabled us to review the strategy of preparing them for accession. In specific terms the Council approved the Commission White Paper on integrating these countries into the internal market. The White Paper outlines the admistrative, legislative, and legal environment necessary for the effective and efficient adoption and implementation of internal market legislation. As such it should prove to be of valuable assistance to the associated countries in adapting their legal and other frameworks to what is necessary to allow them to participate in the single market. Of course advice on the changes necessary for participation in the single market is not sufficient for these countries. A significant element of financial assistance must also be provided. At Cannes the European Council reached agreement on the appropriations for financial co-operation with the countries of Central and Eastern Europe and the Mediterranean countries for the period 1995-99. This amounts to some 11.4 billion ECU in aid broken down as 6.7 billion for the Central and Eastern European Countries and 4.7 billion for the Mediterranean region. The Union has not therefore shirked its responsibilities towards these countries especially the newly established democracies of Central and Eastern Europe. The preparation of the associated countries for accession will be kept under review at subsequent European Councils.

Enlargement of the Union to the east and to the south is a scenario which poses both challenges and opportunities for Ireland. The Government will carefully study the implications of accession by these states for all sectors of the Irish economy. The debate to date has concentrated on the fear that Ireland's monetary benefits will be diluted as a result of the next enlargement. Ireland receives 18 per cent of its public expenditure and 7 per cent of its national income directly from European Union sources. However, let us not lose sight of the trading opportunities which will be afforded by enlargement through the opening up of large and relatively untapped markets. All sectors of our economy should be preparing now to avail of this opportunity.

I mentioned funding for the Mediterranean region. The provision of such aid underlined the importance the European Council attaches to relations with the states in this region. The Council looked forward to the forthcoming Mediterranean Conference in Barcelona in November to lay the foundation for a Euro-Mediterranean partnership. Peace and stability in this area is a vital strategic interest of the European Union.

I should mention at this juncture that the Council also adopted the amount and financing arrangements for the Eighth European Development Fund. As a result the conditions have been met, to conclude the revision of the Lomé Convention with the developing countries of Africa, the Caribbean and the Pacific (the ACP countries). The effect of this agreement will be to increase the Irish contribution over the next five years to the Eighth European Development Fund by 20 million ECU. This is an increase of significant proportions and is a measure of the importance we attach to the Lomé Convention. We are doing this in the context of the Government's commitment to make steady progress towards achieving the UN target of 0.7 per cent of GNP devoted to overseas development aid.

The Council also discussed a number of important external issues, notably former Yugoslavia and Russia. We adopted a declaration on former Yugoslavia and resolved to establish a substantive relationship with Russia commencing with a decision to authorise the Commission to sign the Interim Agreement with Russia against the background of the improved situation and the negotiations on humanitarian aid in Chechnya. The importance of relations with the US was also underlined. The Tánaiste will elaborate on those matters in his statement.

A generally optimistic scenario was painted by its immediate neighbours at the extended meeting we had on the evolving situation in Russia both from political and economic points of view. It was more optimistic than general comment in the West would seem to indicate.

The Cannes European Council considered the basic questions of jobs and crime, especially drugs related crime which confront the Union and its citizens and how these might be tackled. It also laid solid foundations for a new stage in the process of European integration, including revision of the Union Treaty, completion of economic and monetary union and the achievement of a further major enlargement. Our task is to build on this foundation, bearing in mind that we must retain the support of public opinion. Europe has been a success but it has not been a commensurate success in the public view. That needs to be addressed.

I will give a few personal impressions arising from my first attendance at a European Council. I was struck by the large measures of common philosophy and shared purpose among all the participants. The major and detailed preparatory work undertaken by the Presidency and the Commission was very evident and contributed to the smooth operation of the Summit. President Chirac of France showed himself to be a dedicated and determined chairman with a fine ability to facilitate appropriate compromise between the divergent views and an equal ability to impose his will whenever that was necessary. I found it a little disappointing that some issues of minute detail were left to be settled at this level although I accept that the European Council is the highest decision making forum in the Union and the exercise of its function may from time to time involve dealing with such minutiae.

On employment and economic issues, we had to consider seven or eight individual lengthy papers on different employment and economic topics. Our discussion would have been assisted by a more synthesized approach in the papers and a more targeted focus on the decisions being sought from the Council. We might, thus, have used our time more appropriately rather than having interminable tours de table which became longer and longer the more countries were involved. When 11 of the 15 have spoken the remaining four feel obliged to speak as well even though they may have nothing to say. This approach is tiring. There is a need to look at this issue and it is one of the matters we hope to address at a more informal meeting later this year, in the first half of the Spanish Presidency. We may be able to look at how the Council does its business and how it can be prepared for more precisely, so that decision points are more easily identifiable and questions of detail, if possible, are settled elsewhere. I realise that is not always possible.

I thank the Taoiseach for his statement. It is unfortunate that the deliberations of the Cannes European Council were overshadowed, in immediate terms, by the leadership election facing the British Prime Minister, Mr. John Major. Most of the programmes on the various networks were on that issue.

Nevertheless, I am glad the most urgent business connected with the Council meeting from Ireland's viewpoint — resolving the impasse in the peace process — was the subject of serious discussion by the Taoiseach and the Prime Minister. However, everything remains in political limbo until the leadership issue is resolved.

While we must guard against interference in another country's political affairs and be willing to work with whoever is the British Prime Minister, I support the warm remarks made by the Taoiseach at Cannes about Mr. Major. They were similar to remarks I made following the Prime Minister's statement last week that he would face a contest. I was equally struck by the ostentatious political indifference expressed by the Tánaiste to someone who has been a hugely important partner in the progress made in the peace process to date.

There is a difference between saying the peace process must be capable of surviving changes of Government and saying it makes no difference who is in charge in Dublin, London or Washington, which is manifestly absurd. It was the combination of Deputy Reynolds, Mr. Major and President Clinton, as well as the Northern nationalist leaders, Mr. John Hume and Mr. Gerry Adams, which made peace happen in the first place. I am glad Northern Ireland is not so far an issue in the leadership campaign and that the approach of Mr. Major has been endorsed by the candidate standing against him.

Northern Ireland is not the only subject in whose outcome we have a legitimate interest. Whether Britain has a new Prime Minister committed to keeping that country out of a single currency or disposed to withdraw from Europe, or one who is open to participation in the future development of the EU, is hugely important to Ireland and there is no point in pretending to be neutral about that issue.

I can understand why the Prime Minister was keen to present an upbeat message, reflected in yesterday's British and Irish newspapers, that progress is being made in the peace process. He was asked whether it was still the position that decommissioning must commence before the political process can progress. I quote in full what he stated:

The reality is that the political process will have to involve all the political parties, that is the objective. The objective that I wish to see, and the Taoiseach wishes to see, is all the political parties sitting down together — that is the way in which we are going to make a progress which will be sustained. And so we need to make sure all the political parties will come in, and so that is the key reason why we have to be clear about how we are going to progress here and why I said there needs to be some form of substantial gesture. So we are not trying to box anybody in. We are trying to find a practical way forward that would be acceptable to all the parties and that will enable the political parties to get together — that is the objective that we have in mind.

The Taoiseach would have been pleased with the Prime Minister's remarks following their talks at Cannes.

Yes, I was.

We were equally disappointed about the cold water poured on rising hopes by the Secretary of State for Northern Ireland. The approach of the British Prime Minister is manifestly at variance with the line taken by Sir Patrick Mayhew yesterday——

Not necessarily.

——when he raised the possibility of Sinn Féin being excluded from talks and represented by the SDLP. Unfortunately this is by no means the first time attempts have been made at various stages of the peace process to pull back from signals of readiness to move forward from the Prime Minister. What I found hopeful and refreshing about Mr. Major's statement was the recognition that Sinn Féin's presence at talks was necessary and that attempts to exclude them would be futile. That is the precise opposite of the position taken by Sir Patrick Mayhew. However, at Question Time yesterday the Taoiseach did not appear to fully subscribe to my interpretation.

If that is the case I am not particularly impressed by the decision to do further studies on decommissioning. I have no objection to them if they are used as a route to progress rather than a temporising device. A study was set in train last August at Chequers by the then Taoiseach, Deputy Reynolds and the British Prime Minister, between the Permanent Under-Secretary at the Northern Ireland Office, Sir John Chilcott, and the Secretary of the Department of Justice, Mr. Tim Dalton. The outcome of their work was, perhaps understandably, never made public and it seems further work was suspended early this year until now for reasons I still do not fully understand.

It was not suspended.

As the Taoiseach knows, I tried to find out yesterday who is continuing the work, what work was done and what progress has been made. I have tried that a number of times and perhaps in answer to a future question he will tell us what progress has been made since late January.

The first report was completed but we are now intensifying and widening its scope.

The Governments are still building on the work of the first report?

Yes, we are doing that across all areas.

Particularly the work on decommissioning?

Yes. All the work inherited from the previous Government has been taken on board and used to the full for the benefits it confers, which are considerable.

I welcome that. There has always been the danger in this process of putting the cart before the horse and the Unionists deserve some acknowledgement of their political success in highlighting the decommissioning arguments, making us almost lose sight of the joint framework document. The well known writer, Mr. Tim Pat Coogan, suggested recently that the emphasis on decommissioning is today's "orange card". The framework document should be continually to the fore and I ask the Taoiseach to do so in whatever way possible. My predecessor argued tirelessly for the joint declaration and the same attitude should be taken on the framework document, otherwise it will be side-tracked.

A solution to decommissioning will only be found in the framework of inclusive negotiations and as part of an overall agreement. Equally there must be a firm readiness and a declared commitment by all the organisations concerned to deal with it in that context. As I suggested earlier, it is legitimate and necessary to obtain from them a firm commitment to engage in arms decommissioning when the peace process is further advanced and to ensure that until then arms will be inaccessible and kept in cold storage.

With regard to prisoners, we now need decisions and not studies because it is clear what is necessary. The restriction imposed on remission in response to a particular security situation in the late 1980s must surely as a matter of logic be reversed after 10 months of complete cessation of violence. An early indication or declaration of the British Government's legislative intentions on this would go a long way towards defusing the situation. When the leadership contest is over I hope we have a Government in London which is capable of taking the necessary strategic decisions and moving the peace process forward. If there are any changes in personnel the principals should waste no time in coming to grips with the issues.

The Cannes European Council was preceded by meetings of the Christian Democrat and Socialist groups. The Germans put forward a paper proposing majority voting in the foreign policy area, a proposal designed to marginalise the influence of smaller countries in the arena where the Commission does not have a major role or a right of initiative. It is never clear what influence we can exercise over these gatherings and perhaps the Taoiseach will have a unique opportunity to do so in the future. All that seems to come from them are the views of the German Christian Democrats, many of which are hostile to Ireland's vital interests.

If the Taoiseach has not already done so. I suggest he seek an early bilateral meeting with Chancellor Kohl to iron out the difficulties being put forward or at least try to make the Chancellor and his party colleagues see the vital interests of small states; the Chancellor usually does personally but those who draw up the policy documents do not. At both Structural Funds meetings in 1989 and 1993, where I was honoured to negotiate for Ireland, he took a pro-Irish view. However, reading the documentation of his party one would not match it with the utterance of the man.

The German Finance Minister, Mr. Theo Waigel, not content with questioning Ireland's participation in European Monetary Union, believes the Cohesion Fund should not be renewed after 1999. It is suggested that this will be raised in the Intergovernmental Conference an what may happen there continually worries me. It should not be raised there but that is what Mr. Waigel is quoted as saying in the last few days.

It should not be raised there. It has nothing to do with the Intergovernmental Conference.

After 1999, the country will no longer be treated as one region, eligible for objective 1 status, with its 75 per cent threshold. Abolition of the Cohesion Fund, with its 90 per cent threshold, would be disastrous for us. The briefing on German intentions is contained in Le Monde of 25 and 26 June. On 27 June, the same newspaper commented that the members of the Socialist groups are too preoccupied with domestic problems “to have real debates on ideas with transparency.

I am glad the main focus of the European Council was economic and on employment. The French Government is determined both to resolve its deficit problem and to make a real and quantifiable impact on unemployment. President Chirac sought a renewed commitment at European level of the finance trans-European networks which, for this country, consists principally of the Belfast-Dublin-Cork axis.

A realistic approach is being adopted to Economic and Monetary Union by postponing it until 1999. The decisions have yet to be made on the place of national symbols on the new currency. I hope that Irish design motifs, as well as the Irish men and women of European stature, will be at least considered and figure on some of the European bank notes and coins. The European Monetary Institute will discuss that issue over the next month or two and I was privy to some of those meetings and documentation late last year. Of course, there is no shortage of European figures for these notes. However, we have always treasured our coinage and notes in this country and I would contend that Joyce is as European as Beethoven, according to arguments put forward in some newspapers.

Fianna Fáil in Government over the last number of years ensured that in respect of our inflation, borrowing and reduction of debt/GDP ratio, Ireland remained comfortably inside the Maastricht criteria. With growth so high, the Government should ensure that an adequate safety margin and room for manoeuvre is being created rather than increasing the deficit. I agree wholeheartedly with President Santer's warning to the European Council, which is applicable to Ireland, that "there is a serious risk that member states will relax their efforts for structural reform under the pretext that economic conditions are improving".

Clearly, a number one objective of all Irish Governments up to 1999 must be to sustain a credible policy option participation in European Monetary Union, even without Britain. We accept that the final decision can only be taken at the time in light of all of the circumstances. There could be a serious loss of investment confidence and jobs as well as a threat to marginalisation if we stayed out, which is the matter we must continue to review. If we went in without Britain we would have to guard against the loss of competitiveness. With centrally set interest rates, we would have to contend with exorbitant interest rates as we did in the last currency crisis. The problem would be confined to the value of the ECU, or whatever the common currency is called, against sterling, which is a European wide problem. However, European Monetary Union may continue to face the dilemma which already exists in relation to the social charter with some of the Mediterranean countries.

The Taoiseach was right, in our view, to join his partners in insisting that any study on the implications of a multi speed Europe in relation to the common currency should be conducted primarily by the Community institutions rather than by selected politicians and financial experts. The economic and financial implications of a substantial enlargement are potentially huge. Further enlargement should be phased in according to the state of readiness of different applicants. It is right that some assistance should be given now to help that preparation. We have all given political commitments which hold out the prospect of eventual membership to most of the other countries of central and eastern Europe. I have even had a letter — as I am sure the Taoiseach had — in recent days from international quarters seeking support for Bosnia's membership of the European Union.

The prospect of eventual membership of the EU is necessary to underpin democracy and the difficult political and economic transition which many of these countries have to make. The alternative could, in the long run, be more costly for all of us. However, it would be of no assistance to anybody if enlargement was to take place in a manner which would cause massive disruption, particularly in the existing less advanced economies of Western Europe; Structural, and Cohesion Funds assistance will continue to be needed.

The CAP reform carried out under Commissioner MacSharry, which the Minister, Deputy Yates, is now administering in Ireland, will need to be sustained if the countryside over large areas of Europe is not to become largely denuded of population. The Dáil should be kept informed of developments in this area which are often complex and difficult to grasp. I would like to hear the views of the Minister for Finance and the Minister for Agriculture, Food and Forestry particularly the latter, on how recent discussions have been advancing on these issues, particularly in relation to the compensation for currency fluctuations.

The establishment of Europol will clearly be important in assisting the international drive against drug trafficking, although supervision by the European Court of Justice has not yet been agreed. I appreciate the points which the Taoiseach made about the difficulty in reaching this stage and that there will be divergent views on such an issue. As we know, drugs are the main source of serious crime in this and many other countries. The Government should make the combating of the drugs problem a major priority of Ireland's Presidency next year. It is important for the credibility of that stand that Ireland should, as a matter of urgency, ratify most outstanding international conventions on drug trafficking to which we are a party.

However, we cannot rely on European action to solve our problem. We will need effective action at home. As the Taoiseach knows, the House debated this week this indefensible decision to defer the construction of prisons in both Castlerea and Dublin. I hope that he will redress this decision in time. He heard our arguments this week, which I do not need to repeat, and he has clearly made mistakes which should be redressed.

I am glad that other members of the European Council, both Heads of Government and Foreign Ministers, made clear their disapproval of the French decision to resume nuclear testing in the Pacific. Our party has also made our disapproval known to our French Gaullist allies in the European Parliament. The power of world opinion, as shown in the case of the Brent Spar oil rig, is never to be underestimated.

The European Union, like the UN, is right to maintain its determination to reduce, as far as possible, the level of violence in Bosnia and to maintain the pressure on the combatants. People are inclined to dismiss the UN operation as ineffective. However, what would have been the level of bloodshed and civil war if the outside world had simply looked on and not even made any attempt to preserve or maintain the peace? However, no outside military power, even those who are part of an alliance, wishes to become directly engaged in ethnic wars. This would still be true regardless of what European defence structures might be involved in.

I agree with President Chirac that the objective should be to lift the siege of Sarajevo and open a route to the city as well as revive the Bosnia peace plan. The least that can be demanded is that the peace-keeping mission should be respected and receive the necessary co-operation. If the firmer tone coming from the European Council can be sustained, it may bring peace in that troubled area a little closer.

I have always had an interest in finance matters, apart from holding the portfolio. I have raised with the Taoiseach at Question Time that a comprehensive study has still not been undertaken in this country into the consequences of European Monetary Union. There are workings by the director of the European Institute, Brian Farrell and its chairman, Brendan Halligan. However, the Government should carry out a study with other interested bodies such as IBEC, the Chamber of Commerce of Ireland, the Central Bank and others into the consequences for this country as we move closer to 1999.

There are no complete studies in the Central Bank of the Department of Finance. The studies by academics have been done without access to State and Central Bank data. We have to make the best judgment, as was made in 1979 when we broke the link with sterling which had existed since 1826 and joined the EMS. A huge volume of research must be done. There has never been a study of how the trade-weighted statistics of our industries would be affected if sterling stayed out of the European Monetary Union. In my view, European Monetary Union will not happen in 1999. There has been no work on how we can move into a position where we can return to a 2.25 per cent range since that scheme broke in 1993.

I urge the Taoiseach to, over the summer, call the financial experts to whom the Government has access in the Central Bank and the Department of Finance to examine the wisdom of carrying out such a study. After 1999 we will definitely not be an Objective 1 region —although a large proportion of the country, particularly the western seaboard and some other areas of heavy population, will still have that status— which will take huge resources out of this country. I accept that I worked on such study and talked about it but I did not do it. Regardless of what may be said through the official channels it would still be worthwhile conducting that study.

I accept that but a large part of the problem relates to the political imponderables.

I accept that but if the British Government — we do not know what administration will be in office— makes a decision three or six months on it will be too late to do anything about it. Unfortunately, our statistics are a number of years out of date. As a result it will not be possible to make a quick decision. I am not accusing the Central Statistics Office or anyone else but it would not cost much money to conduct such a study. This would stand to our credit.

I have been seeking to have a study conducted. I do not disagree with the Deputy but I point to the limitations in so far as many of the matters are unforseeable for political reasons.

Even if the findings were not published it would still be worthwhile conducting such a study.

While some people might say that it does not matter that we may find ourselves in a bad position in the year 2000 or 2001 it would be useful to conduct the study even if it is eventually thrown on the scrapheap.

I congratulate the Taoiseach on attending his first European Council meeting. I understand his frustration in relation to the tours de table. The Council was attended by the heads of state of the 15 member states as well as by the heads of state of a number of other countries which were invited to attend. This gave the Taoiseach an indication of what things would be like if there were 28 member states. I had the honour on behalf of this country to chair meetings of the European Investment Bank, the OECD and the EBRD at which 38 or 39 countries were represented.

It is a bit like a parliamentary party meeting.

It would be far worse because, as the Taoiseach is aware, everyone feels they must speak for 20 minutes. It would be impossible to conduct business. Unless the heads of state insist that only matters of vital importance are discussed progress will not be made. The Council's Conclusions in a great many areas are written in advance. I have no objection to this as much of the work is done in advance but the Council should focus on a small number of areas.

There is a danger that the larger countries will use the mechanisms of enlargement to frustrate the smaller countries and suggest that the constituency based IMF-World Bank approach should be adopted. That would be unsatisfactory from our point of view. They will purposely allow enlargement to take place and then suggest that the way to proceed is to adopt the IMF-World Bank model. I ask the Taoiseach to ensure that such a proposal is strongly opposed. The French and, in particular, the Germans favour such an approach.

I was interested in the Taoiseach's observation that everyone feels they have to speak. When I first attended a Council of Ministers meeting as Minister of State at the Department of the Environment, I was bewildered at the way decisions were made, invariably, in the early hours of the morning. Everyone felt they had to speak on every single issue. I thought that if the citizens of Europe could see how decisions were made in their name they would be disillusioned. It is just as well that meetings are held in private and not transparent.

Even if the European Union were never enlarged it needs to seriously consider the question of streamlining its decision-making process. Reference has been made to parliamentary party meetings. Even if a meeting is attended by only ten people it can still go on for hours as contributions can be longer. Just because the number is small does not mean necessarily that decisions can be made more quickly. There is a need for the Union to consider how it can streamline and improve the decision-making process.

The Taoiseach rightly said that although the European Union has been a success this is not the perception. The Union has been under severe strain. It has faced many difficulties from the initial rejection by the Danes of the Maastricht Treaty, the weak response of the French, the various crises in the ERM, the lack of enthusiasm for European Monetary Union, the failed response to the problems in the former Yugoslavia and the Gulf War to the high level of unemployment running to 17 million, equal to the total population of Holland, Belgium and Luxembourg.

It is clear that by the year 2000 it will be a different Union. Not only is it going to be enlarged but we will probably have European Monetary Union, a new budget, greater fiscal controls, different decision making and institutional arrangements.

To a large extent, the debate in this country tends to focus on two or three issues — the level of funding we receive, the defence issue and whether we will have a commissioner. These are not the fundamental questions as far as Ireland is concerned.

We need to consider the consequences for this country of enlargement of the Union. Many of the issues involved were at the heart of the debate on the internal market. Countries with a loosely regulated low cost base will become members. This will put enormous pressure on Irish business because of the high cost base of this economy. While a larger market will present opportunities for Irish business it will also present problems.

I would like the Government to set out in a Green or White Paper the opportunities and challenges as well as the consequences of enlargement for Ireland. It is clear from the dinner held on the eve of the Cannes Summit when the 15 heads of state were joined by the heads of state of the Baltic states, Malta, Cyprus and six central and eastern European countries that it is simply a question of when this will take place and not an issue of principle. It is in our own interests that we set out the implications for the economy.

The business perspective produced by IBEC, Ireland, the European Union and Economic Integration, is well written. It sets out some of the options so far as Irish business is concerned and calls on the Government to prepare a paper outlining the consequences of enlargement for Ireland. It strongly urges that enlargement should not take place before the year 2000.

Apart from the pressures that will be put on Irish business from the point of view of exports and trade, enlargement will also have implications so far as funding is concerned. This country has received £18.5 billion in net transfers since we joined the Union in 1973. This year we will receive approximately £1.85 billion. This is an enormous sum of money which is used to fund third level education, community employment and training, the price support mechanism for agricultural products and the development of infrastructure. It is not as great, however, as the sum we currently spend in meeting interest repayments on the national debt. As we will not receive the same level of resources after 1999, we need to prepare to cope with the consequences.

If we take the 12 original countries, average income in Ireland is 86 per cent of the European average, and 75 per cent is laid down as the figure that has to be met before a country can be given objective one status. The Taoiseach said that 7 per cent of our national wealth now comes in the form of transfers from the European Union. In future we will have to stand on our own feet. We must now begin to put in place the fiscal requirements to bring that about. In the meantime it is necessary to ensure we spend the remaining Structural Funds in an efficient and effective way to deal with the structural inadequacies in the economy and improve our infrastructure so that we can compete more effectively in an enlarged Community.

There is no doubt the greatest failure of the Community relates to unemployment — at 17 million people it is equivalent to the population of Holland, Belgium and Luxembourg. When one compares Europe's performance on employment with that of Japan, the Asian-Pacific countries or the United States, it has been abysmal. In its White Paper in 1993 the Community said that we would need to create 15 million jobs by the end of the decade to halve the rate of unemployment — that was the best that could be expected. The reason unemployment is so high is that the Community is a high cost Community with low growth and is over-regulated.

I agree with IBEC, who states that Europe must become more competitive vis-á-vis the other trading blocs and that competition must become a central plank of the Union, just as the social dimension and European Monetary Union have become central policy requirements. IBEC suggests the Irish Government should carry out a study on competition in this economy and its implications. The President of the Commission, Jacques Santer, set up an advisory group last February to examine how the Community could become more competitive, but I do not know whether that group reported. The European Union must become more competitive in the global economy if we are to create the employment opportunities in all members states that are required even to halve the present unacceptably high level of unemployment.

To a large extent the summit was overshadowed by the difficulties experienced by the British Prime Minister, a man of substance who has given enormous commitment to the Irish problem. Over the years we always experienced difficulty in trying to persuade British Prime Ministers to focus on Ireland and maintain a commitment to it. We saw what happened at Sunningdale and on many other occasions. The present Prime Minister has shown courage and commitment that is unprecedented and I wish him well. It is in the interests of people on this island that he succeeds and remains in office. Praising him is probably the worst thing we can do for him and therefore I am reluctant to say much more, but I would be genuinely concerned for the peace process if there is a change in leadership of the British Government at this time.

The bilateral meeting between the Taoiseach and the British Prime Minister on the margins of the summit was a significant and important one. Perhaps the most important statement the Taoiseach made in this regard yesterday was that both Governments have agreed on a joint strategy to resolve the issues outstanding — the stalemate as I called it last week — arms decommissioning and other issues. There must be movement on decommissioning and on the release of prisoners, which is important not only to the families of the prisoners but to the former parliamentary organisations. If the Governments link the two issues and there is a quid pro quo, with release of prisoners in return for decommissioning, that would be a sensible strategy. It would be naïve to expect any radical change in the prisoner issue if the weaponry and arsenal stay in the hands of the paramilitaries. The community at large would find that very difficult to accept.

I appeal to Sinn Féin in particular to use its influence to ensure some move is made and that there is a generous response to the decommissioning issue. Decommissioning is not a mere requirement of the British Government; as Seamus Mallon rightly said at the forum two weeks ago, the Irish people want to see a move on decommissioning because the weapons in the hands of the paramilitaries represent to the families of victims who died in the past 25 years the weapons that killed their loved ones. He said that Sinn Féin should consider it their duty to the Irish people, not to the British Government, to be generous and make a move on that issue. I strongly reiterate those words.

A successful outcome to all-party inclusive talks, which we all want, is not based simply on participation of all parties, with the famous round table at which everybody will sit. The talks will be successful only if there is trust, generosity and a spirit of compromise, if there is give and take. Everybody who wishes to be at the table must approach the talks in that frame of mind, just as the rest of us approach the Forum for Peace and Reconciliation in that spirit. I said recently that many of us initially found it difficult to attend the forum, to meet and work with those whose raison d'être and methods we had vigorously opposed, yet we know it is our duty to work with people whose methods we found totally objectionable. It gets easier as you get to know people. Trust is required and compromise must be the order of the day.

I spent three days in Northern Ireland in the last two and a half weeks. I met many ordinary people, particularly from the unionist tradition, and the message I got loud and clear is that they feel let down by their leaders and representatives. They want to be involved in the all-inclusive talks process and in thrashing out a settlement. There is a completely different attitude and climate from that I might have experienced 12 or 18 months ago. The Official Unionist Party in particular has a duty to give leadership. I urge unionist politicians to show courage and spell out the realities in terms of their party and their tradition. They must realise that an agreement cannot be reached on Northern Ireland and there cannot be a sustainable political settlement unless they participate in dialogue and discussion with other parties in Northern Ireland and with the Irish and British Governments.

Unionists have always said they wanted nationalist parties to accept what is called the consent principle, that there would be no change in the status of Northern Ireland unless the majority there wish it. Virtually every nationalist party, all parties in this House and every party on this island except Sinn Féin accept that principle. Unionists should consider that as reassurance. They have been told that no change will be made unless a referendum is held, and that too offers reassurance. Their sheer numbers and, as John Hume said, their geography gives them a strength that virtually nobody else has. They owe it to their fellow citizens in Northern Ireland and to the citizens on the rest of this island and in the United Kingdom to participate and stop saying no. I urge them to rethink their attitude to the Taoiseach's invitation to enter dialogue with other parties in Northern Ireland and approach that dialogue in a spirit of generosity, with compromise and moderation in mind.

I hope the all-inclusive talks process gets under way soon, but I do not think that will happen as we approach the marching season and it is probably unlikely to happen during the summer months. I hope the conditions to allow it to happen will be in place very soon because the stalemate is damaging. We need to maintain momentum. Violence and barbaric evil acts carried out in the name of this country were never justified, but we must give nobody an excuse to contemplate a return to violence. As we approach the first anniversary of the IRA and Loyalist ceasefires I hope the conditions will be in place to allow the all-inclusive talks to take place. Everybody was promised a speedy response in the event of a ceasefire. The ceasefire has been maintained and there is a duty on all participants, and those who wish to be participants, to be generous in the attitude they adopt.

Reference was made to European Monetary Union. This country must meet the criteria to participate in monetary union. If it proceeds in 1999 we will have to meet those criteria, including low inflation, low interest rates, a debt GDP ratio of 60 per cent or less and an Exchequer borrowing requirement of less than 3 per cent one year in advance. We must meet those criteria for their own sake, even if the European Monetary Union were not at stake, because it would be good for the economy, make us more competitive and assist job creation. Equally, I strongly believe we should not have a single strategy. We must not close off the option of not participating in European Monetary Union. People who express that view are sometimes accused of not wearing the Irish jersey and of maintaining a strong link with the United Kingdom. The reality is that despite the decrease in our dependency in trade terms from 50 per cent to 60 per cent the official figure of approximately 30 per cent — although our GDP figures are not accurate and it may be as high as 40 per cent — 60 per cent of jobs in vulnerable indigenous sectors of our economy are at stake. In this regard we only have to consider the consequences of the political difficulties in Britain, which have contributed to the value of the púnt increasing to £1.03 against sterling. We must consider the dilemma and difficulties that poses for Irish business and, therefore, we cannot have a single strategy. I note the Taoiseach in his contribution said that he reiterated that the Government intends that Ireland will be among those countries which qualify to be included in the single currency bloc whenever it commences. Qualifying to be included does not mean a country will be included, although if it will qualify, it will be included automatically. However, I am sure other countries will not coerce us to join. I do not believe it is realistic to join if Britain does not join. It is not only a question of the Tory Party not toeing the Euro line; it is sceptical and does not want to follow that line. That issue will have major consequences for this economy. I support what Deputy Ahern said about carrying out a study into the implications for this economy of Britain not joining the European Monetary Union.

That would have implications for Northern Ireland. As we move closer to creating a single market on this island, there is greater co-operation and we want to increase the level of trade between the two parts of Ireland. I understand Articles 26 and 28 of the Framework Document deal with Europe. They have not been widely discussed, but they raise the possibility of adopting a joint approach to European issues, taking joint action on monitoring policy formation and policy management. I welcome that approach as it makes a good deal of sense, but we will not be able to maintain any type of joint approach if one country, particularly the smaller more vulnerable one, is in the fast lane and the other is virtually outside or operating at a different speed. That would have implications for the creation of an all island economy which many of us want to see established. It would be unwise if we were to close off the option, either mentally or politically, of staying outside. Although I emphasise that we should meet the criteria, nevertheless we should keep the two options open until the time comes to make a decision.

The summit was aspirational, as are many such events, particularly in relation to unemployment. Each member state will submit an annual report, the first one at the Madrid Summit in December, outlining the measures being taken by member states to tackle the problem of unemployment. The fact that it is on the agenda of the heads of Government meeting is a good thing, but we need to address some fundamental questions. I am sure people are tired listening to proposals to lower taxes. The Colm McCarthy-Paul Tansey study undertaken for IBEC recently indicates that payroll costs are 20 per cent higher in the Republic than in Northern Ireland. That difference adds approximately £1 million to the annual payroll costs of companies like Packard Electric. Now that there is peace and Northern Ireland is much more attractive as a location for inward investment, we should not underestimate the difficulties that will pose for the Republic unless we become competitive vis-á-vis Northern Ireland.

The big issue, not only for Ireland but for the Community, is that of unemployment. One of the big failures of the Community and a challenge facing us as we approach the Intergovernmental Conference and the years ahead is the fact that many European citizens cannot participate in the economic and social development of their countries; they are marginalised and cast aside as human set-aside.

I do not know if it is normal practice to congratulate somebody on attending their first summit, but I congratulate the Taoiseach on this occasion. I was amused by his observations of how decisions are made. From my experience attending Council of Ministers meetings on the environment during 1989 and 1990 I was bewildered and wondered how decisions were ever made, given language barriers. One wonders how the Eurospeak has such implications down the road. The Community needs to examine and streamline the decision making mechanism. The debate on this issue must be concentrated less on important issues like defence and whether we do or do not have a Commissioner. The issues of enlargement, European Monetary Union, unemployment and competition are fundamentally important to a small country with our exposure to trade. We must put those issues at the top of the agenda and not be sidetracked by issues which may be important, but may not at the end of the day be vital.

As the Tánaiste will be responding to the debate, I am interested to know when the White Paper will be published, or what progress has been made in that regard. I know the Tánaiste has been engaged in widespread consultation around the country. Although I have not been involved in it, I have got favourable feedback about some of the consultative meetings that were held and I consider they have been useful. I look forward to the debate here and in the committees on the issues of concern in the White Paper.

On Deputy Harney's last point, we are trying to bring work on the White Paper to a conclusion. I am grateful for her remarks regarding the seminars. It was a worthwhile experience and we engaged academic, lay people and people interested in various NGOs and foreign policy issues around the country. It was an opportunity for them to have an input, and such an exercise was not carried out before. It was worthwhile and I appreciate the efforts made by those who participated in those seminars. I hope the White Paper will be ready for discussion before the House resumes in October. I can assure the Deputy that it will be my intention to have a full debate in the Joint Committee on Foreign Affairs, the Joint Committee on European Affairs and during a full session of this House on the implications, opportunities and the many hard questions in respect of which we need to make decisions in the coming years.

Like Deputy Harney, I agree we must ensure that we have all the homework done on the issues facing us like the European Monetary Union and others. It is important that we keep our economy on track to ensure that we meet the convergence criteria and consider the implications of the decisions that will be made by the United Kingdom. Whether we like it or not, we are inextricably linked to the UK by way of trade and other issues and we must take full cognisance of whatever decision it will make. It is a difficult one to forecast at this stage and we must await developments in British politics to ascertain the attitude that will prevail leading up to 1999.

I wish to refer to a remark made by the Leader of Fianna Fáil, Deputy Ahern. He accused me of being aloof in regard to Northern Ireland. I reject that and I have made clear at many fora my appreciation of and respect for the work done by the British Prime Minister, Mr. John Major, in the Northern Ireland peace process. That is my view and it is well known to those who know me. We must make a distinction about commenting or otherwise on the internal affairs of a party across the water. That is something I was careful not to do and I believe that was the correct approach to take.

The Cannes European Council discussed the major current international political issues, in particular the efforts of the European Union to promote a peaceful solution to the ongoing conflict in the former Yugoslavia and its support for the Middle East peace process. The Council expressed its concern about the deteriorating situation in Burundi and reviewed the development of its external relations in particular with the associated European countries, Russia and the Mediterranean countries. The Council considered, in this context, how best it might pursue the Union's objectives of contributing to international peace and stability and assisting the development and consolidation of democracy, human rights and fundamental freedoms. I availed of the meeting to raise the concerns of the Government about the recent decision of the French Government to resume nuclear testing.

The situation in former Yugoslavia continues to be a source of major preoccupation. The deliberations at the European Council focused mainly on Bosnia and the question of how to advance the peace process there. Since the expiry of the Cessation of Hostilities Agreement at the end of April, we have witnessed a general resumption of hostilities. Sarajevo has been denied water, electricity, food and medical aid. Bosnian Government offensives out of Sarajevo and other locations have brought reprisals against military targets and indiscriminate shelling of the civilian population. In the wake of the hostage crisis, the UN's heavy weapons exclusion zone around Sarajevo has collapsed. The situation in the eastern enclaves is also critical.

At this critical juncture, the comprehensive statement adopted by the European Council, of the principles and objectives that will guide the Union's policy in the conflict in the former Yugoslavia, is both timely and important. The Council reiterated its opposition to a settlement by force and called for the cessation of military operations. It fully supported the efforts of the UN to promote the peace process. In this context, the Union expressed its support for the strengthening of UNPROFOR through its new rapid reaction capacity which is currently being deployed. This will enable UNPROFOR to discharge its mandate more effectively.

The European Council sent a strong signal to all parties to the conflict to refrain from placing obstacles in the way of UNPROFOR's freedom of movement and that of the humanitarian aid organisations which, in perilous circumstances, are bringing aid to the civilian population to the extent possible. The European Union demanded that the siege of Sarejevo be lifted and that freedom of access be granted to that town and to the other designated safe areas.

The failure to renew the Cessation of Hostilities Agreement has brought death and deprivation to many Bosnians. It has called into question whether UNPROFOR could continue to operate in Bosnia and raised the spectre of the total war which would follow its withdrawal. Yet there have been successes in Bosnia. The European Council welcomed the progress being made in developing the rapprochement between Bosnia's Croat and Muslim communities, for example through the deepening of their co-operation within the Federation structures agreed last year.

The successes registered by the European Union's administration of Mostar were acknowledged by the European Council. That town's communities, deeply divided by an horrific conflict, are again living together and engaging in a common enterprise to build a better future. Notwithstanding the legacy of war, Mostar can act as a model for reconciliation in Bosnia and elsewhere in the former Yugoslavia.

Mr. Carl Bildt, former Swedish Prime Minister, who was recently appointed EU co-chairman of the International Conference on Former Yugoslavia, reported to the Council on his preliminary round of contacts in the region. Mr. Bildt was mandated to explore urgently with the parties concerned in Bosnia, ways of reopening dialogue on the basis of the contact group peace plan which was drawn up by the EU, the US and Russia. He was also asked to pursue efforts to secure mutual recognition of the states of the former Yugoslavia within their internationally recognised boundaries. Mutual recognition, particularly between Bosnia and Serbia, could give considerable impetus to the efforts to create the conditions for a peaceful settlement in Bosnia as it would convey a clear signal that ambitions for a "greater Serbia" were not supported by the authorities in Belgrade. I look forward to hearing from Mr. Bildt on the initial results of his efforts at the next meeting of the EU Foreign Ministers in July.

While the main focus of discussions was on Bosnia, I was pleased that the European Council also considered other important issues which must be resolved if the former Yugoslavia is to enjoy peace. I would mention two aspects in this regard.

First, against the background of the hostilities in Croatia in May, the Council sent a clear warning to Zagreb that it must not attempt to settle the situation in the largely Serb Krajina region by force. Mr. Bildt has been mandated to encourage Zagreb and the Croatian Serb leaders to reopen talks; to resume implementing the December 1994 Economic Agreement and to accept the plan for a political settlement in Croatia which has been prepared by the international conference.

Second, the European Council underlined a vitally important principle of general application: that no peaceful settlement will be complete unless the rights of all minority communities are safeguarded. The situations of the people of Kosovo, Sandjak and Vojvodina were uppermost in our thoughts in this regard.

I reported to my colleagues at Cannes on my impressions from my recent visit to the Middle East. My visit has confirmed me in the view that the peace process is at a crucial stage. I was convinced from my discussions with political leaders in the region that all parties are committed to moving forward. There are hopeful signs in the Syrian-Israeli track of the negotiations. Developments in this area of negotiations should have positive implications for the situation between Lebanon and Israel. Because of our participation in UNIFIL Ireland has a particular interest in any steps which will bring peace to this war-torn area.

The implementation of the Declaration of Principles agreed in 1993 between Israel and the Palestinians is a key element in efforts to secure a just, lasting and comprehensive peace in the Middle East. In this context agreement between the parties on the redeployment of Israeli troops in the West Bank and the holding of elections in 1995 is vital. From my visit to Gaza I am also convinced that for peace to become a reality the peace dividend must be translated into improved living standards. With more than 50 per cent unemployment and a population which is forecast to double within the next 15 years Gaza must be a priority for international aid efforts.

The European Council at Cannes made a firm statement of support for the peace process. The Union expressed its strong wish that the deadline of 1 July for agreement between Israel and the Palestinians on the redeployment of Israeli troops in the West Bank and the holding of Palestinian elections will be met. At Cannes the Union confirmed its willingness to send observers to the forthcoming elections and its willingness to co-ordinate the international election observer mission. The EU is also playing a major role in support of the peace process as the major international aid donor to the Palestinians. Through its chairmanship of the Regional Economic Development Working Group it is also at the forefront of efforts to further economic co-operation and development in the region as a whole.

The commitment of the EU to supporting the Middle East peace process will complement its efforts to build a new partnership with the countries of the Mediterranean. At Cannes the European Council reaffirmed the importance it attached to the Euromed Conference which will be held in Barcelona in November of this year.

The European Council issued a statement expressing serious concern at the deteriorating situation in Burundi, and its full support for the efforts of the Burundi authorities to achieve national reconciliation and to restore order. The European Council wants to see a conference on peace, security and stability in the Great Lakes region convened as soon as possible under the aegis of the United Nations and the Organisation of African Unity. This follows the declaration by the French Presidency on 23 June which condemned, inter alia, extremists, on all sides and called on the Burundi Government to draw up a clear programme of economic and social recovery. It also called on states in the region to support the stabilisation efforts made by the Burundi authorities and to take the measures required to prevent the arming and movement of extremists.

In discussion with the Heads of State or Governments of the associated European countries, the Members of the European Council reviewed the operation of the arrangements for political dialogue between the Union and the associated countries. This dialogue is an integral part of the strategy to prepare the associated countries for membership of the Union. The European Council considered that the conclusion last March of the Stability Pact in Europe will also help to bring the Union and the Central and Eastern European countries closer together and provide a framework for the development of co-operation and good neighbourly relations in Europe. The task of overseeing the agreements and arrangements entered in the Stability Pact has now been entrusted to the OSCE.

The European Council gave considerable attention to the question of how the Union's relations with Russia should best be developed. The central objective of EU policy in relation to Russia is to support the democratic and economic reform process there in the interests of all of the people of that country and of the general stability and prosperity of the whole European Continent. The Partnership and Co-operation Agreement with Russia, signed at the Corfu Summit last year is a key element in this approach. It provides for wideranging and mutually beneficial economic links and closer more structured dialogue on political issues. In the light of the disproportionate use of force by the Russian military in Chechnya earlier this year, EU Foreign Ministers identified four criteria on which they wished to see progress in order to facilitate signature of the Interim Agreement which is to give effect to the trade and commercial provisions of the Partnership and Co-operation Agreement, pending its ratification and entry into force. These criteria were a ceasefire; negotiations for a political solution; an effective role for the OSCE and the facilitation of humanitarian action in Chechnya.

Considerable progress has been made towards fulfilling these criteria. An OSCE assistance group was deployed in Grozny in April and is enjoying co-operation from the Russian authorities. Negotiations between the parties began last month and has been given impetus in recent days following the tragedy in Budennovsk. Humanitarian aid agencies are now enjoying greater access to areas affected by the fighting.

In the light of the progress made in implementing the four criteria and relying on confirmation of that progress, the European Council decided in favour of signature of the Interim Agreement.

The European Council also expressed its support for efforts to develop dislogue and a closer understanding with Russia on security matters and its intention to contribute actively to the work in the OSCE framework to prepare a security model for the 21st century. By virtue of its comprehensive concept of security and inclusive membership, the OSCE has a key role to play in the evolving European security architecture and the security model exercise provides an important opportunity to engage Russia in constructive dialogue on these issues.

Elsewhere, the foreign policy engagement of the Union is increasing rapidly in response to the growing demands of third countries for closer economic and political relations. Work is currently in progress on the development of new structures for regular dialogue and co-operation with a range of third countries and groupings of third countries in Asia, Latin America and Africa.

I availed of the meeting at Cannes to express the Government's profound concerns about the decision of the French Government to resume nuclear testing this year. I outlined the Government's opposition to nuclear testing and I asked that the French Government reconsider its decision in the interests of the environment, nuclear disarmament and of a comprehensive test ban treaty. We will continue our efforts to persuade the French Government to rescind its decision to proceed with these tests. The French decision and the recent Chinese test show the limitations of a purely unilateral approach and the need for a binding international agreement that will ban all tests, in all atmospheres for all time. Following discussion by Heads of Government, it was agreed that the European Council should reaffirm in its conclusions the objective of the signature of a comprehensive test ban treaty by the end of 1996 at the latest.

The opening day of the European Council coincided with the 50th anniversary of the signing of the United Nations Charter. The Council adopted a declaration to mark the occasion which pays tribute to the work of the UN over 50 years and reaffirms the Union's attachment to the purposes and principles of the UN Charter. The Union is by far the biggest contributor, both financially and in terms of peace-keeping troops, to the United Nations. The United Nations organisation is faced with a very severe financial crisis at present because of the failure of many member states to pay their assessed contributions. I, therefore, particularly welcome the emphasis in the Declaration on the need for all members states to pay their assessed contributions unconditionally, in full and on time.

Other aspects of the Declaration also reflect Irish concerns as I have presented them to the UN General Assembly last autumn. The need for a sustainable development policy centred on human beings and building on the achievements of the series of world conferences which the UN has organised in recent years is highlighted. Ireland attaches particular importance to the full implementation of the Vienna Declaration and Programme of Action in the field of human rights.

We hope that the gathering of Heads of State and Government in New York next October, which will mark the 50th anniversary, will provide an impetus to the process of UN reform. However, if the UN is to become a more effective organisation for international co-operation in the next century, all member states must pay their fair share of its costs. As we celebrate the 40th year of our UN membership this year, we can be proud of our record as a troop contributor to peace-keeping.

We took a number of important decisions on financing the Union's assistance programmes for the neighbouring regions in Central and Eastern Europe, the Mediterranean and our partners, the ACP countries. First, the agreement which was reached on the level of funding for the Union's aid programme in the ACP countries will enable our negotiators to return to the negotiating table tomorrow and to offer these countries a reasonable increase on current levels of aid.

The ACP countries are the poorest in the world. Africa, as we know, has suffered appallingly over the last decade. The Union must do all it can to break the spiral of deprivation. The Lomé Convention and its financial instrument, the European Development Fund is the main focus for the Union's activities in this area. In the past Ireland has played an important part in the development of the Lomé instruments. The first convention was negotiated during our first Presidency in 1975 and we continued to play our part in the negotiation of subsequent conventions. I know that our willingness to accept an increase of one third in our contribution under the current convention helped to create the atmosphere which enabled the Presidency to get agreement in Cannes.

Africa needs all the assistance we can give. There is a danger that Europe's attention will wane, it is through instruments such as the Lomé Convention that it is maintained and during our Presidency next year we will give priority to the Union's relations with Africa when we establish the Union's external agenda.

The second significant decision we took at Cannes was to agree on the level of funding of our assistance programmes in the Mediterranean region to the end of the decade. I have spoken earlier of my recent visit to the Middle East. The southern Mediterranean and the islands of Malta and Cyprus are of great importance to the Union as a whole. What happens on our southern flank is of immediate relevance to the Union. We are the largest donor to development in the region and will remain so. Our assistance and the trade liberalisation measures which we have adopted are helping to underpin the economic development of our Mediterranean neighbours. The need for peace and stability in the region cannot be underestimated, as I found during my visit last week.

Third, we have now fixed the budget for aid to the countries of Central and Eastern Europe for the rest of the decade. The changes in that region since 1989 have had a profound effect on the Union. We have established a close relationship with the countries of Central and Eastern Europe through the structured dialogue which involves regular meetings at ministerial level and, as happened on Tuesday, prime ministerial level. Our aid programmes and the important measure of trade liberalisation which has been established through the Europen agreements, play a vital part in preparing these countries for eventual full membership of the Union. The major challenge involved in preparing for membership was highlighted in the Commission's White Paper on the integration of the countries concerned to the internal market which the European Council noted.

There is a great deal to be done to give effect to the aims of Cannes. On employment and growth, while we reaffirmed the objective of economic and monetary union, we are still at the stage of commissioning reports from the Commission and of calling on the specialist councils to come up with ideas which can make a real impact on unemployment.

It is by its success in dealing with this problem that the Union will be judged. Significantly, the priorities listed for the preparations for the Intergovernmental Conference now specifically recognised that employment — and the environment — are the major concerns which the citizens of the Union will bring to the process.

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